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The author offers readers a comprehensive analysis of the legal history of the Turkic Khaganate (552-603), both during its formation (545-553) and during the reign of the prominent military leader Muqan Qaghan (553-572). The establishment of close political and legal ties between the Turks and the Eastern Roman Empire was the result of a peace treaty between the Byzantines and the Persians (562). In 562, 563, 565 and 566, the Turkic Khaganate sent its official ambassadors to Constantinople. At that time, the Turks had the legal status of vassals of the Chinese dynastic kingdom of Western Wei (according to the privilege of 545). The victory over the Zhuzhan Khaganate in 552 allowed the Turks to take control of all the Turko-Mongol and Manchurian tribes of the eastern part of the Eurasian steppe. In 554, the Turks began to fight against other heirs of the Hun tribe - the "White Huns-Hephthalites". Since the Hephthalites had long terrorized the eastern provinces of the New Persian Empire, the Iranian shahanshah (king of kings) Khosrow I Anushirvan (531579) decided to invite part of the Turkic horde to military service. At the same time, we assume that Khosrow Anushirvan, having a large staff of advisers of Greco-Roman origin, sought to use the lex foedus model , according to which the Roman Empire traditionally recruited and accepted "barbarians" for imperial military service. The idea was successful. Muqan Qaghan transferred the troops of his uncle Istdmi ("Western Horde") under the command of Khosrov, and Istdmi's daughter became the main wife of the Persian "king of kings". In 555-557, the Turks defeated the last pro-Zhuzhan forces in northern China (Avar tribes) and subjugated Khorezm. As a result of the defeat, someAvars retreated as far as the Volga-Don interfluve, wherein they began to ask the Byzantine emperor Justinian the Great (527-565) to grant them the status of federates. The Eastern Roman Empire accepted the Avars as its citizens and, de jure, founded the Avar Khaganate (558-805). Since the possessions of the Turkic Khaganate now reached the Volga, the Turks and Persians concluded a treaty on the division of Hephthalite possessions (566), which covered the borders of modern Afghanistan and Pakistan. Ratification of the new agreement set an important precedent in the historical and legal life of Eurasia. The Turkic Khaganate recognized as its suzerains both the Chinese emperors of the Western Wei dynasty and the shahanshah of Persia ("the precedent of polyvassality"). At the same time, the Turks gave the "suzerains" all the necessary signs of attention and recognition, seeing this as a space for political manoeuvring, seeking to completely subjugate the key sections of the Great Silk Road. The transfer of power in Byzantium to Emperor Justin II (565-578) and the further intensification of trade contacts between Constantinople and the Turkic Khaganate led to the cooling of Iranian-Turkic relations. In 567, the Eastern Roman Empire initiated the resettlement of the Avars in Pannonia and Dacia, while the Northern Black Sea Coast was ceded to the Western Turkic Horde by Istem as a lex foedus. Thus, as of 568, the Turkic Khaganate legally declared itself dependent on the authorities of the Eastern Roman Empire, Iran and the Western Wei, which, of course, should have led to the outbreak of another international armed conflict. ; Автор пропонує читачам комплексний аналіз юридичної історії Тюркського каганату (552-603 рр.),як за доби його становлення (545553 рр.), так і в часи правління видатного полководця Муган-ка-гана (553-572 рр.). Встановлення тісних політико-правових зв'язків між тюрками і Східною Римською імперією було наслідком укладення мирної угоди між візантійцями та персами (562 р.). У 562, 563, 565 і 566 роках Тюркський каганат надсилав своїх офіційних послів у Константинополь. На той момент тюрки володіли юридичним статусом васалів китайського династичного царства Західна Вей (згідно з привілеєм 545 р.). Перемога над Жужаньським каганатом у 552 р. дозволила тюркам взяти під контроль усі тюрко-монголь-ські й маньчжурські племена східної частини Євразійського степу. У 554 р. тюрки почали боротьбу проти інших спадкоємців племені хунну - «гуннів-ефталітів». Оскільки ефталіти вже тривалий час тероризували східні провінції Новоперсидського царства, то іранський шахіншах («цар царів») Хосров Ануширван (531-579) прийняв рішення запросити частину тюркської орди на військову службу. При цьому ми припускаємо, що Хосров Ануширван, маючи великий штат радників греко-римського походження, прагнув використати юридичну модель lex foedus, згідно з якою Римська імперія традиційно вербувала та приймала на імперську військову службу цілі народи «варварів» (як германців чи слов'ян-землеробів, так і кочівників іранського, арабського чи гуннського походження). Задум був успішним. Муган-каган передав загони свого дядька Істемі («західну орду») під командування Хосрова, а донька Істемі стала дружиною персидського «царя царів». У 555-557 рр. тюрки розгромили останні прожу-жаньські сили в Північному Китаї (племена аварів) та підпорядкували своїй владі Хорезм. Внаслідокпоразки частина аварів відступила аж у Волго-Донське міжріччя, де в 558 р. стала просити візантійського імператора Юстиніана Великого (527-565) надати їм статус федератів. Східна Римська імперія прийняла аварів у своє підданство і де-юре заснувала Аварський каганат (558-805 рр.). Оскільки володіння Тюркського каганату тепер сягнули Волги, тюрки і перси уклали Договір про поділ ефталітських володінь (566 р.), що охоплювали межі сучасних Афганістану та Пакистану. Ратифікація нової угоди створила важливий прецедент в історико-правовому житті Євразії. Тюркський каганат визнавав своїми сюзеренами як китайських імператорів із династії Західна Вей, так і шахіншаха Персії («прецедент полівасалітету»). При цьому тюрки надавали «сюзеренам» усі необхідні знаки уваги та визнання, вбачаючи в цьому простір для політичного маневрування, прагнучи повністю підпорядкувати своїй владі ключові відтинки Великого Шовкового Шляху. Прихід до влади у Візантії імператора Юстина ІІ (565-578) та подальша активізація торговельних контактів Константинополя з Тюркським каганатом привели до охолодження ірано-тюркських стосунків. У 567 р. Східна Римська імперія ініціювала переселення аварів у Паннонію та Дакію, тоді як Північне Причорномор'я передавалось західнотюркській орді Істемі на правах lex foedus. Отже, станом на 568 р. Тюркський каганат юридично визнавав себе залежним від влади Східної Римської імперії, Ірану та Західної Вей, що, безумовно, мало призвести до вибуху чергового міжнародного збройного конфлікту.

[spa] Desde el año 2006 se han sucedido en Chile importantes movilizaciones estudiantiles y sociales, oponiéndose al carácter neoliberal de las políticas educativas que se han venido aplicando en el país durante las últimas décadas y que han perpetuado la mercantilización y privatización de la educación. Una de las exigencias de estas movilizaciones, convertida en símbolo de lucha, ha sido la educación de calidad. Paradojalmente, este discurso coincide con el de los gobernantes a cargo de las políticas educativas, también enfocados en conseguir calidad educativa. Así, la expresión "educación de calidad" se ha instalado y naturalizado en el país, tanto en el ámbito político como en el social, académico, familiar; aunque su significado muestra ambigüedades e incertezas. Este hecho fue corroborado a través de una revisión bibliográfica que permitió, además, identificar una serie de perspectivas o posturas respecto a su conceptualización. El objetivo de esta investigación ha sido explorar el significado y el sentido de la expresión "educación de calidad", a partir de los discursos de dos actores directamente comprometidos con ella: estudiantes y docentes universitarios del ámbito de la pedagogía. Considerando la Teoría de las Representaciones Sociales como marco teórico-metodológico, nos planteamos la siguiente pregunta de investigación: ¿cuál es la representación social (RS) de la "educación de calidad" que han construido en Chile, estudiantes y docentes universitarios del ámbito de la pedagogía? Para responder esta pregunta se utiliizó un procedimiento metodológico de diseño mixto (con triangulación cuantitativo-cualitativa): a través de un muestreo intencional se aplicó un cuestionario con preguntas cerradas y abiertas a una muestra de 437 estudiantes y 62 docentes; posteriormente se utilizó la lexicometría, lexicografía y análisis cualitativo de contenido para el análisis de los datos obtenidos. Los resultados permiten identificar tres campos semánticos o componentes en la RS: el primero de ellos, más nuclear, construye una educación de calidad como derecho necesario y universal. Se trata de una dimensión axiológica que comprende una serie de valores: inclusión, igualdad, equidad, respeto a la diversidad. El segundo campo semántico se construye alrededor del concepto de enseñanza-aprendizaje-significativo; se trata de una dimesión o componente más pedagógico, que considera al/la docente como principal responsable de un proceso de transferencia (bancaria, según Freire) de conocimientos hacia unos/as estudiantes receptivos y pasivos; constituyendo un proceso de formación integral entendido como oportunidad para el desarrollo personal y profesional. Por último, el tercer campo semántico identificado en la RS es evaluativo y valora la educación de calidad en positivo, como algo bueno, excelente, lo mejor. Se concluye que esta RS es expresión de dos discursos institucionales dominantes y hegemónicos en la actualidad. Uno axiológico, más humanista y de carácter retórico, planteado desde Naciones Unidas (UNESCO); y otro tecnocrático que concibe una educación al servicio de un cierto modelo de desarrollo económico globalizado, planteado por organismos transnacionales de carácter económico- financiero como el Banco Mundial, el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo o la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos. A través de ambos discursos se legitima (por activa o pasiva) un sistema económico y social neoliberal, que provoca nefastas consecuencias para Chile. En consecuencia, consideramos que debiera dejarse de lado y olvidar el concepto de "calidad" en aquellos discursos con los que pretendamos construir alternativas al actual sistema y modelo educativo. ; [eng] Since 2006, there has been important student and social mobilizations in Chile, opposing the neoliberal nature of the educational policies that has been applied in the country during the last decades Politics which has maintained the commercialization and privatization of education. One of the demands of these mobilizations, that turned into a symbol of struggle, has been a quality education. Paradoxically, this discourse coincides with that of the leaders in charge of educational policies, also focused on achieving educational quality. Thus, the expression "quality education" has been installed and naturalized in the country, in the political as well as social, academic, and family spheres; although its meaning reveals ambiguities and uncertainties. This fact was corroborated through a bibliographic review that also allowed us to identify a series of perspectives or positions regarding its conceptualization. The objective of this research has been to explore the meaning of the expression "quality education", based on the speeches of two figures directly committed to it: university students and teachers in the field of pedagogy. Considering the Theory of Social Representations as a theoretical-methodological framework, we ask the following research question: what is the social representation (SR) of the "quality education" built by university students and teachers of pedagogy in Chile? To answer this question, a methodological procedure of mixed design (with quantitative-qualitative triangulation) was used: through a convenience sampling, a questionnaire with closed and open questions was applied to a sample of 437 students and 62 teachers; subsequently, lexicometry, lexicography and qualitative content analysis were used to analyze the data. The results allow identifying three semantic fields or components in SR: the first, more nuclear, builds a quality education as a necessary and universal right. It is an axiological dimension that includes a series of values: inclusion, equality, equity, respect for diversity. The second semantic field is built around the concept of teaching-learning-meaningful, a more pedagogical dimension or component, it considers the teacher as the main person in charge of a transfer process (bank, according to Freire) of knowledge towards receptive and passive students; this constitutes a comprehensive training process understood as an opportunity for personal and professional development. Finally, the third semantic field identified in the SR is evaluative and it values quality education positively, as something good, excellent, the best. It is concluded that this SR is an expression of two dominant and hegemonic institutional discourses at present. An axiological, more humanistic and rhetorical one, raised by the United Nations (UNESCO); and a technocratic one that conceives an education at the service of a certain model of globalized economic development, proposed by transnational organizations of an economic-financial nature such as the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank or the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Through both discourses, a neoliberal economic and social system is legitimized (whether actively or passively), which causes dire consequences for Chile. Consequently, we consider that the concept of "quality" should be put aside and forgotten in those discourses with which we intend to build alternatives to the current educational system and model.

