Suchergebnisse

While there are many formal models that generate predictions about polarization, only a handful address the question of how, with no change in electoral rules, levels of polarization can dramatically vary over time, as they have in the US House during 150 years of two-party competition. We propose a model that emphasizes national party constraints on district candidates' ability to locate at positions far from the national party stance. The model predicts a close relation between tight tethers maintained by the national parties and congressional polarization, suggests implications for political competition, and generates the empirically accurate prediction that partisan polarization and within-party differentiation are negatively correlated. When the tethers of the two parties are not equally strong, the model suggests modifications to the conditional party governance approach and helps explain ideological shift/drift affecting both parties, with the party with the tighter tether moving the other party toward its ideological wake.

Abstract
This article situates the largest political party in the world, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, within
the literature on the populist radical right. After providing a brief overview of Hindutva ideology and organizations, with a
particular focus on the BJP, it analyzes how nativism, populism, and authoritarianism are key defining elements in both
theory and practice for the BJP. It further examines two important ideological tenets that
go beyond these three defining attributes of the (European) populist radical right – anti-colonialism and neoliberalism – which
lend towards the success of the BJP. Since holding a majority in national government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP
has been able to implement its vision of creating a Hindustan, or Hindu ethnostate. Like other populist radical right parties in
power, the BJP is more radical in deeds than in words, but the future of the party without Modi's leadership is uncertain.

Are men and women legislators equally loyal to their parties? We theorize that parties select candidates based on gendered criteria, leading to the (s)election of more disciplined women. Moreover, we argue that gendered expectations about proper behavior limit women legislators' ability to act independently from their parties. Using surveys from over 800 parliamentarians across 17 African legislatures, we find that women report significantly higher levels of party discipline than do their men copartisans. From this survey data and new legislative speech data, we also find support for our proposed causal mechanisms. Further, we find that among women parliamentarians, party discipline is negatively correlated with the prioritization of womens rights. A qualitative case study of the Namibian Parliament illustrates our findings. We discuss the implications of our results for women's legislative effectiveness, for the substantive representation of women's interests in policy making, and for the continued democratization of emerging party systems.

Are men and women legislators equally loyal to their parties? We theorize that parties select candidates based on gendered criteria, leading to the (s)election of more disciplined women. Moreover, we argue that gendered expectations about proper behavior limit women legislators' ability to act independently from their parties. Using surveys from over 800 parliamentarians across 17 African legislatures, we find that women report significantly higher levels of party discipline than do their men copartisans. From this survey data and new legislative speech data, we also find support for our proposed causal mechanisms. Further, we find that among women parliamentarians, party discipline is negatively correlated with the prioritization of womens rights. A qualitative case study of the Namibian Parliament illustrates our findings. We discuss the implications of our results for women's legislative effectiveness, for the substantive representation of women's interests in policy making, and for the continued democratization of emerging party systems.

Enthält Rezension von: The Peninsula Question : a chronicle of the second Korean nuclear crisis. - Washington/D.C. : Brookings Institution Press, 2007

Despite proliferating research on party politics and notable media engagement with the issues of migration and refugee flows, we know little about the existence and operation of 'the party abroad'. The latest UN migration report states that more than 270 million people reside outside their country of origin. osce recognizes the need for representation of varied political views as one means to maintain democratic stability within states. This study unravels the notion of the 'party abroad', develops a theoretical legal framework within which it can exist, and empirically exams parties that operate abroad. The case studies show the potential for political engagement with the diaspora, that such operations are not systematically regulated at the moment, and that parties operating abroad have different financing models. These findings, coupled with increasing migration, call for more future work on the party abroad, both by academics and by professionals.

The conventional view holds that most of Africa's political parties are organizationally weak, with little grassroots presence. Yet few studies are based on systematically collected data about more than a handful of parties or countries at any given point. In this paper, we focus on one crucial aspect of party organization – the local presence that enables political parties to engage with and mobilize voters – and use Afrobarometer data to develop the Party Presence Index, the first systematic, cross-national measure of local party presence in Africa. We then apply the index to a series of substantive questions, confirming its value and demonstrating its potential to add significantly to our understanding of grassroots party organization.

"Today's Republican Party is hardly recognizable as the party of Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt, and Eisenhower. Radical changes to it were sparked by presidential nominee Barry Goldwater and led by presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump. It opposes big government policies around income inequalities, social inequalities, health care, the environment, and climate change, because such policies might infringe on personal freedom. Whereas in 1953, Eisenhower told Congress that Social Security was "an essential part of our economic and social life," Goldwater in 1960 wrote that its 6-percent tax "compels millions of individual to postpone until later years the enjoyment of wealth they might otherwise enjoy today." In The Republican Evolution, political scientist Kenneth Janda documents the evolution of the Republican Party's purported philosophies by considering thousands of party planks voted on during Republican National Conventions since before the Civil War. It describes the Republican Party's experience over three different historical eras. The party's illustrious Nationalism era lasted from 1860 to 1924, during which Republicans emphasized "order" over "anarchy." In their Neoliberalism era from 1928 to 1960, Republicans downplayed government, favoring the individual over the state. In 1964, the party entered an era of Ethnocentrism, demeaning national government and favoring white Christians over others. In this era, Republicans acted increasingly as a social tribe catering to their dwindling base. Today, the party operates in reverse, opposing national government while sowing sectionalism by pursuing the Democrats' old "states' rights" philosophy"--

My dissertation shows how two marginal social groups - civil rights activists in the 1940s and religious conservatives in the 1980s - achieved many of their goals by becoming core players in a political party. In each case, the group faced opposition within its chosen party but allied with friendly partisans to marginalize opponents and nominate politicians committed to their priorities. Trying to influence office holders whom the groups had no hand in nominating proved ineffective: office holders would promise benefits but do nothing that displaced core supporters or median voters. Mobilizing nonpolitical groups for political purposes was the road to success. In both cases, marginal social groups rather than politicians drove the process, creating transformed parties that would stand up for rather than straddle the issues they cared about.