This thesis analyzes the complex relations between climate change, vulnerability, adaptation and violent conflict in northern Africa and Kenya. To grasp this complexity, the thesis combines seven studies, applying a multitude of research methods at different geographic scales and across disciplinary and cultural boundaries. The first study reviews the existing literature on climate change and conflict to identify core research challenges and questions. This research field is still in its early stage. Some studies have found a correlation between climatic conditions and conflict while others have not. The major research challenge is to collect and utilize spatiotemporal data which is able to capture local, non state conflict dynamics, and to integrate this data into the overall complexity of the research matter. To address this challenge, the thesis uses agent-centered approaches to combine the analysis of local conflict and climate data with qualitative field research. The theories, concepts and models needed to understand climate-security interactions are introduced in the second study. Here, a conceptual framework is developed for an agent-based model which is then used to discuss potential conflict constellations between the states of the Nile river basin. The third study analyzes climatic changes, vulnerability, adaptation and conflict in North Africa with a focus on Morocco. The results show that North Africa is highly vulnerable to climate change but the reasons for the vulnerability differ from state to state. Water scarcity, dependence on rain fed agriculture, population growth and corruption are challenges for adaptation to an increasingly drier climate. In Morocco, the applied climate simulation and the bio-economic model show that a shift in agricultural production from maximization to stabilization of output is recommendable. The analysis of socioeconomic, climate and conflict data shows further that Algeria, Egypt and Morocco are the countries most prone to climate change related social instabilities. The next study focuses specifically on social instabilities in northern Africa. The discussion of conflicts between farmers and herders in Mali shows that climate change contributes to these conflicts, although to a limited extent. Based on this finding and the models introduced earlier, the study develops a conceptual framework which can be used to explore other farmer-herder conflicts. The last three studies focus on climate change and violent inter pastoral conflicts in Kenya. Over a period of five months the author has lived in arid northwestern Kenya with the two pastoral groups, Turkana and Pokot, to analyze their violent conflicts over water, land and livestock. A variety of qualitative research methods including interviews with community members (e.g. pastoralists, elders, women, youth) and experts, focus group discussions and participating observations was applied. The conflicts are closely related to violent livestock thefts, termed "raiding". The identified motives for the raiding range from drought and poverty to payment of dowry and the expansion of territory. Other factors contributing to conflict include political and socioeconomical marginalization, commercialization of raiding and the availability of automatic small arms. Based on the analysis of climate data and a unique record of raiding incidences, a hypothesis is developed which could explain the relation between raiding during drought and during rainy periods. Climate projections suggest a warmer, overall wetter but less predictable and reliable climate for Kenya. This is likely to increase difficulties for pastoralists to utilize pasture and water resources. Additionally, the pastoral livelihoods are under pressure from the effects of the armed conflicts. The effects are discussed in detail together with the question of what can be done to mitigate violence and to promote conflict sensitive adaptation to climate change. Several overarching conclusions can be drawn from this thesis. The complex relations between climate change and conflict can only be understood if questions of vulnerability and adaptation are answered first. The complexity of the research matter calls for an interdisciplinary multimethod approach. The international community needs to increase its efforts to limit greenhouse gas emissions to minimize the potential of climate change to act as a multiplier of security risks. Further, the international community should increase its support for conflict sensitive climate change adaptation in developing countries. In countries where pastoralism is practiced it is important for the national governments to acknowledge pastoralism as a productive livelihood which is well-adopted to the harsh climatic conditions of arid and semi arid lands. This implies to respect traditional institutions, to integrate them into national policies, and to ensure safe and free pastoral mobility. ; Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht die komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimawandel, Verwundbarkeit (Vulnerabilität), Anpassung (Adaption) und gewalttätigen Konflikten im nördlichen Afrika und Kenia. Um der Gesamtkomplexität gerecht zu werden, verbindet die Untersuchung sieben Studien, in denen eine Vielzahl von Methoden auf verschiedenen geographischen Ebenen und über disziplinäre und kulturelle Grenzen hinweg zum Einsatz kommt. Die erste Studie gibt einen Überblick über die Klimawandel- und Konfliktliteratur um daraufhin zentrale Herausforderungen und Forschungsfragen zu identifizieren. Die Forschung befindet sich noch in einem frühen Stadium. Einige Studien haben einen Zusammenhang zwischen klimatischen Bedingungen und Konflikten gefunden während andere Studien dies nicht konnten. Die wesentliche Herausforderung der