Suchergebnisse

Die Studie arbeitet heraus, wie die historiographische Neubewertung der ersten deutschen Republik eine Chance für die Erinnerung an die Weimarer Republik bietet. Die Geschichtsschreibung betont verstärkt die Möglichkeiten, welche in Politik und Gesellschaft in der neuen Staatsform gesehen wurden; dadurch öffnet sich der Blick auf Wirkungen und Interaktionen über nationale Grenzen hinaus, die bislang aber noch fast gar nicht untersucht wurden. Das gemeinsame Erinnern an die Weimarer Republik im internationalen Rahmen ist daher ein Experiment mit vielen Unbekannten. In Frankreich haben Historiker schon viel früher die positiven Ansätze der Weimarer Republik hervorgehoben als in Deutschland. In Polen herrscht großes Interesse an deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen, wobei die Erinnerung vom Zweiten Weltkrieg dominiert und die Weimarer Republik im öffentlichen Bewusstsein praktisch nicht präsent ist. In den USA findet man dagegen eine ganz starke Aneignung und "Amerikanisierung" der Weimarer Republik als Chiffre des Untergangs. Gemeinsame Erinnerung muss auf diese unterschiedlichen Erinnerungen eingehen. Daher plädiert der Autor dafür, das gemeinsame Erinnern an die demokratischen Anfänge der Weimarer Republik bereits jetzt in der Planung zu einem internationalen Unternehmen zu machen.

There is an assumption in international relations literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the United States. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this 'diplomatic formula' supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the Whitlam, Hawke, and Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition.

There is an assumption in international relations literature that junior allies must choose between supporting a dominant global alliance partner and engaging with a rising power. Yet, Australian policy-makers have paradoxically managed to deepen Sino-Australian relations despite their bilateral alliance with the United States. They have developed a discrete China policy on the assumption that they could persuade Washington to accept it over time. They reasoned that this outcome was more likely if Australia used diplomacy to facilitate Sino-American cooperation and to develop an Australian China policy non-prejudicial to ANZUS. This article explores how this 'diplomatic formula' supported expansion of Sino-Australian relations under the Whitlam, Hawke, and Howard Governments. It explains Australia's intra-alliance influence and paradoxical foreign policy behavior and contributes to understanding the dynamics of asymmetric alliances during power transition.

This article proposes a re-theorisation of the main social relations of platform work, based on two concepts drawn from Marx: subsumption of labour and the cash nexus. Platform work research to date is heavily empirical in character, with little theoretical development. As a result, the social relations of platform work are treated descriptively, using ad hoc or common-sense categories, or platforms' own terminology. This under-theorisation leads to over-estimation of platform work's novelty, decentring of capital in accounts of its development, incipient technological determinism and problematic generalisation from emergent trends. In place of the commonly assumed 'triangle' of platform work relations, this article argues that platform work is best understood in terms of an emerging labour–capital relation, which establishes a cash nexus between platform and worker as a result of a process of subsumption. This re-theorisation, in turn, helps to understand the rapid emergence of platform worker organisation and resistance, and the similarity of its demands with worker resistance in other, more established areas of paid work under capitalist relations of production.

China-Malaysia relations would be strengthened through the Belt and Road Initiative. Chinese industrial overcapacity is a factor in infrastructure investment in Malaysia which needs international collaboration projects for domestic economic development. Challenges include the unstable Malaysian political economy and ethnic issue as well as the economic slowdown of China, and the geopolitics of the South China Sea.