In discussions of firm strategy, proactivity is often mentioned as an enabler of effective goal accomplishment and high performance. However, it is rarely explained what, more precisely, being more proactive actually entails, or even indeed defined what is meant by the term 'proactivity' in this particular context. This dissertation seeks to investigate proactivity and its role in shaping firms' market strategies. From prior research on proactivity in the strategic marketing domain, we know that proactive firms, on average, develop more radical innovation, are better at managing complex and highly competitive environments, and seem to achieve higher business performance. However, few, if any, of these prior studies properly define proactivity and take a more holistic perspective on its impact on firms' market strategies. In this dissertation I propose a definition of proactivity through three main proactive characteristics: being future-oriented, taking the initiative, and driving change. Thus, a proactive firm does not wait for things to happen and then react to those events. Instead, it keeps a long-term horizon on its scanning for market intelligence and takes action before things happen, in order to create the change needed to improve its situation. While certainly not all proactive actions are successes, particularly not if the firm lacks proper awareness of the situation or exceeds its capabilities in its striving to shape events, proactive firms do have access to a broader set of opportunities than their less proactive competitors. To understand how proactivity influences market strategies, it is first necessary to understand market strategy itself a bit closer. I define market strategies as firms' strategies for creating customer value. According to the market orientation literature, the basis of achieving long-term high firm performance is to consistently provide customers with superior value to that of the competition. Thus, firms' market strategies are squarely at the center of their efforts to become more successful. To study these strategies and the effects they have, it is necessary to go beyond strategy documents and study the actual activities that firms perform to implement them. A market strategy, in my conceptualization, can thus be perceived as a coherent set of activities aimed at fulfilling certain goals, leading to the creation of customer value. These activities can then be further categorized according to the strategic orientations that drive the firm's strategy-making, with customer orientation, competition orientation and innovation orientation being the orientations that have the most impact on market strategies. From this conceptual foundation, the dissertation takes four different approaches to investigating proactive market strategies, each presented in one of the four appended papers. In the first paper, a conceptual typology of different types of market strategies based on different value-creation logics – which are the combinations of responsiveness and proactivity that influence a firm's value-creation efforts – is presented. In the second paper, the market strategies of five proactive firms are investigated to find three generic proactive market strategies, each representing a typical way for firms to employ proactivity in their market strategies. The third paper uses fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis to investigate the configurations of proactivity, market environment and different market strategies that consistently lead to high market-strategic effectiveness. Finally, the fourth paper goes more in-depth in exploring the activities that firms employ to create value for customers, with particular focus on the different activities that are performed during different stages of contact with a customer. Through this thorough investigation of proactive market strategies, this dissertation presents a holistic view of proactivity and its impact on firms' market strategies and their associated activities. As this is the first proper holistic view of proactivity in market strategy and also the first attempt to properly define proactivity in the market-strategic context, the dissertation also provides directions for future research. ; "Vi måste vara mer proaktiva" är en fras som säkerligen har dragits på många strategimöten. I såväl internationaliserade jättar som lokala småföretag, tjänsteföretag likväl som tillverkande industrier, har det i styrelserum, ledningsmöten, pratats om behovet att vara mer proaktiv. Det uppenbara är att proaktivitet ses som något positivt, något som kan hjälpa företaget bli bättre, mer konkurrenskraftigt, och så vidare. Men vad menar man egentligen med att vara proaktiv i det här sammanhanget? Och hur påverkar det egentligen företags prestationsförmåga? Harald Brege vid Linköpings Universitet har studerat proaktivitet och hur företag kan använda det för att öka effektiviteten på sina marknadsstrategier, d.v.s. deras strategier för att skapa kundvärde. Proaktivitet är en nyckel som kan låsa upp möjligheter för företag att bli bättre på att hantera en föränderlig och komplex omvärld och stärka sin konkurrenskraft. Slår man upp ordet "proaktiv" i SAOL får man veta att det betyder förebyggande eller förutseende, men för att kunna användas som ett verktyg för strategiutveckling behövs en mer användbar definition än så. Ur ett strategiskt perspektiv så har proaktivitet tre huvudsakliga komponenter: att vara långsiktig, att ta initiativet och att driva förändring. Det viktigaste för ett proaktivt företag är att inte vara passiva och vänta på att något händer som tvingar dem till förändring eller att bara reaktivt agera på det som finns i omvärlden. Istället så blickar man framåt, identifierar de potentiella sätt som en situation kan utvecklas på och tar sedan initiativet och agerar för att förändra situationen så att den passar företaget bättre. Dock så räcker det inte bara att bli proaktiv och så får man stora vinster på direkten. För att proaktiviteten ska bli framgångsrik så måste ett företag dels arbeta för att skaffa en grundlig förståelse av sin omgivning, dels se till de olika delarna i deras marknadsstrategi hänger ihop och arbetar mot samma mål. Är strategin otydlig eller om företaget håller på med saker de inte har insikt i så är proaktivitet istället sannolikt att ge dåliga resultat. Genom att arbeta för att förstå sina kunder på djupet så kan proaktiva företag snabbt komma med lösningar till behov, inklusive behov som kanske inte ens kunderna själva hade identifierat. Genom att aktivt arbeta med att förändra kunders uppfattning av vad en leverantör ska göra för dem och att påverka politiker och andra intressenter så kan proaktiva företag forma sina marknader för att bättre passa dem. Genom att driva produktutveckling som fokuserar på morgondagens produkter och att testa nya möjligheter, inte bara småförbättringar av samma gamla produkter, så kan proaktiva företag skapa innovativa nya erbjudanden som vänder upp och ner på marknaden. Dessa tre exempel belyser de tre generiska proaktiva marknadsstrategier som har identifierats: kundengagemang, marknadsformande, och innovationsledarskap.

Desde una perspectiva Foucaultiana, la víctima del conflicto armado en Colombia, se define como un sujeto social que ha sido configurado por las clases dominantes, con la intención de responder a sus intereses hegemónicos. Al conectar esta visión con la teoría de Edelman (1991) sobre el espectáculo político, se decidió entender, además, que las víctimas son una construcción discursiva que se materializa a través de la implementación (errada o acertada) de políticas públicas. Para Edelman (1991), los discursos políticos configuran la realidad social. Dichos discursos viajan a través de las noticias periodísticas, y de esta forma los grupos sociales van apropiando el sentido de la realidad, sus significados y fundamentos epistemológicos, a través de sus reacciones emocionales de aceptación o rechazo. La persona humana concreta, no es en sí un sujeto, se convierte en sujeto a medida que va apropiando los discursos políticos, hasta que los personaliza. El aporte de este trabajo a las teorías de Edelman, consiste en entender que el discurso político por sí mismo, no configura la realidad social. Los discursos políticos más generales, se van concretando en los discursos jurídicos más específicos como leyes y decretos. Es decir, el fin último del discurso político es llegar a convertirse en discurso jurídico, ya que es este el punto desde donde se puede configurar y reconfigurar la realidad social al interior del Estado Social de Derecho. Desde la perspectiva de la semiótica, la configuración del significado del sujeto víctima, es el resultado de la relación entre el lenguaje, el habla, y el sujeto al que se refiere el hablante. Es decir, que el significado emerge cuando hay un hablante, pero el hablante al expresarse, solo recurre a algunos elementos (limitados) del lenguaje para referirse al sujeto, y es aquí donde se evidencia la materialización de los intereses de los grupos dominantes en los discursos. La víctima, está configurada por varías determinaciones discursivas. 1. El lenguaje histórico (político y jurídico). 2. Lenguaje jurídico después de 1991 3. El habla jurídica de los operadores jurídicos (fallos y sentencias) y, 4. Un habla subjetiva, que se estructura con base en los pensamientos, emociones y acciones de la persona víctima. El punto final de ampliación de la teoría de Edelman, llegó al incluir la dialéctica en el análisis de la dominación. Desde la perspectiva de Gramsci, sí es hegemónica, la dominación no puede ser total. Así que, es posible que como seres autónomos, las personas puedan comportarse de un modo contra hegemónico, en medio de una categoría de sujeto casi totalmente cooptada. La metodología que nos condujo a estos resultados, constituye el aporte más importante para el desarrollo e innovación en investigación socio-jurídica de la Universidad Libre de Colombia. Este conjunto de elementos se concatena en una sola pregunta de investigación: ¿Cuál es el nivel de dominación que existe sobre la categoría de sujeto víctima, en el caso de los beneficiarios de los fallos de restitución de tierras en Cundinamarca?, De esta forma se pretende llegar a entender el significado integral de la categoría de sujeto víctima, además de realizar un aporte innovador en relación con las métricas de la dominación sobre los sujetos sociales. ; Facultad de Derecho - Centro De Investigaciones Sociojurídicas ; From a Foucauldian perspective, the victim of the armed conflict in Colombia is defined as a social subject that has been shaped by the ruling classes, with the intention of responding to their hegemonic interests. When connecting this statement to Edelman's theory (1991) on the political spectacle, it is clear, that these victims are a discursive construction that is materialized through the implementation (whether appropriate or not) of public policies. For Edelman (1991), political discourses shape social reality. Said discourses travel through news stories, and in this way social groups grasp the meaning of reality, its significance and epistemological foundations, through their emotional reactions of acceptance or rejection. Human beings alone are not "subjects" per se, they become subjects as they appropriate political speeches, until discourse subjectivizes them. The contribution of this work to Edelman's theories is to point out that political discourse by itself does not shape social reality. The most general political speeches become concrete in the most specific legal discourses, such as laws and decrees. That is to say, the ultimate goal of political discourse is to become legal discourse, since this is the point from which social reality can be configured and reconfigured within the Social Rule of Law. From the perspective of semiotics, the configuration of the meaning of the "victim" as a subject is the result of the relationship between language, speech, and the subject to which the speaker refers to. In other words, meaning emerges when there is a speaker, however, when the speaker expresses himself or herself, he or she only resorts to some (limited) elements of language to refer to another subject, and this is where the materialization of dominant groups' interests in said speeches becomes evident. The victim is configured by various discursive determinations. 1.The historical language (political and legal). 2.The Legal language after 1991 3. The precedent of the legal operators (judgments and decisions) and, 4. The subjective speech, which is structured based on the victim's thoughts, emotions and actions. The final point of extension of Edelman's theory came to include dialectics in the analysis of domination. From Gramsci's perspective, even if it is hegemonic, domination cannot be total. Hence, it is possible that as autonomous beings, people may behave in anti-hegemonic ways, even when they are contained in the middle of a subject category that is almost totally co-opted. The methodology that led us to these results, constitutes the most important contribution for the development and innovation in socio-legal research of La Universidad Libre de Colombia. This set of elements are concatenated in a single research question: What is the level of domination that exists over the subject-victim, in the case of the beneficiaries of the court rullings regarding land restitution in Cundinamarca? In this way, we intended to understand the integral meaning of the "victim subject" category, in addition to make an innovative contribution in relation to the metrics of domination over social subjects.