Forschung besteht darin, Datenquellen zu erschließen, die in der Lage sind lokale, nichtstaatliche Konfliktdynamiken raumzeitlich zu erfassen und diese in die Gesamtkomplexität der Thematik einzubetten. Dies wird in der vorliegenden Doktorarbeit versucht indem die Analyse von substaatlichen Konflikt- und Klimadaten unter Verwendung von akteurszentrierten Ansätzen mit qualitativer Feldforschung verbunden wird. Hierzu werden in der zweiten Studie zunächst die Theorien, Konzepte und Modelle eingeführt, die nötig sind um Beziehungen zwischen Klima und Sicherheit zu verstehen. Ein konzeptioneller Rahmen wird entwickelt als Grundlage für ein agentenbasiertes Modell, mit dessen Hilfe dann potentielle Konfliktkonstellation zwischen Anrainerstaaten des Nilbeckens diskutiert werden. Die dritte Studie untersucht klimatische Veränderungen, Vulnerabilität, Adaption und Konflikte in Nordafrika mit Fokus auf Marokko. Es zeigt sich, dass Nordafrika dem Klimawandel gegenüber sehr verwundbar ist. Wasserknappheit, Abhängigkeit von niederschlagsbasierter Landwirtschaft, Bevölkerungswachstum und Korruption stellen generelle Herausforderungen für die Anpassung an ein trockener werdendes Klima dar. In Marokko zeigen Klimasimulationen und ein bio-ökonomisches Modell, dass es empfehlenswert ist, die Primärproduktion der Landwirtschaft von Ertragsmaximierung hin zu Ertragsstabilisierung neu auszurichten. Die darauffolgende Studie zeigt, dass der Klimawandel in Konflikten zwischen Bauern und nomadischen Viehhaltern (Pastoralisten) in Mali eine begrenzt konfliktverstärkende Rolle spielt. Aufbauend auf dieser Feststellung und den zuvor eingeführten Modellen entwickelt die Studie einen Konzeptrahmen. Die letzten drei Studien beschäftigen sich mit Klimawandel und Konflikten zwischen Pastoralisten in Kenia. Über einen Zeitraum von fünf Monaten hat der Autor im ariden Nordwesten Kenias mit zwei Gruppen von Pastoralisten, den Turkana und den Pokot gelebt, um die gewalttätigen Konflikte der Gruppen um Wasser, Land und Vieh zu untersuchen. Die Konflikte stehen in engem Zusammenhang mit gewalttätigen Viehdiebstählen, dem so genannten "raiding". Die Motive des raidings reichen von Dürre und Armut über Zahlung von Brautsteuer bis hin zu territorialer Erweiterung. Weitere Konfliktfaktoren sind politische und sozioökonomische Marginalisierung, Kommerzialisierung des raidings und die weite Verfügbarkeit von automatischen Handfeuerwaffen. Gestützt auf Klima- und Konfliktdaten wird eine Hypothese entwickelt, die den Zusammenhang zwischen raiding während Trockenphasen und während Regenzeiten erklären könnte. Klimaprojektionen deuten auf ein wärmeres, insgesamt regenreicheres aber weniger zuverlässiges und vorhersehbares Klima in Kenia hin. Dies wird es Pastoralisten wahrscheinlich erschweren Wasser- und Weideressourcen zu nutzen. Zudem gerät die Lebensgrundlage der Pastoralisten durch die Auswirkungen der bewaffneten Konflikte unter Druck. Die Konfliktauswirkungen werden genauer diskutiert, zusammen mit der Frage was getan werden kann, um die Gewalt zu verringern und eine konfliktsensitive Klimaanpassung zu fördern. Einige Punkte von genereller Bedeutung gehen aus der Doktorarbeit hervor. Die komplexen Zusammenhänge zwischen Klimawandel und Konflikt können nur verstanden werden, wenn zuvor Fragen der Vulnerabilität und Adaption beantwortet werden. Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss ihre Bemühungen verstärken, den Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen zu begrenzen, um das Potential des Klimawandels zu reduzieren als Multiplikator von Sicherheitsrisiken zu wirken. Weiter sollte die internationale Gemeinschaft konfliktsensitive Klimaanpassung in Entwicklungsländern unterstützen. In Ländern, in denen Wanderviehwirtschaft betrieben wird, ist es für die nationalen Regierungen wichtig, Pastoralismus als produktive Lebensgrundlage anzuerkennen. Dies bedeutet vor allem traditionelle und lokale Institutionen zu respektieren, sie in nationale Politiken zu integrieren und den Pastoralisten und ihren Viehherden sichere Bewegungsfreiheit zu ermöglichen.
U tekstu se, temeljem fotografija od kojih se neke objavljuju prvi put, rekonstruira izvorni izgled secesijske zgrade Hrvatskog doma u Splitu kao zrelog arhitektonskog djela Kamila Tončića. Donosi se i kronološki pregled uloge Hrvatskog doma u društvenoj povijesti grada Splita koji pridonosi spomeničkoj vrijednosti zgrade. ; The idea of building a "Croatian House", in which the Split culture, art and sporting associations connected to National Party would be located Narodna čitaonica (People's Reading Room), Slavjanski napredak (Slav Progress), Narodna glazba (National Music), the Volunteer Fire-Fighters, Muzikalno društvo "Zvonimir" (the Zvonimir Musical Association) and Hrvatski sokol (the Croatian Hawk – sporting association) came upon the scene in 1896. At the turn of the century artists who elevated the cultural and artistic life of Split and took it out of the provincial context, placing it shoulder to shoulder with European contemporaries, came together in the National party circles. The design of the building made in the spirit of Art Nouveau architecture by Kamilo Tončić in 1906 was bold and avant-garde for a centre in which up to then Historicist or revival architecture had prevailed; in consequence it aroused diverse public reactions. But the Croatian House was nevertheless built according to the Tončić design, and opened in 1908. It had an important role in the musical life of Split as a gathering place for musicians, as a stage and concert venue, all the way up to World War I. The most important event in the first year of the existence of the Croatian House was the organisation of the First Dalmatian Art Exhibition at which the foundation of the Medulić Croatian Art Association was