Women's Organizations and Civil Society in China: Making a Difference
In: International feminist journal of politics, Band 5, S. 191-215
ISSN: 1461-6742
6395 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: International feminist journal of politics, Band 5, S. 191-215
ISSN: 1461-6742
In: Portuguese studies: a biannual multi-disciplinary journal devoted to research on the cultures, societies, and history of the Lusophone world, Band 18, S. 121-131
ISSN: 0267-5315
In: Portuguese studies: a biannual multi-disciplinary journal devoted to research on the cultures, societies, and history of the Lusophone world, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 121-131
ISSN: 2222-4270
In: Problems of post-communism, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 30-41
ISSN: 1557-783X
In: IDS bulletin: transforming development knowledge, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 117-124
ISSN: 1759-5436
In: IDS bulletin, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 117-124
ISSN: 0265-5012, 0308-5872
In: Social Politics, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 460-487
SSRN
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uiug.30112064036855
"Developed through a partnership between the U.S. Small Business Administration and the Illinois Dept. of Commerce and Community Affairs." - p. [i]. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In India, the nationwide female to male sex ratio of children ages 0 – 6 dropped from 976 girls per 1000 boys in 1961 to 914 girls per 1000 boys in 2011. Scholars attribute the sharp decline in India's sex ratio to the advent of reproductive technologies and sex selective abortion practices. Sex selective abortion in India is perceived, by many within and outside of India, to be the ultimate manifestation of gender discrimination. Furthermore, long-term skewed sex ratios have been linked to increased human trafficking and overall deterioration in the status of women. In spite of restrictive legislation, such as the Pre-Conception/Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act of 1994, illegal clinics continue to flourish as the sex ratio in India worsens steadily. While there is an abundance of scholarly literature illustrating the origins and evils of sex selective abortion, there has been little recognition of the tremendous progress made by Indian women's organizations toward ending sex selective abortion in their own country. This paper seeks to delineate the role of women's organizations in the campaign to end sex selective abortion, demonstrate how, why, and to what extent that role has changed since the 1970s, and illustrate some of the strategies that are being employed currently by women's organizations in India. ; India, sex ratio, sex selective abortion, abortion, women's organizations ; A Thesis submitted to the Department of International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Summer Semester, 2014. ; April 24, 2014.
BASE
This guide is the updated and expanded successor to the 'Directory of women's organizations in Kenya' publ. by Mazingira Institute in 1984; the bulk of the guide consists of organization profiles giving general background and women-specific information. Profiles of over 70 organizations supporting and/or implementing women-oriented activities in Kenya appear in alphabetical order by title under headings and sub-headings meant to represent the type of organization. Women's groups are not be included individually but are discribed collectively
World Affairs Online
This article is an endeavour to explore the changing networking strategies of women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey over the last decade. We delineate the shifts and changes during what we call the de-democratization process where secular women's organizations face significant constraints and difficulties while networking and lobbying the government. Under these constrained conditions, yet, secular women's organizations make an exceptional effort to sustaining their lobbying activities and changing their networking strategies as well as partners. Relying on the related literature and 26 semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with activist members of these organizations with about a 15-year time difference, this paper contends that Turkish women's organizations under the New Turkey are forced to find alternative allies and adjust their velvet triangles of support. Though their strategies were similar in some ways, the type of partnerships formed and who these partners are changed from the first and second decade of the 2000s. Thus, the paper shows how the secular women's organizations adapt to new resources as they mobilize and how they shift away from employing the single target approach to double while changing their initial networking and collaboration partners. ; publishedVersion
BASE
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 662-678
ISSN: 1465-3923
AbstractThis article explores the context of the first parliamentary elections in independent Poland in January 1919, focusing on the National Democratic Party's (ND) election campaign addressed to Polish women and how anti-Jewish slogans were used to mobilize the participation of the female electorate. Before the First World War, ND, led by Roman Dmowski, was the most fervent opponent of women's enfranchisement (Gawin 2015); yet, after the introduction of suffrage, and one month before the elections, the party created the National Women's Organization (NOK), affiliated with ND, tasked with running an election campaign aimed at ethnically Polish women. The article demonstrates that ND instrumentalized female voters and their newly obtained right to win the elections and gain advantage over its largest rival, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS, Polska Partia Socjalistyczna). It argues that members of NOK, who used antisemitic, ultra-nationalistic, and Catholic propaganda in the election campaign, became one of the major advocates of the party's ethno-nationalist vision of Poland; consequently, they significantly contributed to the worsening of Polish-Jewish relations in the interwar period. The article also looks at the critique of the extreme nationalism and antisemitism within ND and NOK by individual female activists and groups not affiliated with Dmowski's party.
In: Studies in rhetorics and feminisms
Before suffrage : rhetorical practices of civic engagement -- The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom : rhetorical practices of a new internationalism -- "We must make enormous propaganda" : the WILPF and public opinion for peace -- Seeking full measure : the League of Women Voters and partisan political communication -- Rhetorical education for political influence : the LWV and political literacy -- Learning from the strategies and struggles of the LWV and WILPF
An increasing number of women's groups are working independently in Thailand to promote women's rights. The aim of this study is to document the strategies adopted by a selection of these groups, and the programs that they are implementing in Thailand, in order to understand how cultural specificity (of mobility and education) guides their participation, and how gender relations are formed and transformed. While attempting to synthesize the disparate data collected on Thai women and their organizations, the authors have tried to evolve an analytical framework to study the meaning and significance of women's lives and efforts
In: Studies in political economy: SPE ; a socialist review, Heft 89, S. 79-105
ISSN: 0707-8552