By referring to the emblematic figure of Kurt Gödel, who saw contradictions in both mathematics and constitutionalism, in this paper I present and comment on a wide panorama of views on the current crisis and deconsolidation of liberal democracy, mainly expressed in four noteworthy books published in 2018. I criticize the ideas and views of Fareed Zakaria expressed in the book The Future of Freedom in which he postulates the need for restricting the democratic component of liberal democracy toward the notion of liberal constitutionalism. I argue that this idea actually displays a very limited understanding of both components of liberal democracy and may lead to support for dictatorship. Zakaria makes a case for using accurate terminology and draws attention to the democratic as well as the liberal component of liberal democracy, this alone is a valuable contribution. However, as it appears from the following three works, it could be said that a transmutation occurred within the concept of liberal democracy, resulting in merging of both components into a clear concept that can be equated to democracy in the contemporary sense of the word. Next, I discuss How Democracy Dies by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt. Both scholars document in detail how democracy's assassins insidiously use institutions of democracy to kill it. Particularly of value are two threads in this work. The first one is the remarkable similarities of strategies used throughout the world by elected autocrats to subvert democratic institutions. Revealing these patterns makes it easier to combat them. The second one is the set of four key indicators of authoritarian behavior compiled by the authors. Similar issues are presented by Yasha Mounk in his brilliant book The People vs. Democracy in which he analyzes insightfully the roots of disenchantment with liberal democracy. I emphasize that Mounk incisively discloses the founding myth of modern liberal democracy, i.e. the improbable fiction that representative government would facilitate the rule of the people. A very wide array of positions of American scholars is offered in a volume edited by Cass R. Sunstein under the title Can It Happen Here? Authoritarianism in America. The essays collected in this book concern the likelihood of democracy's breakdown in the US. I selectively present the original theses of a score of authors, allowing for a deeper rethinking of the liberal democracy's crisis, these include issues like constitutional rot, big government role in helping to minimize the risk of a fascist takeover, deep state, the new breed of populist autocrats being lawyers by training, and the fact that many people do not wish to live by the rules of liberal democracy. In the context of these remarks, I stress the role of culture as a social binding mechanism and human's lack of evolutionary adjustment to social diversity. In the closing section, I stress the illusory nature of constitutional precautions against the democratic breakdown, especially the deceptive reliance on judges. I also draw attention to the double value of negation following from these considerations. First, I refer to the Kim Lane Scheppele's idea of aversive constitutionalism, to show the informative dimension of the negative side of comparative constitutional analysis. Second, I suggest that the crisis of democracy should encourage to acknowledge the limits of conventional wisdom on political systems that is based on dubious assumptions. Only in this way could attempts be made to counteract the global democratic disorder which, on the one hand, is not caused by some external natural factors, but on the other hand this disorder will likely be escalated by much more efficient and more charismatic autocrats, aided by modern technology. ; Odwołując się do symbolicznej postaci Kurta Gödla, dostrzegającego sprzeczności zarówno w matematyce, jak i w konstytucjonalizmie, przedstawiam i komentuję w niniejszym tekście szeroką panoramę poglądów dotyczących współczesnego kryzysu i dekonsolidacji demokracji liberalnej, głównie w oparciu o cztery ważne prace wydane w 2018 r. Krytycznie odnoszę się do poglądów Fareeda Zakarii wyrażonych w książce Przyszłość wolności…, postulującego ograniczenie demokratycznych elementów w ramach demokracji liberalnej na rzecz liberalnego konstytucjonalizmu. Koncepcja ta w istocie stanowi bardzo ograniczone rozumienie obu elementów składowych tego ostatniego pojęcia i prowadzić może do poparcia dla dyktatur. Cenna jest w pracy Zakarii dbałość terminologiczna i zwrócenie osobno uwagi na element demokratyczny i liberalny w ramach demokracji liberalnej. Jak jednak wynika z wykorzystywanych trzech kolejnych prac, można twierdzić, że w przypadku pojęcia demokracji liberalnej doszło do transmutacji zespalającej oba człony w czytelną koncepcję, która nie bez racji utożsamiana jest w skrócie z demokracją we współczesnym rozumieniu. Następnie omawiam pozycję Stevena Levitsky'ego i Daniela Ziblatta Jak umierają demokracje…, której autorzy szczegółowo dokumentują, jak skrytobójcy demokracji używają podstępnie instytucji demokratycznych do obalenia tej formy ustrojowej. Wartościowe w tej pracy są szczególnie dwa wątki. Pierwszy to uderzająco podobne strategie stosowane na świecie przez legitymowanych wyborczo autokratów. Ujawnienie takiego wzorca pozwala na łatwiejsze przeciwstawianie się mu. Drugim jest proponowany przez autorów zestaw czterech behawioralnych symptomów pozwalający na rozpoznanie polityków o skłonnościach autorytarnych. Podobną problematykę przedstawia Yascha Mounk w błyskotliwej książce Lud kontra demokracja…, analizujący głębiej źródła współczesnego rozczarowania demokracją liberalną. Akcentuję zwłaszcza, że Mounk przenikliwie odsłania mit założycielski współczesnej demokracji liberalnej w postaci fikcji, że rządy przedstawicielskie umożliwiają władzę ludu. Bardzo szeroką panoramę poglądów amerykańskich autorów na temat prawdopodobieństwa upadku demokracji w Stanach Zjednoczonych zawarto w obszernej pracy zbiorowej Czy to może się u nas zdarzyć? Autorytaryzm w Ameryce pod redakcją Cassa R. Sunsteina. Wybiórczo przedstawiam oryginalne tezy kilkunastu autorów pozwalające na pogłębione przemyślenie kryzysu demokracji liberalnej, m.in. konstytucyjne zepsucie, rozbudowany aparat władzy jako czynnik minimalizujący ryzyko faszyzmu, rolę tzw. ukrytego państwa, udział prawników w zawłaszczaniu władzy, permanentną niezgodę znacznej części społeczeństwa na życie według zasad demokracji liberalnej. W ramach tych uwag akcentuję m.in. rolę kultury jako spoiwa społecznego oraz ewolucyjne niedostosowanie człowieka do różnorodności społecznej. W uwagach końcowych podkreślam iluzoryczność konstytucyjnych gwarancji mających zapobiegać załamaniu demokratycznemu, zwłaszcza zwodnicze poleganie na sędziach. Zwracam również uwagę na podwójny walor negacji płynący z przedstawianych refleksji. Po pierwsze odwołuję się do koncepcji awersyjnego konstytucjonalizmu autorstwa Kim Lane Scheppele, aby wskazać na pouczający wymiar negatywnej strony komparatystyki ustrojowej. Po drugie sugeruję, że kryzys demokracji zachęcać winien do uświadomienia sobie ograniczeń ortodoksyjnej refleksji ustrojowej opartej na wątpliwych założeniach. Tylko w ten sposób można podejmować próby przeciwdziałania narastającemu globalnemu nieładowi demokratycznemu, który z jednej strony nie jest wywołany zewnętrznymi czynnikami naturalnymi, ale z drugiej strony rozwijany będzie zapewne przez znacznie sprawniejszych i bardziej charyzmatycznych autokratów, wspomaganych nowoczesnymi technologiami.

Der Zweck dieser Doktorarbeit ist zu bemessen, ob die Verfassungen Deutschlands,Frankreichs und des Vereinigten Königreiches den Bürgern dieser Staaten einen Anspruch aufZugang zu Informationen, die im Besitz öffentlicher Stellen sind, vermitteln. Im Zuge dessenwerden auch die damit einhergehenden juristischen Mechanismen verglichen. Die Frage desZugangs zu öffentlichen Dokumenten und den darin enthaltenen Informationen ist heutzutageein wesentliches Themenfeld der Verwaltungsrechtslehre. Sowohl der französische Gesetzgeber (Gesetz vom 17. Juli 1978) als auch der deutsche Bundesgesetzgeber (Gesetz vom 5. September 2005) und das britische Parlament (Gesetz vom 30. November 2000) haben sich damitbefasst. Ob diese Gesetzte dem Einzelnen zu viel oder zu wenig Zugang gewähren und damitgegen die Verfassung verstoßen, ist weitgehend (mit Ausnahme des britischen Gesetzes) ungeklärt geblieben. Zunächst hat das deutsche Bundesverfassungsgericht nie eindeutig geklärt, obsich aus dem Grundgesetz ein Anspruch ableiten lässt, der durch das erlassene Gesetz nichterfüllt wird. Zweitens wurde der französische Verfassungsrat nie mit der Frage der Verfassungsmäßigkeit des Zugangsanspruches befasst. Dieses Problemwurde weder mit dem Gesetzvom 17. Juli 1978 noch mit dem Gesetzbuch über die Beziehungen zwischen Bürgern und Verwaltung aufgelöst. Drittens klärte die britische Rechtsprechung nie völlig die Rechtsbeziehungen zwischen dem ungeschriebenen Recht und dem Gesetz von 2000.Durch eine rechtsvergleichende Analyse wird es möglich, solche Fallkonstellationenbesser zu verstehen und diese verfassungsrechtlichen Fragen zu beantworten. In Deutschlandist es heutzutage nicht möglich, einen allgemeinen verfassungsrechtlichen Anspruch auf Zugang zu Informationen geltend zu machen; die Schaffung eines Verwaltungsinformationsrechtssteht dem Gesetzgeber offen. Im Gegensatz dazu, besteht in Frankreich ein solcher Anspruchaus dem Artikel 15 der Erklärung der Menschen- und Bürgerrechte, so dass das gesetzlicheRecht auf Zugang durch individuale Verfassungsbeschwerde geltend gemacht werden kann. ImVereinigten Königreich haben die Meinungsverschiedenheiten in der Lehre über Wert und Geltung der Rechtsquellen keinen Einfluss auf die Wirkung des Gesetzes aus dem Jahr 2000.Durch den Vergleich der Verfassungsrechte wird deutlich, dass der Gesetzgeber zur Schaffungeines Rechts auf Zugang zu Informationen im Besitz öffentlicher Stellen ermächtigt wird(Deutschland), dass ein allgemeines, aber unbestimmtes Recht auf Zugang besteht (Frankreich)oder ein nicht allgemeines, aber voll bestimmtes Recht auf Zugang existiert (Vereinigtes Königreich). ; This thesis aims at finding if the constitutional law of Germany, France and the United- Kingdom allows the citizens of these countries to access information held by public authorities, and to compare the legal mechanisms involved. The question of the existence of a general right of access to information held by public authorities is well known in the field of administrative law. The French (17 July 1978), German (5 September 2005) and British (30 November 2000) legislators have answered to this question. On the contrary, the question of the conformity of these legislative texts (with the exception of the British act) to the local constitutional law has been largely left unanswered. Indeed, a possibility exists that those laws are unconstitutional, be it by creating a too wide or too narrow right of access. Firstly, the German Federal Constitutional Court never clearly stated the existence or non-existence of a constitutional right of access to administrative documents that could be invoked against the legislator. Secondly, the