mooted, and the idea for founding the Gallery of Fine Art was also put forward. In the changed political circumstances after World War I, the House lost its pre-war role as an essential factor in the creation of the musical and artistic life of the city. When the Sokol association of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed in 1929, all activities in the Sokol House unfolded under the aegis of Sokol (Hawk), for it was a state organisation; the art and cultural events did not rise above the average amateur level. The most important event in the working of the amateur sections of Sokol was the foundation of the puppet theatre in 1933, on the foundations of which the Marionette Theatre still in operation today was built in 1945. After WWII, the onetime Croatian and later Sokol House was renamed Youth House, while along with the Split City Puppet Theatre, various sporting organisations were assigned the premises of the House. The house was remodelled and extended in 1930 and 1939, and thoroughly remodelled in 1942, when all the decorations on the facade and in the interior of the grand hall were destroyed in order to bring out the monumental aspects of the house in the spirit of fascist architecture. The concept of the building is a simple T-shaped ground floor. In the northern part of the site there is a narrow four-storey building with an attic along the long side placed parallel to the street in which the premises of the societies were located, while at the end of the plot, perpendicularly to it, is a two-storey building with a grand hall on the upstairs. With logical grouping of features and a functional arrangement, the spatial constraints of the plot were made use of to the best extent and complemented with an extensive programme that was supposed to meet the needs of the associations so that all of them should have their own individual quarters while making use in common of the grand hall meant for municipal events, joint events and Sokol members' athletic exercises. Although the principal facade is symmetrical with the main entrance in the middle, the courtyard part of the house with the hall is not built on its vertical axis, but shifted to the west. At the joint of the street and courtyard part of the house there are the grand stairs. The non-formalist asymmetrical disposition of volumes between the courtyard wing of the Croatian House and the neighbouring house left room for a large exercise space outdoors. Only a photograph of the drawing of the main facade remains of the design of the Croatian House. By rectification of the historical photographs, the drawing of the built facade was reconstructed, and a comparison of the project and the original appearance of the original facade shows that the design really was built, in basic idea and composition, and that alterations were made only to some of the decorative features. The lobby of the auxiliary eastern entrance and the threeflight stone staircase are kept in original form. The rectification of the previously unknown photographs of the interior of the hall has allowed the reconstruction of the original volume, position and repertoire of decoration. The space of the hall that we know of today in denuded form consists of two parts: the grand hall with the stage and the backstage areas. Abstract, linear and almost flat details, floral motifs, female heads with flowers and leaves in their hair and masks – common in the Art Nouveau idiom – were applied in the iconographic programme. In the choice of construction material and the manner of construction Tončić opted for the classic solid masonry construction of roughly worked stone blocks in lime mortar, smoothly rendered. The between-floor constructions were of wood, as was that of the gable roof. The flights of stairs with stone steps were leaned on iron I-section girders clad in rendered moulding. The pilasters alongside the central entrance, the pillars on the facade with an emphasised cornice and the attic are made of concrete, but they are only decorative and not structural elements of the building. The building of the Croatian House was adapted to the possibilities (i.e. the constraints) of the site and the function, that is, the needs of its users, in the allocation of the fundamental volumes and in the organisation of space. The interior decoration was also adjusted to the contents (the modestly decorated staircase area as against the luxuriant decoration of the grand hall), and a clearly, symmetrically and gracefully designed facade enhanced with Art Nouveau decorations and the characteristic Tončić details reveal its almost classical composition. The representative Art Nouveau building of the Croatian House, designed in the spirit of the Wagner school and its earlier works, is the original work of a mature architect in whom along with an echo of the classicist tradition the architecture of the modern age can also be sensed. But it is not just its Art Nouveau idiom that imparts a particular heritage value to the Croatian House, but also the events and personalities linked with it, whose importance in the history of the city of Split and Croatian art surmounts that of the building itself.
