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Evaluates the technomusic "rave" scene in contemporary Germany as a subversive youth culture, & finds it to be apolitical. It is argued that the rave is a primarily cultural event characterized by specific dance styles & its own print media. It uses music from the past, but does so in a non- or dehistorical way. The associated clothing is marked by pluralism, as is the rave scene itself, with all-night parties drawing a variety of youth, many members of other youth cultures or scenes. It is contended that this social phenomenon is a leisure culture with no real history, voice, or autonomous social or political demands. Adapted from the source document.

Sociology dealing with politics : an heresy ?
Arguing with the means of analogy is often quite useful in sociology. The sociologist who wishes to regard politics in a different way from the way the political sciences usually do when they use sampling surveys or make comments on the strategies of parties or on electoral tactics, has to face a lot of obstacles, familiar to sociologists specialised in the field of religions.
Just like them, the sociologist is considered as an iconoclast, an heretic, in short as an unfaithful person. This attitude can be understood because the sociologist in his way of reasoning, questions beliefs, rituals, ways of thinking and parts of meaningful features in politics.

There are seven states in which preprimary endorsements are provided by law, mostly ones that have used them for twenty years or more. and five other states where the rules of one or both parties provide for endorsements. States with legal endorsements continue to have relatively few contested primaries. But there has been a substantial decline, from over three-fourths to less than half, in the proportion of gubernatorial endorsees who win contested primaries (in states with either legal or informal endorsements). Endorsements are less successful if the convention represents too narrow a political or ideological base and the primary winner can appeal to a broader constituency.

How do economically successful countries like Germany, Japan and Switzerland differ in their post‐primary education policies? After identifying great variations in the structure and capacity of secondary and higher education sectors, explanations are sought in terms of domestic and inter‐national factors. Switzerland and Japan emerge as polar cases in how political variables ‐ such as centralism‐federalism, parties and bureaucracies ‐ affected choice of vehicles and extent of educational expansion. Party influence is most clearcut in Germany, but varies by sector. Whereas German and Japanese reform agendas changed in the aftermath of occupation experiences, Switzerland went its own way until prospects for European integration induced greater accommodation to the training and credential practices of its neighbors.

HOW DO ECONOMICALLY SUCCESSFUL COUNTRIES LIKE GERMANY, JAPAN AND SWITZERLAND DIFFER IN THEIR POST-PRIMARY EDUCATION POLICIES? AFTER IDENTIFYING GREAT VARIATIONS IN THE STRUCTURE AND CAPACITY OF SECONDARY AND HIGHER EDUCATION SECTORS, EXPLANATIONS ARE SOUGHT IN TERMS OF DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL FACTORS. SWITZERLAND AND JAPAN EMERGE AS POLAR CASES IN HOW POLITICAL VARIABLES - SUCH AS CENTRALISM-FEDERALISM, PARTIES AND BUREAUCRACIES AFFECTED CHOICE OF VEHICLES AND EXTENT OF EDUCATIONAL EXPANSION. PARTY INFLUENCE IS MOST CLEARCUT IN GERMANY, BUT VARIES BY SECTOR. WHEREAS GERMAN AND JAPANESE REFORM AGENDAS CHANGED IN THE AFTERMATH OF OCCUPATION EXPERIENCES. SWITZERLAND WENT ITS OWN MAY UNTIL PROSPECTS FOR EUROPEAN INTEGRATION INDUCED GREATER ACCOMMODATION TO THE TRAINING AND CREDENTIAL PRACTICES OF ITS NEIGHBORS.

Sarajevo Television achievedfinancial autonomy and a democratically elected management in July 1989, reluctantly tolerated by a severely weakened Bosnian Communist Party. But its newly-won editorial independence came under political fire. With the fall of Communist-style censorship, the three ethnically-based nationalist parties that emerged from Bosnia's November 1990 multi-party elections to form the coalition government attempted to impose new forms of censorship which, according to Nenad Pejic, would be worse than any imposed by Yugoslavia's Communist rulers. He predicts that the slide towards a purely nationalist media means not only the destruction of independent voices in Yugoslavia but ofany chance ofa peacefulfuture for the region. He was interviewed by Ursula Ruston.