French Constitutional Council never had a say as to the constitutionality of the 1978 law or the recent Code Regarding the Relations Between the Public and the Administration. Thirdly, the British case law is still divided regarding the relationships between the various sources of law on the matter, so that the exact relationship between the Freedom of Information Act 2000, common law and the royal prerogative remains unclear. A comparative analysis allows for a better understanding of the constitutional law regarding access to the information held by public authorities. Through that lens, it appears that in Germany, it is impossible to invoke a general right of access to such information through relying on the words of the Fundamental Law. The legislator is left free. In France, on the contrary, such a right exists within the article 15 of the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, so that the constitutionality of the laws on the matter could be challenged through individual constitutional litigation. In the United-Kingdom, the said disagreements regarding the ranks and validity of prerogative powers and common law do not weigh on the validity of the Freedom of Information Act 2000, which can be considered as the sole constitutional source of public information law. More precisely, the constitutional laws of the compared states present the following situations: a delegation to the legislator of the power to create or not to create a general right of access to information held by public authorities (Germany), a general but highly imprecise right of access (France) and a non-general but highly precisely stated right of access (United-Kingdom). ; L'objet de la présente thèse est de déterminer si les droits constitutionnels allemand, français et britannique garantissent à leurs citoyens un droit d'accès aux documents administratifs et de comparer les mécanismes juridiques en cause. La question de l'accès aux documents administratifs et aux informations qu'ils contiennent est désormais bien connue en droit administratif. Elle a occupé le législateur français (loi du 17 juillet 1978), le législateur fédéral allemand (loi du 5 septembre 2005) mais encore le Parlement britannique (loi du 30 novembre 2000). Au contraire, la question de la conformité des dispositions législatives ainsi adoptée aux cadres constitutionnels nationaux a été largement laissée de côté. Ainsi, la question de leur inconstitutionnalité, par une ouverture insuffisante ou exagérée du droit d'accès, n'est pas tranchée. En premier lieu, la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale allemande n'a jamais tranché clairement entre existence et inexistence d'un droit à l'accès aux documents administratifs opposable au législateur. En deuxième lieu, le Conseil constitutionnel français n'a jamais eu l'occasion de se prononcer sur le cadre législatif désormais contenu dans le Code des relations entre le public et l'administration. En troisième lieu, la jurisprudence britannique ne clarifie pas pleinement les rapports entre droit non écrit et la législation primaire de 2000. L'analyse comparée permet une meilleure connaissance du droit constitutionnel de l'accès aux informations détenues par les agents publics. En Allemagne, d'abord, il apparaît impossible de fonder un droit général d'accès aux documents administratifs sur les dispositions de la Loi fondamentale ; l'établissement d'un régime législatif de l'accès aux documents administratifs est donc laissé à la discrétion du législateur. En France, au contraire, un tel droit peut être appuyé sur l'article 15 de la Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen, de telle sorte que le régime législatif existant pourrait être contesté comme insuffisamment libéral, par la voie d'une question prioritaire de constitutionnalité. Au Royaume-Uni, les conflits doctrinaux relatifs à la valeur des sources de droit de prérogative et de droit commun ne remettent pas en cause la pleine validité du régime établi en détail par la loi sur la liberté de l'information de 2000. Plus précisément, les États du champ de comparaison connaissent respectivement une habilitation du législateur à établir ou non un droit d'accès du public aux informations détenues par les agents publics (Allemagne), un droit général d'accès garanti mais largement indéterminé (France) et un droit d'accès non général mais précisément déterminé (Royaume-Uni).

Following a brief overview of immigration in Spain, the present paper first analyses the main routes of illegal immigration into Spain, giving recent data on the number of arrivals by sea and land to the Iberian Peninsula, Balearic Islands, Canary Islands and Spanish territories in North Africa. The sea has traditionally been the main route of entry to Spanish territory for immigrants primarily from Sub-Saharan Africa. However, the years 2013 to 2015 proved an exception to this rule, with immigration by land outstripping that by sea due to an increase in the arrival of Syrian immigrants to the cities of Ceuta and above all Melilla. Next, a description is given of the political and operational mechanisms established by the Spanish authorities to control Spain's maritime borders, especially in the Canary Islands. Such border control is achieved through unilateral surveillance measures (the Integrated External Surveillance System, Spanish initials: SIVE), bilateral cooperation (inter-state agreements with Morocco and other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa) and regional cooperation within the European Union (EU). This is followed by a discussion of how immigration routes have been affected by increased cooperation between Spain and African States to intercept immigrants in their countries of origin or during transit. There is likewise an analysis of Spain's use of summary returns or pushbacks following assaults or jumps on the border fences surrounding Ceuta and Melilla and attempts of arrival by swimming in Ceuta or by sea to Spanish islands and islets in North Africa, within the framework of the 1992 Spanish-Moroccan agreement on readmission of foreigners who have entered illegally. Lastly, we argue that the reinforcement of border control alone is insufficient to curb migration flows: to be effective, it must be accompanied by common policies in the European countries of destination and increased investment in the countries of origin to provide their citizens with the opportunity to obtain a higher standard of living and overcome the temptation to emigrate as a first option. ; La inmigración en España: rutas migratorias, cooperación con terceros países y derechos humanos en los procedimientos de devolución Tras una breve presentación de la inmigración en España, se analizan las principales vías de entrada a España para la inmigración ilegal, con datos recientes del número de llegadas por vía marítima y terrestre al territorio peninsular y balear, al archipiélago canario y a los territorios españoles en el norte de África. Las rutas marítimas se consolidan como la tradicional forma de acceso al territorio español para los inmigrantes procedentes, principalmente, del África Subsahariana. Una excepción se dio en los años 2013 a 2015, en los que la inmigración por vía terrestre fue superior a la marítima, debido al incremento de la llegada de inmigrantes sirios a las Ciudades de Ceuta y, principalmente, de Melilla. En particular, el análisis se centra en los mecanismos políticos y operativos establecidos por las autoridades españolas para mantener el control de sus fronteras marítimas, especialmente en las Islas Canarias. Estas fronteras marítimas se controlan mediante medidas unilaterales de vigilancia (Sistema Integrado de Vigilancia Exterior –SIVE-), cooperación bilateral (acuerdos interestatales con Marruecos y otros países del África subsahariana) y cooperación regional (dentro de la Unión Europea –UE-). Este estudio destaca cómo el aumento de la cooperación entre España y los Estados africanos en la interceptación de inmigrantes en los países de origen y tránsito ha alterado las rutas migratorias. Igualmente, se analiza la práctica española de las devoluciones en caliente de inmigrantes, tras los asaltos a las vallas fronterizas de Ceuta y Melilla, la llegada a nado a Ceuta o por vía marítima a las Islas y Peñones españoles en el norte de África, en el marco del acuerdo hispano-marroquí de readmisión de extranjeros entrados ilegalmente de 1992. Finalmente, se plantea cómo el refuerzo del control fronterizo es insuficiente para frenar los flujos migratorios, si no se complementa con políticas comunes en los países europeos de destino y con mayores inversiones en los países de origen, que den a sus ciudadanos la oportunidad de tener un nivel de vida más alto y superar la tentación de emigrar, como primera opción. ; Immigration en Espagne: routes migratoires, coopération avec les pays tiers et droits de l'homme dans les procédures de retour Après une brève présentation de l'immigration en Espagne, les principales voies d'entrée en Espagne pour l'immigration clandestine sont analysées, ainsi que des données récentes sur le nombre d'arrivées par mer et par voie terrestre vers les territoires péninsulaire et baléare, les îles Canaries et les territoires espagnols en Afrique du nord. Les routes maritimes sont consolidées en tant que forme traditionnelle d'accès au territoire espagnol pour les immigrants originaires principalement de l'Afrique subsaharienne. Une exception s'est produite entre 2013 et 2015, dans laquelle l'immigration par voie terrestre était supérieure à la mer, en raison de l'augmentation du nombre d'immigrants syriens dans les villes de Ceuta et, principalement, de Melilla. L'analyse porte en particulier sur les mécanismes politiques et opérationnels mis en place par les autorités espagnoles pour maintenir le contrôle de leurs frontières maritimes, notamment aux îles Canaries. Ces frontières maritimes sont contrôlées par des mesures de surveillance unilatérales (Système de surveillance externe intégré –SIVE-), une coopération bilatérale (accords entre États avec le Maroc et d'autres pays d'Afrique subsaharienne) et une coopération régionale (au sein de l'Union européenne –UE-). Cette étude souligne en quoi la coopération accrue entre l'Espagne et les États africains en matière d'interception des immigrants dans les pays d'origine et de transit a modifié les itinéraires de migration. De même, la pratique espagnole des renvois ou refoulements 'à chaud' d'immigrants est analysée, après les assauts contre les barrières frontalières de Ceuta et Melilla, les arrivées en nageant à Ceuta ou par voie de mer dans les îles, les îlots et les rochers espagnoles en Afrique du Nord; pratique espagnole qui a comme cadre juridique l'accord de réadmission hispano-marocain de 1992 pour les étrangers entrés illégalement. Enfin, le renforcement des contrôles aux frontières est insuffisant pour freiner les flux migratoires, s'il n'est pas complété par des politiques communes dans les pays européens de destination et par des investissements plus importants dans les pays d'origine, qui donnent à leurs citoyens la possibilité d'un niveau de vie plus élevé et de vaincre la tentation d'émigrer, comme première option.