This research stands in the context featuring the proliferation of criminological studies and discussions about the evolution of the responses of the penal system that lead, among numerous changes, to an increase in the severity of punishment, or also the diversification of measures taken against the perpetrators of criminal acts. The situation in Brazil doesn't elude this abundance of penal options nor the intense debate raised, especially as the criminological policies conducted after the "restoration of democracy" in the country, over the last twenty years, bear witness to important changes, putting into practice widely differentiated conceptions of penality. Our contribution wishes to offer a description and a theoretical reading of the various "ways of thinking" the control of delinquency and penal justice, starting from the study of debates in the Brazilian parliament about the age of penal majority, as they have developed over this period following several proposals of constitutional changes presented in the Parliament, that are aimed at lowering the age threshold. The research firstly puts all these debates in context by linking them, on one hand, to demonstrations of violence in the Brazilian society and policies enacted to cope with it, and on the other, to the progressive enhancement of juvenile justice, distinct from adult criminal justice, as can be observed in the legislative evolution of the country in the last century. In the core of our exploration we will propose an inductive analysis of parliamentary speeches about the age of penal majority, dealing with the way in which agents of Brazilian parliament, considered as political actors, view the response to be given to criminal acts by youths. By highlighting the arguments and cognitive references that these debates put in motion, we will synthesize, under the form of four types of speech, the different "ways of thinking" the control of delinquency. The results of this practice will then be analysed using a particular conceptual tool – modern penal rationality – that will enable us to cast a new light on parliamentary speeches, studied in order to perceive in them, beyond the traditional distinctions between favourable and unfavourable positions concerning the reduction of the age of penal majority, the existence of a dominant and transversal system of thought to which the various positions can be indexed in spite of their distinctions. In the wake, we will discover that certain parliamentary communications seem even so to elude this dominant thought, witnessing approaches that will be better qualified in the light of the concepts of innovation, on one hand, and of regression on the other. Thus, the modern penal rationality, the innovation and the regression will constitute an important conceptual trilogy to represent the different "ways of thinking (and enacting)" on penal matters. However, we will propose in conclusion a complementary approach of the "ways of thinking" the control of delinquency, putting the accent, this time, on the ways of looking at the problems of violence and its characters, in respect of which responses must be proposed. We will mainly observe the "ways of viewing" that emerge from the parliamentary speeches, which will have already been brought to light by our inductive analysis. Thanks to an etymological reading of the words of danger – "danger", "risk", and "peril" – that will reveal different "ways of relating" to the object that these terms represent, we will arrive at the discovery, sustained by our empirical material, of a renewed reading of the former conceptual trilogy. ; Cette recherche s'inscrit dans un contexte caractérisé par la multiplication d'études et de discussions criminologiques sur l'évolution des réponses pénales favorisant, parmi de nombreux changements, l´augmentation de la sévérité punitive ou encore la diversification des mesures prises à l´égard des auteurs de conduites criminalisées. La réalité brésilienne n'échappe pas à ce foisonnement d'options pénales, ni aux intenses débats qu'elles soulèvent, d´autant plus que les politiques criminelles menées après la « redémocratisation » du pays, au cours des vingt dernières années, ont témoigné d'importantes transformations, traduisant des conceptions fort différenciées en matière de pénalité. Notre contribution prétend offrir une description et une lecture théorique des différentes « manières de penser » le contrôle de la délinquance et la justice pénale, à partir de l'étude des débats parlementaires brésiliens sur l'âge de la majorité pénale, tels qu´ils se sont développés pendant cette période, à la suite des nombreuses propositions de modification de la Constitution, déposées au Sénat et à la Chambre, visant l'abaissement de cette limite d'âge. La recherche met d'abord en contexte l'ensemble de ces débats en les rapportant, d'une part, aux manifestations de la violence dans la société brésilienne ainsi qu'aux politiques menées pour y faire face et, d'autre part, à la consolidation progressive d'une « justice des mineurs », distincte de la justice des adultes, telle qu'on peut l'observer dans l'évolution législative du pays du dernier siècle. Au cœur de notre exploration, nous proposerons une analyse à caractère inductif des discours parlementaires sur la majorité pénale, en nous intéressant à la manière dont les mandataires brésiliens, entendus comme acteurs du champ politique, envisagent les réponses à donner aux conduites délictueuses des jeunes. Par le biais de la mise en évidence des arguments et des référentiels cognitifs que ces débats mobilisent, nous synthétiserons, sous la forme de quatre discours-types, les différentes « manières de penser » le contrôle de la délinquance. Les résultats de cette démarche seront ensuite remis sur le métier de l'analyse grâce à un outil conceptuel particulier – la rationalité pénale moderne – qui nous permettra de jeter un nouveau regard sur les discours parlementaires étudiés pour y percevoir, au-delà des clivages traditionnels entre positions favorables ou défavorables à la réduction de l'âge de la majorité pénale, l'existence d'un système de pensée dominant et transversal auquel ces positions peuvent être indexées, en dépit de leurs différences. Dans la foulée, nous découvrirons que certaines communications parlementaires semblent néanmoins échapper à cette pensée dominante, témoignant d'approches qui seront mieux qualifiées à l'aune