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In this paper I set out the problem of feminist social science as the need to explain and justify its method of theory choice in relation to both its own theories and those of androcentric social science. In doing this, it needs to avoid both a positivism which denies the impact of values on scientific theory-choice and a radical relativism which undercuts the emancipatory potential of feminist research. From the relevant literature I offer two possible solutions: the Holistic and the Constructivist models of theory-choice. I then rate these models according to what extent they solve the problem of feminist social science. I argue that the principal distinction between these models is in their contrasting conceptions of truth. Solving the problem of feminist social science will require understanding that what is at stake in the debate is our conception of truth. This understanding will serve to clarify, though not resolve, the various approaches to and disagreements over methodologies and explanations in feminist social science.

Esteban & Ray formalize the argument that conflict is likely to be more intense when individuals in a society are divided into two clearly identifiable groups where differences within groups are considerably smaller than differences between groups. They show that such polarization increases conflict, and they introduce a theoretical basis for its quantitative measurement. This article applies Esteban & Ray's (ER) measure of polarization to two international distributions: the world income distribution and the distribution of political systems. The article discusses extensions of the ER measure that render it independent of the number of groups in the system, and investigates empirically whether any of the three types of polarization are associated with conflict in the form of militarized interstate disputes. The results are rather inconclusive, despite the fact that some of the micro-level regularities consistent with the polarization and conflict argument have solid support in previous studies.

Food embedded with symbolic meaning has power in politics. Food as political communication is extensively studied as a nation branding and public diplomacy tool. However, academic studies seem to overlook the role that food plays in populism and political polarization. Pointing out a gap in the field, I explore the role of culinary culture in Turkish politics between 2013 and 2019 to demonstrate its polarizing effect and its role in social engineering. I argue that social engineering as part of constructing native/national culinary items, efforts to polarize people through an AKP-sanctioned culinary tradition, and the particulars of the palace menu, are at once contradictory and consistent. Despite government efforts to appeal to average people and to polarize the public both by replacing alcohol with native/national and familiar ayran and grape juice, and by distributing aşure to the people, branded with the symbol of the presidency, the palace kitchen has also invoked the neo-Ottoman exotic by serving dragon fruit smoothie and chia seeds.

Social science writings have one thing in common with products of the artistic spirit—they readily lend themselves to dating by their "stylistic" traits. This is not a preferred manner for dating scientific products. Science, like technology, is generally regarded as cumulative in its development. To the extent that this is so, it is possible to place a scientific work in its historical position by examining the stage of knowledge that it reveals. However, the store of social science knowledge grows very slowly indeed. The result is that much of social science impresses one as being modern more by virtue of various stylistic traits than by demonstrable additions to, or modifications of, our stock of substantive (or methodological) knowledge.

The effect of the optical feedback on the polarization flipping point and hysteresis loop was studied. The polarization flipping occurred at all angles between the polarizer axis and the laser polarization. The polarization flipping point changed by an optical feedback occurred at angles from 0° to 90°. Ability of choosing or controlling the laser polarization was determined by changing the direction of vertical and horizontal polarization by polarizer rotation in the external cavity from 0° to 90°.

During a research trip to Ecuador in the summer of 1978, the editor had occasion to visit several centers for training and investigation in the social sciences. The evidence of marked progress over earlier years is unmistakeable, and has been stimulated by both national and international bases of support as well as the influx of intellectuals exiled from other Latin American countries. In a previous issue (volume 13, number 2 [1978]), LARR presented a report from former director Rafael Quintero on the activities and pedagogical orientation of the Escuela de Sociología at the Universidad Central del Ecuador. He also noted the important appearance of the Revista de Ciencias Sociales, four numbers of which had been published by mid-1978, as well as the initiation of national conferences on sociology: the first of these was convened in Quito in November 1976 and the second met at Cuenca in April 1978. While research activities are being undertaken in both Guayaquil and Cuenca, much of the effort nationally is centered in Quito. In keeping with LARR'S effort to improve and extend communication in this area, the following reports on four centers are presented. In conjunction with the earlier contribution by Dr. Quintero, they provide a useful, if less than fully exhaustive, perspective on social science activities in Quito.