Nowadays for the foreign policy it is significantly important to be well presented for the society and get enough support to be able to act confidently in a foreign relations field. Considering that all this representation basically comes from online media sources and social media networks, everyone and everywhere has the possibility to check news from foreign policy field and form their point of view. Currently, when the social media becomes more and more popular, even the organization itself or political figure can represent themselves without any mediators, while online media sources represent news prepared by journalists and based on a particular discourse. Therefore, it is relevant to analyze how information is provided in both cases, which fields of Lithuanian foreign policy get the most attention in media and what kind of opinion can shape the user of chosen channels. There is already a significant contribution to the field of foreign policy and media done: works about public diplomacy and active Twitter importance are made. Although, this research concentrates to specific media tools – delfi.lt and Facebook and evaluates their ability to shape public opinion. Object of this research is the opinion about Lithuanian foreign policy formation in online and social media tools. Goal of the research is to determine what public opinion about Lithuanian foreign policy may have Lithuanian public while using Lithuanian online media resources for getting information on Lithuanian Foreign Affairs. To reach the goal of the research the five tasks are raised. First and second unites theoretical review of scientific works seeking to find out main ideas about constructivism, public opinion formation and public discourse formation processes. The third task is to collect and analyze articles in the news media portal and posts in social media which are related to Lithuanian foreign policy while using quantitative and qualitative methods. Following task requires to reveal the main ideas of Lithuanian foreign policy which are prevailing in social media and shared by institutions (MFA, Presidency) and to discover the main ideas of Lithuanian foreign policy which are provided by the most popular Lithuanian online media source. The last task is the classification of the information in the news media and social media on Lithuanian Foreign Affairs by discussing what image of Foreign Affairs may have Lithuanian public and what public opinion on these issues may be spread by analyzed channels. After the using scientific research methods, conclusions were provided. It was find out that Lithuanian foreign policy is actively represented both in online news source delfi.lt and social network Facebook. Quantitative analysis showed that in delfi.lt, mostly articles from foreign policy field are related to MFA strategic activities plan. This situation reveals that Lithuanian foreign policy is implemented based on goals made in advance. Therefore, the audience might see Lithuanian foreign policy as consistent and trustworthy. The variety of articles authors and critical insights let to see the foreign policy situations from different angles. Meanwhile in a social network Facebook, in a President account, the dominant information is related with her personal agenda. It is noticeable communication with strong foreign countries and active participation in foreign organizations activities. These insights show the ability of President to represent country and reach favorable goals for Lithuania while representing it in foreign field. Whereas MFA Facebook account concentrates to publication of information related to their events and initiatives. Active cooperation with neighbor countries is highlighted, as well support for problematic countries is expressed. ; Šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje užsienio politikai yra ypatingai svarbu tinkamai save reprezentuoti viešojoje erdvėje bei gauti pakankamai palaikymo, kad pavyktų pasitikinčiai veikti tarptautinių santykių lauke. Reprezentacija dažniausiai vyksta internetiniuose naujienų portaluose bei socialiniuose tinkluose, o tai leidžia patogiai ir greitai pasiekti naujienas bei susiformuoti tam tikrą nuomonę. Socialinėms medijoms tapus neatsiejama visuomenės dalimi, net institucijos ar politiniai veikėjai gali tuo pasinaudoti ir patys tiesiogiai rūpintis savo reprezentacija, tuo tarpu internetinėse medijose publikacijos yra parengiamos žurnalistų, remiantis ir formuojant tam tikrą diskursą. Todėl yra svarbu išanalizuoti, kaip informacija yra pateikiama abiem atvejais, kurios sferos iš Lietuvos užsienio politikos srities gauna daugiausia informacijos ir kokią viešąją nuomonę gali susiformuoti šių kanalų vartotojai. Užsienio politikos ir medijos srityje jau yra atlikta nemažai svarbių tyrimų, galima sutikti išsamių analizių apie viešąją diplomatiją bei Twitter svarbą politiniame lauke. Tuo tarpu šis tyrimas koncentruojasi būtent ties delfi.lt ir Facebook publikacijomis užsienio politikos tema bei jų gebėjimu formuoti viešąją nuomonę, tiriant 2018 metų, birželio – gruodžio mėnesių laikotarpį. Tyrimo objektas yra nuomonės formavimas apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką naujienų portaluose ir socialinėse medijose. Tyrimo tikslas yra apibrėžti kokią viešąją nuomonę apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką gali turėti Lietuvos visuomenė, naudodama internetinius naujienų portalus bei socialinius tinklus šiai informacijai gauti. Tikslui pasiekti yra suformuotos šešios užduotys. Pirmoji ir antroji apjungia teorinę analizę, kuomet yra siekiama išgryninti pagrindines konstruktyvizmo idėjas, atskleisti viešosios nuomonės formavimo bei viešojo diskurso susikūrimo procesus. Trečioji užduotis įvardina informacijos atrinkimą iš Delfi.lt ir Facebook bei jos analizę, naudojantis kiekybiniais ir kokybiniais tyrimų metodais. Ketvirtąja užduotimi siekiama atskleisti pagrindines Lietuvos užsienio politikos idėjas, vyraujančias internetinėje žiniasklaidoje bei socialinėse medijose. Penktoji užduotis skirta tyrimo metu (naujienų portale ir socialiniame tinkle) rastos informacijos apibendrinimui, akcentuojant kokį įvaizdį bei nuomonę apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką galima susidaryti gaunant naujienas iš minėtų šaltinių. Atlikus pasirinktų šaltinių analizę paaiškėjo, kad Lietuvos užsienio politika yra aktyviai reprezentuojama tiek naujienų portale Delfi.lt, tiek socialiniame tinkle Facebook. Remiantis kiekybinių tyrimų analize, galima teigti, kad Delfi.lt užsienio politikos tematikoje dominuoja straipsniai, susiję su Užsienio reikalų ministerijos strateginės veiklos planu. Tai atskleidžia, kad užsienio politika yra vykdoma remiantis iš anksto numatytais tikslais. Dėl to visuomenė Lietuvos užsienio politiką gali matyti kaip nuoseklią ir patikimą. Straipsnių autorių įvairovė bei galimi kritiniai požiūriai leidžia auditorijai pažvelgti į situacijas iš skirtingų perspektyvų. Tuo tarpu socialiniame tinkle Facebook, Prezidentės D. Grybauskaitės paskyroje dominuoja elementai iš jos dienotvarkės, pateikiama informacija iš pagrindinių susitikimų, dalyvavimų renginiuose. Pastebimas nuoseklus bendravimas su didžiosiomis valstybėmis bei įsitraukimas į tarptautinių organizacijų veiklas. Kas vėlgi, parodo šios užsienio politikos veikėjos gebėjimą reprezentuoti savo valstybę bei aktyviu dalyvavimu tarptautiniuose susitikimuose siekti jai palankių sprendimų. Kitas analizuotas Facebook profilis, priklausantis URM, daugiausia susitelkia į informacijos publikacijas apie institucijos organizuojamus renginius bei iniciatyvas. Išryškėja aktyvus bendradarbiavimas su kaimyninėmis valstybėmis, pagalba probleminėse situacijose bei draugiški santykiai tarptautinėje arenoje. ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra

Individual privacy is a major and largely unexplored concern when publishing new datasets in the context of Linked Open Data (LOD). The LOD cloud forms a network of interconnected and publicly accessible datasets in the form of graph databases modeled using the RDF format and queried using the SPARQL language. This heavily standardized context is nowadays extensively used by academics, public institutions and some private organizations to make their data available. Yet, some industrial and private actors may be discouraged by potential privacy issues. To this end, we introduce and develop a declarative framework for privacy-preserving Linked Data publishing in which privacy and utility constraints are specified as policies, that is sets of SPARQL queries. Our approach is data-independent and only inspects the privacy and utility policies in order to determine the sequence of anonymization operations applicable to any graph instance for satisfying the policies. We prove the soundness of our algorithms and gauge their performance through experimental analysis. Another aspect to take into account is that a new dataset published to the LOD cloud is indeed exposed to privacy breaches due to the possible linkage to objects already existing in the other LOD datasets. In the second part of this thesis, we thus focus on the problem of building safe anonymizations of an RDF graph to guarantee that linking the anonymized graph with any external RDF graph will not cause privacy breaches. Given a set of privacy queries as input, we study the data-independent safety problem and the sequence of anonymization operations necessary to enforce it. We provide sufficient conditions under which an anonymization instance is safe given a set of privacy queries. Additionally, we show that our algorithms are robust in the presence of sameAs links that can be explicit or inferred by additional knowledge. To conclude, we evaluate the impact of this safety-preserving solution on given input graphs through experiments. We focus on the performance and the utility loss of this anonymization framework on both real-world and artificial data. We first discuss and select utility measures to compare the original graph to its anonymized counterpart, then define a method to generate new privacy policies from a reference one by inserting incremental modifications. We study the behavior of the framework on four carefully selected RDF graphs. We show that our anonymization technique is effective with reasonable runtime on quite large graphs (several million triples) and is gradual: the more specific the privacy policy is, the lesser its impact is. Finally, using structural graph-based metrics, we show that our algorithms are not very destructive even when privacy policies cover a large part of the graph. By designing a simple and efficient way to ensure privacy and utility in plausible usages of RDF graphs, this new approach suggests many extensions and in the long run more work on privacy-preserving data publishing in the context of Linked Open Data ; La confidentialité des données personnelles est un souci majeur et un problème peu étudié pour la publication de données dans le Web des données ouvertes (ou LOD cloud, pour Linked Open Data cloud) . Ce nuage formé par le LOD est un réseau d'ensembles de données interconnectés et accessibles publiquement sous la forme de graphes de données modélisés dans le format RDF, et interrogés via des requêtes écrites dans le langage SPARQL. Ce cadre très standardisé est très utilisé de nos jours par des organismes publics et des entreprises. Mais certains acteurs notamment du secteur privé sont toujours réticents à la publication de leurs données, découragés par des soucis potentiels de confidentialité. Pour pallier cela, nous présentons et développons un cadre formel déclaratif pour la publication de données liées respectant la confidentialité, dans lequel les contraintes de confidentialité et d'utilité des données sont spécifiées sous forme de politiques (des ensembles de requêtes SPARQL). Cette approche est indépendante des données et du graphe considéré, et consiste en l'analyse statique d'une politique de confidentialité et d'une politique d'utilité pour déterminer des séquences d'opérations d'anonymization à appliquer à n'importe quel graphe RDF pour satisfaire les politiques fournies. Nous démontrons la sûreté de nos algorithmes et leur efficacité en terme de performance via une étude expérimentale. Un autre aspect à prendre en compte est qu'un nouveau graphe publié dans le nuage LOD est évidemment exposé à des failles de confidentialité car il peut être relié à des données déjà publiées dans d'autres données liées. Dans le second volet de cette thèse, nous nous concentrons donc sur le problème de construction d'anonymisations *sûres* d'un graphe RDF garantissant que relier le graphe anonymisé à un graphe externe quelconque ne causera pas de brèche de confidentialité. En prenant un ensemble de requêtes de confidentialité en entrée, nous étudions le problème de sûreté indépendamment des données du graphe, et la construction d'une séquence d'opérations d'anonymisation permettant d'assurer cette sûreté. Nous détaillons des conditions suffisantes sous lesquelles une instance d'anonymisation est sûre pour une certaine politique de confidentialité fournie. Par ailleurs, nous montrons que nos algorithmes sont robustes même en présence de liens de type sameAs (liens d'égalité entre entités en RDF), qu'ils soient explicites ou inférés par de la connaissance externe. Enfin, nous évaluons l'impact de cette contribution assurant la sûreté de données en la testant sur divers graphes. Nous étudions notamment la performance de cette solution et la perte d'utilité causée par nos algorithmes sur des données RDF réelles comme synthétiques. Nous étudions d'abord les diverses mesures d'utilité existantes et nous en choisissons afin de comparer le graphe original et son pendant anonymisé. Nous définissons également une méthode pour générer de nouvelles politiques de confidentialité à partir d'une politique de référence, via des modifications incrémentales. Nous étudions le comportement de notre contribution sur 4 graphes judicieusement choisis et nous montrons que notre approche est efficace avec un temps très faible même sur de gros graphes (plusieurs millions de triplets). Cette approche est graduelle : le plus spécifique est la politique de confidentialité, le plus faible est son impact sur les données. Pour conclure, nous montrons via différentes métriques structurelles (adaptées aux graphes) que nos algorithmes ne sont que peu destructeurs, et cela même quand les politiques de confidentialité couvrent une grosse partie du graphe.