des concepts d'innovation, d'une part, et de régression, d'autre part. Ainsi, la rationalité pénale moderne, l'innovation et la régression constitueront une « trilogie » conceptuelle importante pour représenter les différentes « manières de penser (et de faire) » en matière pénale. Cependant, nous proposerons, en fin de parcours, une approche complémentaire des « manières de penser » le contrôle de la délinquance, en mettant cette fois l´accent sur les « manières de voir » les problèmes de violence et leurs personnages, face auxquels il s´agit de proposer des réponses. Nous nous pencherons davantage sur les « modes de connaissance » à l´œuvre au sein des discours parlementaires, qui auront déjà été mis en exergue par notre analyse inductive. Par l´entremise d´une lecture étymologique des mots du danger – « danger », « risque » et « péril » –, qui révèlera différents « modes de rattachement » à l´objet que ces termes représentent, nous aboutirons à la mise au jour, soutenue par notre matériel empirique, d´une lecture renouvelée de la trilogie conceptuelle antérieure. ; (CRIM 3) -- UCL, 2011
This research stands in the context featuring the proliferation of criminological studies and discussions about the evolution of the responses of the penal system that lead, among numerous changes, to an increase in the severity of punishment, or also the diversification of measures taken against the perpetrators of criminal acts. The situation in Brazil doesn't elude this abundance of penal options nor the intense debate raised, especially as the criminological policies conducted after the "restoration of democracy" in the country, over the last twenty years, bear witness to important changes, putting into practice widely differentiated conceptions of penality. Our contribution wishes to offer a description and a theoretical reading of the various "ways of thinking" the control of delinquency and penal justice, starting from the study of debates in the Brazilian parliament about the age of penal majority, as they have developed over this period following several proposals of constitutional changes presented in the Parliament, that are aimed at lowering the age threshold. The research firstly puts all these debates in context by linking them, on one hand, to demonstrations of violence in the Brazilian society and policies enacted to cope with it, and on the other, to the progressive enhancement of juvenile justice, distinct from adult criminal justice, as can be observed in the legislative evolution of the country in the last century. In the core of our exploration we will propose an inductive analysis of parliamentary speeches about the age of penal majority, dealing with the way in which agents of Brazilian parliament, considered as political actors, view the response to be given to criminal acts by youths. By highlighting the arguments and cognitive references that these debates put in motion, we will synthesize, under the form of four types of speech, the different "ways of thinking" the control of delinquency. The results of this practice will then be analysed using a particular conceptual tool – modern penal rationality – that will enable us to cast a new light on parliamentary speeches, studied in order to perceive in them, beyond the traditional distinctions between favourable and unfavourable positions concerning the reduction of the age of penal majority, the existence of a dominant and transversal system of thought to which the various positions can be indexed in spite of their distinctions. In the wake, we will discover that certain parliamentary communications seem even so to elude this dominant thought, witnessing approaches that will be better qualified in the light of the concepts of innovation, on one hand, and of regression on the other. Thus, the modern penal rationality, the innovation and the regression will constitute an important conceptual trilogy to represent the different "ways of thinking (and enacting)" on penal matters. However, we will propose in conclusion a complementary approach of the "ways of thinking" the control of delinquency, putting the accent, this time, on the ways of looking at the problems of violence and its characters, in respect of which responses must be proposed. We will mainly observe the "ways of viewing" that emerge from the parliamentary speeches, which will have already been brought to light by our inductive analysis. Thanks to an etymological reading of the words of danger – "danger", "risk", and "peril" – that will reveal different "ways of relating" to the object that these terms represent, we will arrive at the discovery, sustained by our empirical material, of a renewed reading of the former conceptual trilogy. ; Cette recherche s'inscrit dans un contexte caractérisé par la multiplication d'études et de discussions criminologiques sur l'évolution des réponses pénales favorisant, parmi de nombreux changements, l´augmentation de la sévérité punitive ou encore la diversification des mesures prises à l´égard des auteurs de conduites criminalisées. La réalité brésilienne n'échappe pas à ce foisonnement d'options pénales, ni aux intenses débats qu'elles soulèvent, d´autant plus que les politiques criminelles menées après la « redémocratisation » du pays, au cours des vingt dernières années, ont témoigné d'importantes transformations, traduisant des conceptions fort différenciées en matière de pénalité. Notre contribution prétend offrir une description et une lecture théorique des différentes « manières de penser » le contrôle de la délinquance et la justice pénale, à partir de l'étude des débats parlementaires brésiliens sur l'âge de la majorité pénale, tels qu´ils se sont développés pendant cette période, à la suite des nombreuses propositions de modification de la Constitution, déposées