Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part I. The 1970s -- 1. The 1970s: An Overview -- 2. Conversion Politics: From Countercultural Revolution to the Born-Again Presidency of Jimmy Carter -- 3. Feminist Challenges: Women and Gender Debates -- Part II. The 1980s -- 4. The 1980s: An Overview -- 5. Christian America: The Era of the New Christian Right and the Reagan Revolution -- 6. Biomedical Challenges: From Abortion to Genetic Engineering -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

"Those old eco-feminists knitted. But we were using a machine! That was a big difference indeed" (2020, personal interview with the author). That statement was made by musician and knitwear designer Gudrun Gut of the punk girl band Mania D./Malaria! and it cuts out what this article is about: Women knitting and making music on their machines in the subculture of West Berlin in the late 1970s and early 1980s. New and easily accessible technology, such as the Atari console, enabled new Do-It-Yourself strategies. At the same time—within fashion and knitting in particular—there was a shift in feminist generations: Loud, technical, noisy music, and machine-made knitwear signified aggressive, modern, and self-assured women. In West Berlin specifically, punk women musicians and designers looked back in time, and sought to reconnect with the hedonistic avant-garde and the "new women," the divas, dadaists, and women modernists of Berlin in the 1910s–1930s.

AbstractThis article discusses the phenomenon of punk in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, from its beginnings in the early 1970s to its heyday in early 1980s and its subsequent differentiation and dissolution in a wider alternative scene. The subject is thereby being treated primarily as a genre of protest music and as a youth subculture. A special focus is given to the harsh reactions on part of the communist regime, in particular the 1981 "Nazi punk affair," and the strong political significance punk thus came to possess—albeit to a large extent unintentionally. Excerpts of lyrics from Ljubljana punk rock bands are also presented, pointing to the attitudes of the punk youth towards their social environment and political situation and revealing how they came to be seen as a threat to the socialist order. In the conclusion, the sociopolitical legacy of punk and certain controversies surrounding it are shortly touched upon.

Since the 1999 elections in South Africa the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) has entered into a 'coalition' with the African National Congress (ANC) (now described as such by both parties) at both provincial (KwaZulu‐Natal ‐ KZN) and national levels of government. Such close cooperation, albeit largely at leadership and parliamentary representative level, would have been hard to imagine even five years ago, when the IFP refused to participate in the first democratic elections unless a range of demands were met by the negotiators in the transition process. Such confrontation reflected the vicious, state‐supported, war that was waged between IFP and ANC supporters in KZN and on the east Rand, in which thousands were killed and many more turned into internal refugees.
While any steps to attain lasting peace are to be welcomed, if the past is not addressed such moves may prove to be fragile. An aspect of the past is the relationship between the ANC, as movement and as resistance symbol, and the Inkatha movement of nkosi Mangosuthu Buthelezi during the 1970s and 1980s. Inkatha's perception and presentation of 'the ANC during this period is discussed. The argument is that Inkatha leadership had the opportunity, and not only the ideological pressure, to place the movement within an ANC resistance history, that was also populist, denying class and other divisions. However, Inkatha was never able to escape its political location with the KwaZulu ethnic bantustan, and the ANC was driven to an uncompromising position through the rise of internal resistance from the late‐1970s.

Der Verfasser gibt zunächst einen Überblick über die Entwicklung der Umfrageforschung seit der Weinheimer Tagung von 1951 bis gegen Ende der sechziger Jahre und der zu diesem Zeitpunkt erreichten Etablierung der Umfrageforschung als anerkannte Vorgehensweise in der Bundesrepublik. Er behandelt im Folgenden die siebziger und achtziger Jahre als Zeit der Konsolidierung und methodischen Differenzierung der deutschen Umfrageforschung und stellt die Institutionalisierung der Umfrageforschung im akademischen Milieu (ZA, ALLBUS) sowie im privatwirtschaftlichen Bereich dar, in dem sich ein breites Spektrum von privaten Instituten - vor allem auch im Bereich der Marktforschung - entwickelt hat. Schwierigkeiten, mit denen sich die empirische Sozialforschung in der Bundesrepublik konfrontiert sieht, können nach Überzeugung des Verfassers nur durch ein gemeinsames Vorgehen der akademischen und der privatwirtschaftlichen Institute überwunden werden. Abschließend weist der Verfasser auf die besondere Problematik hin, die sich für die Umfrageforschung mit der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands ergeben hat. (ICE)

Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author's focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as "Department of state bulletin", documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in "Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980". Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.

This article examines the ways in which 1970s French feminists who participated in the Women's Liberation Movement (Mouvement de libération des femmes – MLF) wielded the spectre of lesbianism as an American idiosyncrasy to counteract the politicisation of lesbianism in France. It argues that the erasure of lesbian difference from the domain of French feminism was a necessary condition for making 'woman' an amenable subject for incorporation into the abstract unity of the French nation, wherein heterosexuality is conceived as a democratic crucible where men and women harmoniously come together and differences are deemed divisive. Looking at the history of feminism from the standpoint of a lesbian perspective reveals unforeseen continuities between French 'feminist' and 'anti-feminist' genealogies insofar as they rest on common heterosexual and racial foundations. Finally, the article demonstrates that the alleged un-Frenchness ascribed to the word 'lesbian' in the 1970s feminist movement spectrally returned in the 1990s when the word 'gender' was, in its turn, deemed radically foreign to the French culture by feminist researchers. Fiercely reactionary constituencies against the legalisation of same-sex marriage have more recently taken up this rhetorical weapon against sexual and racial minorities.

Part 1: IT Policy ; International audience ; In the 1950s and 1960s computers became part and parcel of the great modernization project – the creation of the modern welfare state. The ability to control and rationalize provided by the digital technology proved indispensable for the expanding public sector as well as for trade and business. At the turn of the decade, the effects of the new technology on Swedish society became increasingly apparent. This paper examines the debate on computer and politics in Sweden during the 1970s and the 1980s. It particularly discusses two issues that were hotly debated: integrity and jobs. The debate was occupied with the centralized solutions and systemic effects large-scale computing implied. In this debate computing technology was perceived as a threat, but at the same time there was a widely shared belief amongst debaters that it was possible to take control of the technology.