Individual privacy is a major and largely unexplored concern when publishing new datasets in the context of Linked Open Data (LOD). The LOD cloud forms a network of interconnected and publicly accessible datasets in the form of graph databases modeled using the RDF format and queried using the SPARQL language. This heavily standardized context is nowadays extensively used by academics, public institutions and some private organizations to make their data available. Yet, some industrial and private actors may be discouraged by potential privacy issues. To this end, we introduce and develop a declarative framework for privacy-preserving Linked Data publishing in which privacy and utility constraints are specified as policies, that is sets of SPARQL queries. Our approach is data-independent and only inspects the privacy and utility policies in order to determine the sequence of anonymization operations applicable to any graph instance for satisfying the policies. We prove the soundness of our algorithms and gauge their performance through experimental analysis. Another aspect to take into account is that a new dataset published to the LOD cloud is indeed exposed to privacy breaches due to the possible linkage to objects already existing in the other LOD datasets. In the second part of this thesis, we thus focus on the problem of building safe anonymizations of an RDF graph to guarantee that linking the anonymized graph with any external RDF graph will not cause privacy breaches. Given a set of privacy queries as input, we study the data-independent safety problem and the sequence of anonymization operations necessary to enforce it. We provide sufficient conditions under which an anonymization instance is safe given a set of privacy queries. Additionally, we show that our algorithms are robust in the presence of sameAs links that can be explicit or inferred by additional knowledge. To conclude, we evaluate the impact of this safety-preserving solution on given input graphs through experiments. We focus on the performance and the utility loss of this anonymization framework on both real-world and artificial data. We first discuss and select utility measures to compare the original graph to its anonymized counterpart, then define a method to generate new privacy policies from a reference one by inserting incremental modifications. We study the behavior of the framework on four carefully selected RDF graphs. We show that our anonymization technique is effective with reasonable runtime on quite large graphs (several million triples) and is gradual: the more specific the privacy policy is, the lesser its impact is. Finally, using structural graph-based metrics, we show that our algorithms are not very destructive even when privacy policies cover a large part of the graph. By designing a simple and efficient way to ensure privacy and utility in plausible usages of RDF graphs, this new approach suggests many extensions and in the long run more work on privacy-preserving data publishing in the context of Linked Open Data ; La confidentialité des données personnelles est un souci majeur et un problème peu étudié pour la publication de données dans le Web des données ouvertes (ou LOD cloud, pour Linked Open Data cloud) . Ce nuage formé par le LOD est un réseau d'ensembles de données interconnectés et accessibles publiquement sous la forme de graphes de données modélisés dans le format RDF, et interrogés via des requêtes écrites dans le langage SPARQL. Ce cadre très standardisé est très utilisé de nos jours par des organismes publics et des entreprises. Mais certains acteurs notamment du secteur privé sont toujours réticents à la publication de leurs données, découragés par des soucis potentiels de confidentialité. Pour pallier cela, nous présentons et développons un cadre formel déclaratif pour la publication de données liées respectant la confidentialité, dans lequel les contraintes de confidentialité et d'utilité des données sont spécifiées sous forme de politiques (des ensembles de requêtes SPARQL). Cette approche est indépendante des données et du graphe considéré, et consiste en l'analyse statique d'une politique de confidentialité et d'une politique d'utilité pour déterminer des séquences d'opérations d'anonymization à appliquer à n'importe quel graphe RDF pour satisfaire les politiques fournies. Nous démontrons la sûreté de nos algorithmes et leur efficacité en terme de performance via une étude expérimentale. Un autre aspect à prendre en compte est qu'un nouveau graphe publié dans le nuage LOD est évidemment exposé à des failles de confidentialité car il peut être relié à des données déjà publiées dans d'autres données liées. Dans le second volet de cette thèse, nous nous concentrons donc sur le problème de construction d'anonymisations *sûres* d'un graphe RDF garantissant que relier le graphe anonymisé à un graphe externe quelconque ne causera pas de brèche de confidentialité. En prenant un ensemble de requêtes de confidentialité en entrée, nous étudions le problème de sûreté indépendamment des données du graphe, et la construction d'une séquence d'opérations d'anonymisation permettant d'assurer cette sûreté. Nous détaillons des conditions suffisantes sous lesquelles une instance d'anonymisation est sûre pour une certaine politique de confidentialité fournie. Par ailleurs, nous montrons que nos algorithmes sont robustes même en présence de liens de type sameAs (liens d'égalité entre entités en RDF), qu'ils soient explicites ou inférés par de la connaissance externe. Enfin, nous évaluons l'impact de cette contribution assurant la sûreté de données en la testant sur divers graphes. Nous étudions notamment la performance de cette solution et la perte d'utilité causée par nos algorithmes sur des données RDF réelles comme synthétiques. Nous étudions d'abord les diverses mesures d'utilité existantes et nous en choisissons afin de comparer le graphe original et son pendant anonymisé. Nous définissons également une méthode pour générer de nouvelles politiques de confidentialité à partir d'une politique de référence, via des modifications incrémentales. Nous étudions le comportement de notre contribution sur 4 graphes judicieusement choisis et nous montrons que notre approche est efficace avec un temps très faible même sur de gros graphes (plusieurs millions de triplets). Cette approche est graduelle : le plus spécifique est la politique de confidentialité, le plus faible est son impact sur les données. Pour conclure, nous montrons via différentes métriques structurelles (adaptées aux graphes) que nos algorithmes ne sont que peu destructeurs, et cela même quand les politiques de confidentialité couvrent une grosse partie du graphe.

Problem setting. Based on the level of public cooperation with the stakeholders in social progress, the public organization carries out synergistic action and unites the interests of both the state and society towards achieving the main goal of modern development – providing quality public services to individual citizens, united territorial communities, etc. incorporated into the updated content of public administration. Such an approach is possible in the case of a complete rethinking of the place and role of the civic asset in public-management relations and the mission of public policy towards promoting the priority humanistic ideas of the society.Recent research and publications analysis. The problem of the priority of service-oriented services in the activities of the state and society is increasingly interested in foreign and national researchers. They also focus on key approaches to modernizing public administration with a focus on new service policy. Recognizing the contribution of foreign scientists to the study of problems of development of relations between society and the state, let us focus on the representatives of national science in the field of public administration. In particular, A. Bondarenko, P. Klimushin and D. Spasibov, O. Obolensky and V. Soroko and others. In addition to the above-mentioned issues, the characteristic of the service model of direct public administration, which is the newest area of research in Ukraine, seems to us close to the topic.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In the study, we operate on a number of concepts that visualize the perspective of a public benefit entity – a public organization that aims to provide social service delivery to united communities through modern innovation through close public policy support. The tools of this process are based on approaches that modernize public administration in the direction of optimizing the sphere of public service delivery based on the implementation of the concept of a service state. Its adapted basis should be based on managerial innovations of public policy with the participation of all subjects of public-state relations aimed at ensuring the process of providing quality services to territorial communities. In our opinion, this is the goal of a service-oriented state and society that actualizes the influence of modernized approaches to public-management relations and initiates the expansion of cooperation with various forms of civic self-organization. In this case, we focus on the active reorientation of the public organization as a social service provider. Its functional purpose is the quality of human life within the limits of the newest self-organized forms.Paper main body. In the content of our study, we also try to clearly identify the phenomenon of a modern public organization, which is characterized as the formation of a socially useful action, aimed at providing public services to the community. In general, other communities, this community differs, in addition to its stated purpose, in activating the socially useful function, the use of managerial and technological innovations and ways of financing it. The category of such non-governmental organizations should include a service-oriented institution that positions itself not socially but narrowly, but socially. Although the latter is not fundamental, as the number of such structures may not be limited. After all, the state is interested mainly in supporting organizations aimed at securing the interests of a limited number of citizens (corporate or professional group), but of the mass recipient of social services. State interest is also manifested here in the functioning of such a public organization, whose socially beneficial action is to initiate service to local communities, to individual citizens, where the state is either unable or under some circumstances or in need of such assistance. Public policy can promote NGOs as social service providers and in other statutory cases (cooperation in regional or national programs, grants, strategies, etc.). Some of the above functional features of a non-governmental organization as a social service provider, however, will be discussed in more detail because, in our opinion, they have a decisive influence on its definition.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Modern democratic processes are designed in such a way that public organizations are able to respond to the contemporary challenges of the state and society under conditions of mutual readiness for public and administrative change. Chief among them is a partnership to ensure the interests of citizens by providing them and their self-organized forms of quality service. The public benefit organization has another important mission - to balance the national interests and interests of the united territorial communities resulting from the decentralization of the management system. Considering that the process of public administration should reflect the democratic principles of subjective reality, we consider the participation of citizens in self-organization of their life as an undeniable right to freedom of action. Therefore, taking into account the judgments about public management as an organizing activity of people, we can assume that the nature of public-management relations is caused by the needs of society and all forms of self-organization of human life (both public organizations and territorial communities) are intended to provide them with priority. The new civil society institutions should be relieved of excessive pressure from the state, leaving behind the possibility of cooperation, assistance and legal support for their activities. After all, public policy should be aimed at providing communities with the necessary services, and the tools of this process should be upgraded public organizations of public benefit - modern social service providers. Functionally, a non-governmental organization must act on the basis of recognition of the fundamental principles of activity as a social service provider. They are based on the main criteria for the subjectivity of public organization, principled approaches to action and recognition of the rule of law and public administration. ; Здійснено обґрунтування нового виду інституції громадянського суспільства – громадської організації як соціального сервіс-провайдера. Запропоновано характеристику функціональних особливостей та принципові властивості, що актуалізують суспільно-корисні та сервісно-орієнтовані можливості оновленої організації. Уперше введено до наукового обігу принципові переваги залучення до публічної політики громадської організації як соціального сервіс-провайдера. Закцентовано увагу на синергетичному залученні до співпраці всіх суб'єктів публічно-управлінських відносин із прицілом на задоволення найпріоритетніших соціально-сервісних інтересів представників територіальних громад за допомогою застосування модерних управлінських і технологічних інновацій.