au Sénat et à la Chambre, visant l'abaissement de cette limite d'âge. La recherche met d'abord en contexte l'ensemble de ces débats en les rapportant, d'une part, aux manifestations de la violence dans la société brésilienne ainsi qu'aux politiques menées pour y faire face et, d'autre part, à la consolidation progressive d'une « justice des mineurs », distincte de la justice des adultes, telle qu'on peut l'observer dans l'évolution législative du pays du dernier siècle. Au cœur de notre exploration, nous proposerons une analyse à caractère inductif des discours parlementaires sur la majorité pénale, en nous intéressant à la manière dont les mandataires brésiliens, entendus comme acteurs du champ politique, envisagent les réponses à donner aux conduites délictueuses des jeunes. Par le biais de la mise en évidence des arguments et des référentiels cognitifs que ces débats mobilisent, nous synthétiserons, sous la forme de quatre discours-types, les différentes « manières de penser » le contrôle de la délinquance. Les résultats de cette démarche seront ensuite remis sur le métier de l'analyse grâce à un outil conceptuel particulier – la rationalité pénale moderne – qui nous permettra de jeter un nouveau regard sur les discours parlementaires étudiés pour y percevoir, au-delà des clivages traditionnels entre positions favorables ou défavorables à la réduction de l'âge de la majorité pénale, l'existence d'un système de pensée dominant et transversal auquel ces positions peuvent être indexées, en dépit de leurs différences. Dans la foulée, nous découvrirons que certaines communications parlementaires semblent néanmoins échapper à cette pensée dominante, témoignant d'approches qui seront mieux qualifiées à l'aune des concepts d'innovation, d'une part, et de régression, d'autre part. Ainsi, la rationalité pénale moderne, l'innovation et la régression constitueront une « trilogie » conceptuelle importante pour représenter les différentes « manières de penser (et de faire) » en matière pénale. Cependant, nous proposerons, en fin de parcours, une approche complémentaire des « manières de penser » le contrôle de la délinquance, en mettant cette fois l´accent sur les « manières de voir » les problèmes de violence et leurs personnages, face auxquels il s´agit de proposer des réponses. Nous nous pencherons davantage sur les « modes de connaissance » à l´œuvre au sein des discours parlementaires, qui auront déjà été mis en exergue par notre analyse inductive. Par l´entremise d´une lecture étymologique des mots du danger – « danger », « risque » et « péril » –, qui révèlera différents « modes de rattachement » à l´objet que ces termes représentent, nous aboutirons à la mise au jour, soutenue par notre matériel empirique, d´une lecture renouvelée de la trilogie conceptuelle antérieure. ; (CRIM 3) -- UCL, 2011
Úvodník 2010/V/2 2010-10-05 10:47:56 Vážení naši přátelé a příznivci Envigogiky, od vydání minulého čísla se stala spousta věcí vpřírodě i světě lidském, my však jsme opět zde (téměř vplánovaném termínu), abychom vám připomněli, že pořád ještě trváme a o cosi se snažíme. A to přesto, že se (všichni) teď nacházíme ve zvláštním období, mezičase, podivné strnulosti mezi časy, vdobě očekávání naplněné pocitem odcházení, a spíše strachem než nadějí. Léto i první podzimní den je za námi, a před námi je změna času a tedy den či spíše noc, kdy prožijeme hodinu, která neexistuje, alespoň co se týče jejího měření či evidence, a je otázkou, jak popsat události, které se právě vní odehrají, například narození či smrt ‑ získají svůj význam pravý, osudový, když se takto vymaní zuměle vytvořených souřadnic a souslednosti? Může se lehce stát, že vtomto bezčasí se dítě narodí, stařec je spatří, zaraduje se a zemře, ale nebude možno tyto události popsat tak, jak se staly, včasové souslednosti, protože intervalu mezi nimi není vymezeno řádné trvání; dítě pak vyroste vnevědomosti, neboť podle úředních záznamů není možno, aby mu bylo požehnáno; nejdůležitější svědek události odešel, byť jen jednou, ačkoli čas jeho odchodu nastal dvakrát. O skutečném bytí či nebytí těchto podivných bytostí, které nedokázaly zaručit jedinečnost svému v(ý)stupu na jeviště světa, je ovšem třeba znovu přemýšlet: úřední (ne)existence lidské bytosti je tak trochu zpochybněna, záznam vmatrice dává ne-li novou šanci a možnost (hodinového) návratu oné hraniční události, tedy jí přiděluje alespoň zvláštní, podvojný smysl. Je možný ovšem ještě jiný výklad toho, co se děje vhodině, která ve skutečnosti není (v té dokumentované a řádně evidované skutečnosti): na tom, zda a kdy člověk (ještě nebo už) je, ve skutečnosti (doopravdy) nezáleží… Pak už jen hledíme na svět prizmatem této lhostejnosti, která by mohla vystoupit znoční hodiny, plíživě se vetřít do vnímání času jiného a třeba veškerého, i do chápání toho, co je vněm skutečné: vidíme další rozostření významů a příznaky mezičasovosti naší situace. Politika vnaší zemi je (vdobě volební, trvající ovšem téměř permanentně) stálou nadějí vnesplnitelné a zatracováním minulých pokusů jaksi plnit, byť většinou spíše peněženky než sliby a ideály. A tak žijeme mezi budoucností, pro kterou není možné cokoli (pomalu, každodenně) činit, a minulostí, se kterou je třeba rychle skoncovat; přítomný okamžik je položen do tohoto (virtuálního) přesahu, tím však zpřítomné chvíle uniká ‑ je možno vněm být pouze nehybně, spočívat vblahé nedotčenosti asi jako vymřelý druh ptáka vlihovém nálevu. Příroda vtom zdá se hraje snámi: evoluční perspektiva postupného růstu, pěstování jemných rozdílů a rozlišování subtilních významů, nuancí jí byla odebrána, zmizela spolu sdobrem přisuzovaným kdysi veškerému stvoření; ke zlému však (pomalé, každodenní) přírodní dění spět neumí – a tak se nehybnosti brání dle své (dobrem nespoutané) povahy: živelně, permanentní