MODERN DEMOCRACIES ARE BASED ON THE PRINCIPLE THAT POLITICAL POWER IS PROPERLY CONTESTED AMONG VARIOUS PARTIES AND AWARDED TO THE PARTY THAT GETS THE MOST VOTES IN FREE ELECTIONS WITH UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. THE MAJOR CONTEMPORARY ALTERNATIVE TO THIS HAS BEEN THE LENIST DOCTRINE OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT. IN THE FALL OF 1889, MANY COMMUNIST COUNTRIES IN EASTERN EUROPE FOUND THEMSELVES COMPELLED TO DISAVOW THE CONSTITUTIONALLY ENSHRINED "LEADING ROLE" FOR THE COMMUNIST PARTY. MIKAIL GORBACHEV'S STRATEGY IN ACCUMULATION OF AUTHORITY IS A TYPICAL PATTERN IN SOVIET HISTORY. WHAT IS NEW IN GORBACHEV'S STRATEGY, HOWEVER, IS THAT HE IS NOT REBUILING THE PARTY AS HIS INSTRUMENT OF RULE. THIS IS QUITE UNPRECEDENTED IN THE SOVIET UNION.

UNTIL THE DOUBLE-ZERO AGREEMENT OF 1987 THE RECORD OF DISARMAMENT NEGOTIATIONS HAD BEEN POOR. THIS CAN BE ATTRIBUTED TO THE PRINCIPLE OF "BALANCE": TO BE ACCEPTABLE, A TREATY HAS TO BENEFIT BOTH PARTIES TO AN EQUAL EXTENT. THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT A NON-OFFENSIVE DEFENSE (NOD) SYSTEM SHOULD BE ADOPTED. A NOD SHOULD NOT BE SEEN AS AN ATTEMPT TO SOLVE PROBLEMS BY MILITARY MEANS ALONE-BUT RATHER AS AN INTEGRAL ELEMENT OF THE COMPRSHENSIVE POLITICAL STRATEGY OF COMMON SECURITY. THE OBSTACLES TO AND PROSPECTS OF CHANGING TO A NOD ARE ADDRESSED, ALONG WITH WTOS AND NATOS VIEWS ON ADOPTING SUCH A SYSTEM. A DISCUSSION OF STEPS NATO COULD UNDERTAKE CONCLUDES THE ARTICLE.

When James Baker, US Secretary of the Treasury, took the rostrum at the IMF-World Bank annual meeting in Seoul, in October 1985, and told 9,000 delegates from 149 countries that the debt crisis could only be solved by an even closer cooperation of all parties concerned, more money from commercial banks, an enhanced role for the World Bank, and more growth in the developing world, everybody sighed with relief.The Baker declaration was significant as it had taken three years of muddling through crises for the Reagan Administration to recognize the debt crisis for what it is: a long term economic and political barrier to development that is slowly strangling world economic growth.

The distribution of the seats in European Parliament which is most probably to result from the European elections in Belgium, on June 10, 1979 is forecasted.The extrapolation is based on the results of the general elections for the House of Representatives, which took place on April 17, 1977 and December 17, 1978.The mode of allocation of seats among the different political formations is influenced not only by the options taken by the parties themselves, whether they form a coalition with a like-minded party or not,but also by some characteristics of the electoral systems.Alternative systems lead to a different distribution than the one that is most likely to come out.

In 1917, Ukrainian nationalists took advantage of the deterioration of central authority in the Russian Empire to make a bid for Ukrainian self-determination. The struggle for Ukrainian statehood continued under three successive national governments until 1920.The first year of the revolution, however, is crucial to understanding the evolution of the national movement in the Ukraine. In 1917, the Ukraine was as free of Russian interference and military occupation as it would be during the era of revolution and civil war. Ukrainian institutions and parties developed in freedom, democratic elections exposed the Ukrainian masses to nationalist agitation and measured their response, and the Russian government was forced to deal with the Ukraine as a distinct political entity.

Data are analyzed from 1,500 Japanese PO surveys taken since 1945. Trend analyses are made on several issues. Attitudes toward the US were typically more favorable than opposing, but became less so in the late 1960s & 1970s. The Japanese have gained increasing support for public involvement in politics, though adherence to specific parties has declined. Concerns have shifted from the public to the private over this period, with the family being the center of private life. The Emperor's political role has remained strongly supported. Overall results include continuing nationalism, increasing support for democratic politics, increasing orientation to the family & private life, & transformation of social norms regarding personal conduct. 8 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

Simple models are used to describe three kinds of racism: (1) irrational racism, bigotry which hurts both parties; (2) 'economically rational irra tional racism', where a stable, non-optimal, racist equilibrium exists in a community where no one is an irrational racist; and (3) 'fully rational racism', where past injustices have led to present inequalities between the races, and neither the 'rationality' of profit maximization nor of Ameri can political principles can avoid racist results. Examples from housing, education, and militant groups are given to illustrate the paradox of fully rational racism for the policy maker. Locating racism solely in the irrational neglects the more fundamental problem of institutionalized racism.