Individual privacy is a major and largely unexplored concern when publishing new datasets in the context of Linked Open Data (LOD). The LOD cloud forms a network of interconnected and publicly accessible datasets in the form of graph databases modeled using the RDF format and queried using the SPARQL language. This heavily standardized context is nowadays extensively used by academics, public institutions and some private organizations to make their data available. Yet, some industrial and private actors may be discouraged by potential privacy issues. To this end, we introduce and develop a declarative framework for privacy-preserving Linked Data publishing in which privacy and utility constraints are specified as policies, that is sets of SPARQL queries. Our approach is data-independent and only inspects the privacy and utility policies in order to determine the sequence of anonymization operations applicable to any graph instance for satisfying the policies. We prove the soundness of our algorithms and gauge their performance through experimental analysis. Another aspect to take into account is that a new dataset published to the LOD cloud is indeed exposed to privacy breaches due to the possible linkage to objects already existing in the other LOD datasets. In the second part of this thesis, we thus focus on the problem of building safe anonymizations of an RDF graph to guarantee that linking the anonymized graph with any external RDF graph will not cause privacy breaches. Given a set of privacy queries as input, we study the data-independent safety problem and the sequence of anonymization operations necessary to enforce it. We provide sufficient conditions under which an anonymization instance is safe given a set of privacy queries. Additionally, we show that our algorithms are robust in the presence of sameAs links that can be explicit or inferred by additional knowledge. To conclude, we evaluate the impact of this safety-preserving solution on given input graphs through experiments. We focus on the performance and the utility loss of this anonymization framework on both real-world and artificial data. We first discuss and select utility measures to compare the original graph to its anonymized counterpart, then define a method to generate new privacy policies from a reference one by inserting incremental modifications. We study the behavior of the framework on four carefully selected RDF graphs. We show that our anonymization technique is effective with reasonable runtime on quite large graphs (several million triples) and is gradual: the more specific the privacy policy is, the lesser its impact is. Finally, using structural graph-based metrics, we show that our algorithms are not very destructive even when privacy policies cover a large part of the graph. By designing a simple and efficient way to ensure privacy and utility in plausible usages of RDF graphs, this new approach suggests many extensions and in the long run more work on privacy-preserving data publishing in the context of Linked Open Data ; La confidentialité des données personnelles est un souci majeur et un problème peu étudié pour la publication de données dans le Web des données ouvertes (ou LOD cloud, pour Linked Open Data cloud) . Ce nuage formé par le LOD est un réseau d'ensembles de données interconnectés et accessibles publiquement sous la forme de graphes de données modélisés dans le format RDF, et interrogés via des requêtes écrites dans le langage SPARQL. Ce cadre très standardisé est très utilisé de nos jours par des organismes publics et des entreprises. Mais certains acteurs notamment du secteur privé sont toujours réticents à la publication de leurs données, découragés par des soucis potentiels de confidentialité. Pour pallier cela, nous présentons et développons un cadre formel déclaratif pour la publication de données liées respectant la confidentialité, dans lequel les contraintes de confidentialité et d'utilité des données sont spécifiées sous forme de politiques (des ensembles de requêtes SPARQL). Cette approche est indépendante des données et du graphe considéré, et consiste en l'analyse statique d'une politique de confidentialité et d'une politique d'utilité pour déterminer des séquences d'opérations d'anonymization à appliquer à n'importe quel graphe RDF pour satisfaire les politiques fournies. Nous démontrons la sûreté de nos algorithmes et leur efficacité en terme de performance via une étude expérimentale. Un autre aspect à prendre en compte est qu'un nouveau graphe publié dans le nuage LOD est évidemment exposé à des failles de confidentialité car il peut être relié à des données déjà publiées dans d'autres données liées. Dans le second volet de cette thèse, nous nous concentrons donc sur le problème de construction d'anonymisations *sûres* d'un graphe RDF garantissant que relier le graphe anonymisé à un graphe externe quelconque ne causera pas de brèche de confidentialité. En prenant un ensemble de requêtes de confidentialité en entrée, nous étudions le problème de sûreté indépendamment des données du graphe, et la construction d'une séquence d'opérations d'anonymisation permettant d'assurer cette sûreté. Nous détaillons des conditions suffisantes sous lesquelles une instance d'anonymisation est sûre pour une certaine politique de confidentialité fournie. Par ailleurs, nous montrons que nos algorithmes sont robustes même en présence de liens de type sameAs (liens d'égalité entre entités en RDF), qu'ils soient explicites ou inférés par de la connaissance externe. Enfin, nous évaluons l'impact de cette contribution assurant la sûreté de données en la testant sur divers graphes. Nous étudions notamment la performance de cette solution et la perte d'utilité causée par nos algorithmes sur des données RDF réelles comme synthétiques. Nous étudions d'abord les diverses mesures d'utilité existantes et nous en choisissons afin de comparer le graphe original et son pendant anonymisé. Nous définissons également une méthode pour générer de nouvelles politiques de confidentialité à partir d'une politique de référence, via des modifications incrémentales. Nous étudions le comportement de notre contribution sur 4 graphes judicieusement choisis et nous montrons que notre approche est efficace avec un temps très faible même sur de gros graphes (plusieurs millions de triplets). Cette approche est graduelle : le plus spécifique est la politique de confidentialité, le plus faible est son impact sur les données. Pour conclure, nous montrons via différentes métriques structurelles (adaptées aux graphes) que nos algorithmes ne sont que peu destructeurs, et cela même quand les politiques de confidentialité couvrent une grosse partie du graphe.

WOS: 000464740700002 ; A measurement of production cross sections of the Higgs boson in proton-proton collisions is presented in the H -> tau tau decay channel. The analysis is performed using 36.1 fb(-1) of data recorded by the ATLAS experiment at the Large Hadron Collider at a center-of-mass energy of root s = 13 TeV. All combinations of leptonic (tau -> l v (v) over bar with l = e, mu) and hadronic (tau -> hadrons v) tau decays arc considered. The H -> tau tau signal over the expected background from other Standard Model processes is established with an observed (expected) significance of 4.4 (4.1) standard deviations. Combined with results obtained using data taken at 7 and 8 TeV center-of-mass energies, the observed (expected) significance amounts to 6.4 (5.4) standard deviations and constitutes an observation of H -> tau tau decays. Using the data taken at root s = 13 TeV, the total cross section in the H -> tau tau decay channel is measured to be 3.77(-0.59)(+0.60)(stat)(-0.74)(+0.87) (syst) pb, for a Higgs boson of mass 125 GeV assuming the relative contributions of its production modes as predicted by the Standard Model. Total cross sections in the H -> tau tau decay channel are determined separately for vector-boson-fusion production and gluon-gluon-fusion production to be sigma(VBF)(H -> tau tau) = 0.28 +/- 0.09 (stat)(-0.09)(+0.11) (syst) pb and sigma(ggF)(H -> tau tau) = 3.1 +/- 1.0 (stat)(-1.3)(+1.6) (syst) pb, respectively. Similarly, results of a fit are reported in the framework of simplified template cross sections. All measurements are in agreement with Standard Model expectations. ; ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW, Austria; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPq, BrazilNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERC, CanadaNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CERN; NRC, Canada; CAS, ChinaChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST, ChinaMinistry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CR, Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; VSC CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF, Denmark; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRS, FranceCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF, Germany; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISF, IsraelIsrael Science Foundation; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, PolandMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalPortuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia; NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS, SloveniaSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC, Sweden; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, Geneva, Switzerland; SNSF, Geneva, Switzerland; Cantons of Bern, Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE, United States of AmericaUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); BCKDF, Canada; CANARIE, Canada; CRC, Canada; Compute Canada, Canada; COSTEuropean Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST); ERCEuropean Research Council (ERC); ERDFEuropean Union (EU); Horizon 2020; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions; European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d' Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); DFG, GermanyGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; EU-ESFEuropean Union (EU); Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF, Israel; GIF, IsraelGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom ; We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF, and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXTand JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, CRC and Compute Canada, Canada; COST, ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020, and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d' Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (UK) and BNL (USA), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers. Major contributors of computing resources are listed in Ref. [118].

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was introduced as a response to Kofi Annan's plea to resolve the paradox of illegal humanitarian interventions versus inaction by the international community in the face of atrocity crimes. By shifting the discourse from 'sovereignty as control' to 'sovereignty as responsibility', R2P places primary responsibility on states to protect their population from atrocity crimes and shifts this responsibility to the international community when the state is 'unable' or 'unwilling' to protect. However, after it was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, R2P has not yet been a solution to ongoing humanitarian crises as evinced by the current cases mainly due to the political impasse at the United Nations Security Council. In this vein, this thesis explores the place of the 'intervention by invitation' (IvI) within the R2P framework as an aspect of prevention and/or timely action that can resolve the impasse. Building on state consent, the invited states assume the collective responsibility to protect if the UNSC fails to respond to the mass atrocity crimes. In view of this, the responsibility of the inviting and intervening states is intertwined in the three-pillar implementation strategy of R2P. As part of its Pillar I responsibilities, the state may request for military assistance in case of inability to protect the population and trigger Pillar II that is international assistance. Pursuant to the triggering of the responsibility of the international community, the intervening states may uphold the international community's Pillar II responsibility through 'preventive deployment'. In the event that the state is manifestly failing to protect its population and there arises a need for decisive action, when the Security Council fails to adopt a decision, such as for the authorisation of all necessary measures up to and including the use of force, based on the existing and applicable consent, the invited interveners can undertake the use of force in a 'timely and decisive' manner under Pillar III. Accordingly, to consider situations where an intervention is to take place, this thesis proposes a newly formulated test known as 'effective population protection legitimacy' (EPPL) in order to ensure its effective and right implementation. The applicability and feasibility of this test is analysed through the case of Yemen. ; ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI ii ETİK BEYAN iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv ABSTRACT v ÖZET vii TABLE OF CONTENTS ix LIST OF TABLES xii LIST OF FIGURES xiii ABBREVIATIONS xiv INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: BUILDING BLOCKS OF THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT AND INTERVENTION BY INVITATION 7 1.1. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF R2P: THE ICISS REPORT 7 1.2. R2P UNDER THE ROOF OF THE UNITED NATIONS 11 1.2.1. R2P in Reports Prior to the World Summit Outcome Document 11 1.2.2. World Summit Outcome Document 13 1.2.3. The UN Secretary-General's 2009 Report on R2P 15 1.3. INTERVENTION BY INVITATION WITHIN THE R2P FRAMEWORK 17 1.3.1. Prohibition on the Use of Force vis-à-vis IvI and R2P 18 1.3.2. From Prohibition of Intervention to Consensual Intervention 21 1.3.4. State Consent within the R2P Framework 23 1.4. THE THREE-PILLAR STRATEGY AND THE IvI FRAMEWORK 25 1.4.1. Pillar I: State's Responsibility to Request for External Assistance 25 1.4.2. Pillar II: Responsibility of Invited Interveners to Authorize 'Preventive Deployment' 27 1.4.3. Pillar III: Responsibility of Invited Interveners to Use Force in a 'Timely and Decisive' Manner 33 CHAPTER 2: SCOPE AND ASSESSMENT CRITERIA OF INTERVENTION BY INVITATION 36 2.1. ASSESSMENT OF CONSENT 36 2.1.1. Distinction Between External and Internal Validity of Consent 36 2.1.2. Form of Consent 39 2.1.3. Restriction of Valid Consent 40 2.2. 'RIGHT AUTHORITY' UNDER IvI WITHIN THE R2P FRAMEWORK 42 2.2.1. Right Authority under the R2P framework 42 2.2.2. Assessment of the legitimacy of the government 43 2.2.3. Legitimacy of Government in the Face of Mass Atrocity Crimes 49 2.2.4. Specific Issues 56 2.3. SCOPE OF APPLICATION 59 2.3.1. Negative Equality Principle 59 2.3.2. Exception: Purpose-Based Approach 62 2.4. PARAMETERS ON THE USE OF FORCE BY INVITED INTERVENERS VIS-À-VIS R2P GUIDELINES 64 CHAPTER 3: THE CASE OF YEMEN 68 3.1. FACTUAL BACKGROUND TO THE CRISIS IN YEMEN 68 3.2. ANALYSIS OF RESOLUTIONS AND STATEMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO R2P IN YEMEN 72 3.3. TESTING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE YEMENI GOVERNMENT 75 3.4. PARAMETERS ON THE USE OF FORCE 79 3.4.1. Seriousness of Threat 80 3.4.2. Proper Purpose 82 3.4.3. Last Resort 84 3.4.4. Proportionality 84 3.4.5. Balance of Consequences 87 3.4.6. Negative Equality Doctrine 87 CONCLUSION 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY 94 APPENDIX 1. ETHICS BOARD WAIVER FORM 106 APPENDIX 2. THESIS ORIGINALITY REPORT 108 ; Koruma sorumluluğu (R2P), Kofi Annan'ın vahşet suçları karşısında uluslararası toplumun eylemsizliği ile yasadışı insani müdahaleler arasındaki paradoksu çözme yönündeki savunmasına bir cevap olarak ileri sürülmüştür. R2P, 'kontrol olarak egemenlik' söylemini 'sorumluluk olarak egemenlik' şeklinde değiştirerek topraklarında yaşayan nüfusu vahşet suçlarından korumayı devletlerin birincil sorumluluğu olarak belirlemekte ve devletin 'koruyamadığı' veya bunu yapmaya 'isteksiz olduğu' durumlarda ise bu sorumluluğu uluslararası topluma yüklemektedir. Bununla birlikte, Birleşmiş Milletler Genel Kurulu (BMGK) tarafından kabul edildikten sonra, R2P, esas olarak Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi'ndeki siyasi çıkmazdan dolayı mevcut vakaların da ortaya koymuş olduğu üzere devam eden insani krizlere henüz bir çözüm olmamıştır. Bu bağlamda, bu tez, 'davet ile müdahale'nin (IvI) R2P çerçevesindeki yerini, çıkmazı çözebilecek önleme ve/veya zamanında eylemin bir yönü olarak incelemektedir. Davet edilen devletler, devlet rızasına dayanarak BMGK'nin kitlesel vahşet suçlarına cevap vermemesi durumunda kolektif sorumluluğu üstlenirler. Bunu göz önünde bulundurarak, davet eden ve müdahale eden devletlerin sorumluluğu, R2P'nin üç sütunlu uygulama stratejisinde iç içe geçmiştir. Sütun I sorumluluklarının bir parçası olarak, bir devlet vatandaşlarını koruyamadığı durumda askeri destek talep edebilir ve böylelikle Sütun II'yi harekete geçirir, yani uluslararası yardımdan faydalanır. Uluslararası toplumun sorumluluğunun harekete geçirilmesine uygun olarak, müdahale eden devletler uluslararası toplumun Dayanak II sorumluluğunu 'önleyici konuşlandırma' yoluyla yerine getirebilirler. Devletin, vatandaşlarını korumakta açıkça başarısız olduğu, Güvenlik Konseyi'nin, mevcut ve geçerli rızaya dayalı olarak güç kullanımı yetkisi de dahil olmak üzere gerekli tüm tedbirleri alamadığı ve kati eyleme ihtiyaç duyulduğu durumlarda, davet edilmiş olan müdahil Dayanak III kapsamında 'zamanında ve kati' bir biçimde güç kullanımını üstlenebilir. Buna göre, bir müdahalenin gerçekleşmesi beklenen durumları gözden geçirmek amacıyla, bu tez, etkili ve doğru uygulamayı sağlamak adına 'nüfusu etkili koruma meşruiyeti' (EPPL) şeklinde adlandırdığı yeni bir test önermektedir. Bu testin uygulanabilirliği ve elverişliliği Yemen vakası aracılığıyla incelenmektedir.