katarzí, skrze niž vychází najevo pouze působící složka jejího vnitřního ustrojení. Ukazuje se tak, že složka pořádající, přírodní řád, zdaleka není samozřejmou zákonitostí, ale svého druhu "rozhodnutím" přírody uskutečňovaným po kouskách každým jednotlivým projevem života, který činí vše pro dobro své, svých potomků i svého druhu, a že tyto drobné síly ve svém úhrnu dávají velké rozhodnutí o budoucnosti živého veškerenstva; dnes je tedy prováděno i vsoučinnosti srozhodováním každého jednotlivého člověka a působením obecně lidským. A tak nám letos předčasný podzim, po úvodní euforii spojené se slunečným začátkem léta nebo změnou na scéněpolitické, pro mnohé zprvu nadějnou, přinesl postupně strach, ztrátu jistot, pocit, že krize, katastrofa, povodeň může přijít kdykoli, že ji nelze předvídat a že následně se ‑ díky jejímu rozsahu a živelné síle ‑ sní jen obtížně vyrovnáme. Takže se všichni učíme plavat, pevná půda pod nohama pomalu mizí a příští velká voda ji může odplavit zcela. Nedotknutelnost lidská bere postupně za své, a sní i pocit, že jsme proti mnohému zajištěni a to se nás týkat nemusí. Za této situace je lépe pohlédnout do minulosti dávné i nedávné, kdy i příroda byla méně zarostlá netýkavkami ‑ a to právě činíme vtomto čísle Envigogiky. Najdete zde četné příspěvky rázu vzpomínkového, mezi prvními pak několik odpovědí Jana Čeřovského na otázky o jeho praxi vochraně přírody (a nejen o ní), a také jeho poněkud delší textohistorii IYF[1]. Že mapovat historii environmentálního dění, jehož dráhy či silokřivky se protínají spíše vosobnostech než vsouřadnicích místních anebo časových, má smysl, se dozvíte brzy i na příkladu prozatím utajené publikace, o jejíž existenci se včas (přesně 17.října) dozvíte vnašich Novinkách. Pro tuto chvíli si kúvahám nad tím, co bylo, ale již není, přidejte i text Františka Morkese Zhistorie školních zahrad, který své téma systematicky zpracoval od vydání Všeobecného školního řádu císařovnou Marií Terezií roku 1774 až do období před II. světovou válkou. A do příště se zkuste zamyslet (a napsat nám) i vy – zmnohých drobných náznaků se totiž zdá, že celé jedno období ochrany přírody i jejího rozumového uchopení pomalu končí a je třeba o něm vydat svědectví. Pod černobílou zástavou snápisem Co činit (vzájmu dobrého)? pluje i vlajková loď našeho časopisu – recenzovaná rubrika uvedená tentokrát textem Bohuslava Binky a Jana Labohého, kteří rozebírají dva koncepty biocentrické etiky (činí tak pomocí testu naturalistického chybného závěru G. E. Moora). Přehledně se dozvíme, co jsou vlastně principy etiky (možnost rozhodnout o tom, co by mohlo být a zatím není, a co ze současného stavu nevyplývá), a jak (jinak) ji lze chápat ve vztahu kživotu přírodnímu – text se klene nad bezmála stoletím úvah o lidské odpovědnosti a přináší závěry pro současnou praxi. Dialog sautory je ale možno zahájit otázkou: "Proč by vůle kživotu měla být (pouze) empirickým faktem?" Tak tomu je, pokud přírodu zbavíme (jakékoli) etické dimenze – což je oprávněné pouze vurčitém diskurzu… Plachty a vesla našeho plavidla jsou pak popsány hesly Jak činit (aby bylo cíle dosaženo)? i náznakem možných odpovědí vrůzných kontextech. Veronika Beňková a Jan Činčera mapují prožitkové naučné stezky i jejich vliv na environmentální interpretaci krajiny; Linda Schmutzerová a Martin Bílek se zabývají postojem patnáctiletých žáků základních škol a studentů víceletých gymnázií kenvironmentálním problémům. Jan Činčera a Magdaléna Komárková ukazují, jak rozvíjet environmentální senzitivitu mladších dětí i hodnotit výsledky tohoto působení pomocí dětské kresby. Konkrétní realizaci programu zaměřeného na pochopení souvislostí udržitelného rozvoje představuje Roman Andres – ve své výuce využívá improvizovanou hru "Tragédie obecní pastviny". Pro popis našeho (ne)udržitelného životního stylu i směřování mohou být relevantní eschatologická podobenství: to ukazuje Jiří Nečas, a ptá se zároveň po hodnotách dobrého života; přehled článků vtomto čísle Envigogiky lze uzavřít podrobnou zprávou o konferenci "Vzdělávání a udržitelný život" (Education and Sustainable Life) konané při příležitosti 15. výročí založení Svatojánské koleje. Náš dialog se čtenáři však neuzavíráme zcela, naopak prosíme o pozornost procesům, o nichž zde byla řeč (přírodním i společenským), aktuálně postupu přijímání Akčního plánu SVUR, jednání o němž bylo prozatím odloženo na neurčito – o nich vám budeme postupně referovat. Zůstaňte tedy průběžně snámi ve (virtuálním, avšak skutečném) dialogu, těšíme se na vaše texty a podněty Za redakci Envigogiky Jana Dlouhá [1] International Youth Federation for Environmental Studies and Conservation
For years I have asked my Intro to Comparative Politics class: what would it take for your generation to abandon its passivity and lack of interest in politics and become mobilized as students all over the world did in the 1960s? From the évènements de mai in Paris to the sit-ins against Vietnam and police brutality in American universities, to the strikes against oligarchic democracies in South America, those were the times when the terms "young" and "mobilized" were almost synonyms.In response to this question, my students would just laugh softly, shuffle in their seats and avoid a direct answer. A couple of times someone would say: "well, if the government took away our rights, we would certainly do something about that…"After twenty years of teaching, I think I have the answer─ for the American youth to become mobilized, it takes fear and loss of national self-confidence, usually due to ineffective presidents who, through their misconceived and reckless policies, escalate the level and intensity of an earlier conflict. Lately, the manic reaction of George W. Bush to September 11, his mediocre and short-sighted populist presidency and his failure in the