The city of Brest, which is approaching its thousandth anniversary, throughout its history was part of several states: Kievan Ruś, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and in 1795 was incorporated into the Russian Empire. In the 20th century, the city was part of Poland (1919–1939), part of the Soviet Union (1939–1941) as a newly formed regional centre of the BSSR; it was under German occupation (1941–1944), part of the Soviet Union (1944–1991), and since 1991 has been part of the independent Republic of Belarus. This paper uses a cultural-historical approach to study the names of intra-city linear objects of present-day Brest. The research data were 51 street names coined in the 21th century, which were subjected to semantic analysis. The obtained results indicate that nominators continue to use the 'nominal' model popular in the 20th century. In particular, the names of recent hodonyms commemorate people who had glorified Brest and its region during the 1941–1944 military actions (Ju. Vinnik, V. Puganov, M. Kryštofovič), as well as such a significant for the city historical event as the battle of Grünwald in 1410. The modern streets have been named after the persons whose fates had been closely connected with the city as their place of residence or with other activity for the development of the post-war Brest (V. Machnovič, V. Hadzietski). There is also a group of street names commemorating surnames: of Belarusian writers (N. Zasim, V. Kalieśnik, I. Melež) and Russian writers (S. Esenin, A. Platonov, A. Griboedov) as well as the Polish historian and social activist (J.- U. Niemcewicz). The 19th century urban street names include various ecclesiastical names, motivated either by names of church buildings (Illinskaja St., Irininskaja St., Pakroŭskaja St.) or by proximity to a nearby confessional object (Hieorhieŭskaja St., Raždzestvenskaja St., Serafim Saoŭskaja St.). For the first time anthroponymic names commemorating Orthodox Christian saints appeared on the map of Brest (Boris, Vladimir, Tatiana). The second attempt to revive the Belarusian language (1991) led to recording official names both in Belarusian and in Russian. Since then, only one name in Belarusian, Staražytnaja Street (Belarusian: Starazhytny – Russian: Ancient) has replenished the list. This name precisely reflects the character of the city, which has witnessed several centuries of complicated history. ; Miasto Brześć, którego historia liczy tysiąc lat, wchodziło w skład Rusi Kijowskiej, Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, Rzeczypospolitej, a od roku 1795 – Imperium Rosyjskiego. W XX w. miasto było częścią Polski (1919–1939), wchodziło w skład Związku Radzieckiego (1939–1941) jako centrum nowo utworzonego obwodu brzeskiego Białoruskiej Sowieckiej Socjalistycznej Republiki (BSSR), znajdowało się pod niemiecką okupacją (1941–1944), ponownie znalazło się w granicach ZSSR (1944–1991, od roku 1945 – BSSR), a od 1991 roku należy do suwerennej Republiki Białoruskiej. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest historyczno-kulturowemu aspektowi nazewnictwa ulic współczesnego miasta Brześcia. Analizie semantycznej poddanych zostało 51 jednostek powstałych w XXI w. Zaprezentowany materiał pokazuje, że w procesie nominacji kontynuowany jest, często stosowany w XX w., model nadawania ulicom nazw pamiątkowych, służący upamiętnieniu postaci zasłużonych dla miasta Brześcia i dla obwodu brzeskiego w czasie działań wojennych w latach 1941–1944 (J. M. Winnik, W. P. Puganow, M. J. Krisztofowicz), jak również upamiętnieniu znaczących dla miasta wydarzenie historycznych, jakim była Bitwa pod Grunwaldem w roku 1410. Najnowsze ulice zostały też nazwane na cześć osób, których losy związane były z miastem przez miejsce zamieszkania bądź też inną działalność na rzecz rozwoju powojennego Brześcia (W. D. Machnowicz, W. I. Goździeckij). Jest też grupa nazw ulic upamiętniających nazwiska mistrzów pióra: białoruskich (N. Zasim, W. A. Kolesnik, I. P. Mieleż), rosyjskich (S. A. Jesienin, A. Płatonow, A. S. Gribojedow) i polskiego pisarza, historyka i działacza społecznego (J. U. Niemcewicza). Nazwy ulic nadane w pierwszym dwudziestoleciu XXI wieku, utrwalają ponadto nazwy obiektów sakralnych (ulica Iljinskaja, Irininskaja, Pokrowskaja) bądź bezpośrednio nawiązują do usytuowanej na ulicy budowli kultu religijnego (ulica Gieorgijewskaja, Rożdiestwienskaja, Sierafima Sarowskogo). Po raz pierwszy na mapie miasta pojawiły się nazwy motywowane imionami świętych Cerkwi prawosławnej (Borys, Włodzimierz, Tatiana). Próba odrodzenia języka białoruskiego w roku 1991 doprowadziła do tego, że nazwy urzędowe były zapisywane w języku białoruskim i rosyjskim. Najnowszy spis brzeskich ulic wzbogacił się o jedną nazwę pochodzenia białoruskiego – Starożytnaja ulica (biał. старажытны – ros. древний, pol. starożytny). Oddaje to charakter miasta, świadka skomplikowanej historii na przestrzeni wieków. ; Горад Брэст, гісторыя якога налічвае тысячу гадоў, уваходзiў у склад Кiеўскай Русi, Вялiкага княства Лiтоўскага, Рэчы Паспалiтай, а з 1795 г. – Расiйскай iмперыi. У ХХ стагоддзi горад быў часткай Польшчы (1919–1939), уваходзiў у склад СССР (1939–1941) як цэнтр новаўтворанай Брэсцкай вобласцi БССР, знаходзiўся пад нямецкай акупацыяй (1941–1944), зноў апынуўся ў межах СССР (1944–1991, з 1945 года – у складзе БССР), а з 1991 года належыць да суверэннай Беларусі. Дадзены артыкул прысвечаны гiсторыка-культурнаму аспекту назваў вулiц сучаснага горада Брэста. У семантычным плане прааналiзавана 51 адзiнка, утвораная ў XXI ст. Прыведзены матэрыял сведчыць пра тое, што ў працэсе намiнацыi працягвае ўжывацца папулярная яшчэ ў ХХ ст. мадэль прысваення вулiцам памятных, мемарыяльных назваў (мемаратываў) для ўвекавечвання памяцi абаронцаў Брэста i Брэсцкай вобласцi ў час ваенных дзеянняў 1941–1944 гг. (Ю. Вiннiк, В. Пуганаў, М. Крыштафовiч), а таксама значнай для горада гiстарычнай падзеi, якой была Бiтва пад Грунвальдам у 1410 г. Найноўшыя вулiцы атрымалi свае назвы ў гонар вядомых асоб, якiя пражывалi ў горадзе, альбо ўнеслi значны ўклад у развiццё пасляваеннага Брэста (В. Махновiч, У. Газдзецкi). Iснуе група найменняў вулiц, якiя ўвекавечваюць прозвiшчы беларускiх (Н. Засiм, У. Калеснiк, I. Мележ) і рускiх мастакоў слова (С. Есенiн, А. Платонаў, А. Грыбаедаў), а таксама польскага пiсьменнiка, гiсторыка i грамадскага дзеяча (Ю. У. Нямцэвiча). Назвы вулiц, нададзеныя ў першым дваццацiгоддзi XXI ст., адлюстроўваюць назвы сакральных аб'ектаў (вуліца Ільінская, Ірынінская, Пакроўская) альбо непасрэдна ўказваюць на размешчаны на вулiцы царкоўны храм (Георгіеўская, Раждзественская, Серафіма Сараўскага). Упершыню на карце горада з'явiлiся назвы, матывавныя iмёнамi святых праваслаўнай царквы (Барыс, Уладзiмiр, Таццяна). Спроба адраджэння беларускай мовы ў 1991 г. прывяла да таго, што афiцыйныя назвы сталi фiксавацца на беларускай i рускай мовах. Найноўшы спiс брэсцкiх вулiц папоўнiўся адной беларускамоўнай назвай – рус. Старожитная улица, бел. Старажытная вулiца. Дадзеная назва добра адлюстроўвае характар горада, якi стаў сведкам складанай гiсторыi на працягу многiх стагоддзяў