fake war against terrorism in Iraq, have had that effect.Finally, after eight years of failed foreign policy that certainly has not made the country safer, indeed, many would say it has made it even more vulnerable and hated in the world, students all around the United States are mobilizing around Barack Obama, whose charisma and message have struck such a deep chord in many Americans, that he is being called a "phenomenon" against which it will be very difficult to run a successful traditional campaign.Every twenty years or so, after a bad war and some wound-licking and soul-searching, Americans coalesce around a leader that reminds them of their national identity, proposes a new way and makes them feel better about themselves and the country's destiny.This happened with John F. Kennedy in the early 1960s, then with Reagan after the shameful decade of the 1970s and now it has happened again.This American tendency of losing its self-esteem follows a clear pattern: after a big fear has engulfed the nation, the government, instead of assuaging those feelings, builds on them to justify its foreign policy adventures. During the late 1950s it was the growing concern with the Soviet threat, the arms race and the competition over the imminent conquest of Space. Kennedy appeared on the scene. Young, passionately articulate, strong and handsome, he reassured the nation about its own strengths and powers. He embodied the hope they yearned for, the hope that could assuage their fear.The foreign policy establishment watched him suspiciously. Wasn't he a big liberal that would be soft on Khrushchev? If elected, he would be the first Catholic President─ wouldn't that mean his first allegiance would be to the Pope and not to the nation?The younger generation was energized, as were others, by this promising young figure and they managed to put him in the White House by a narrow margin.In the short time he was given a chance to govern, before he was abated by a lone gunman on October 16, 1962, he proved himself as a world leader, well-liked by most, yet respected by "the enemy." He restored pride and self-confidence to all Americans, even if behind the scenes he had a much darker side, including increasing the involvement of US in Vietnam and even condoning the CIA killings of certain dictators.Then came the 1970s, the lost war, Nixon and Watergate, and American morale plummeted. This, followed by the Iranian Revolution and Jimmy Carter's failed attempt to rescue the American hostages in Teheran, made the mood even more somber. To the rescue came Reagan, in his entire Hollywood cowboy splendor, with his wonderfully reassuring smile that said: "Vote for me and I will restore your pride!" America became once more the "shining light on the hill", a beacon of freedom and prosperity. He was blessed not only with a great personality but also by destiny: his challenge to Gorbachev ("Mr. Gorbachev, bring down that Wall!") could not have been more perfectly timed. America was back on top. Again, in FDR's uplifting words, we had nothing to fear but fear itself.The 1990s were the times of peace dividends, low mortgage prices, balanced budgets and prosperity for all Americans. The future extended before us, without a cloud in sight. It was the End of History, the end of ideological conflict, and American style democracy and capitalism reigned supreme, unchallenged.Then came September 11, and with it, bunker mentality, the rallying around the opportunist president who could not wait too long before he used the spectacularly terrible attack to gather his posse and plan the completion of the war against Saddam. Americans were scared, and we sacrificed young people's lives and our own personal freedoms in order to be "safe again". It took a while to realize that complete security is an absurd concept, and that good police and intelligence work, together with cooperation with the rest of the world, was the only rational response.Now, five years into an unwinnable war, after a terrible toll of young deaths and injured veterans, many with severe mental problems, the light shines again on a new leader. Out of the shadows comes Barack Obama. He is the poster child of the post-modern candidate: dark, tall, with a winning smile, from a mixed racial and religious background, and a JD degree from Harvard, he dismisses the "silliness" of Washington-style politics and scare tactics, of building walls to keep immigrants out, of eavesdropping on citizens to track down terrorists, of arousing the worst emotions on people for political gains. Instead, he wants to change the face of America, talk to the "enemies", to leave ideology behind and use good ideas pragmatically, even if they happen to be "Republican" ideas. He appeals to a broad base of college educated young white men and women (under 50), African Americans, and even Hispanics.Never mind that his middle name is Hussein, as some insist on bringing up, and that he for a while followed the Muslim faith (he professes to be a Christian now): young people are so tired of the barrage of propaganda against anything and anybody foreign, that they don't even listen. False nationalism based on violence and war does not sway them anymore. Serenely cool, this gifted orator voices the youth's angst, promises change, a new beginning, a fresh approach, and non-partisan solutions to problems. He shares their fatigue with the lies, the corruption, and the meaningless sacrifice of the young in Iraq.He leads, in Max Weber's terms, by a "gift of grace" (charisma), the strongest source of legitimacy at times when the other two, namely tradition and statute, are deeply discredited. His oratory hits the right tones, he inspires devotion, he embodies the confidence the country is thirsty for. Let's move on, he says, and show the world the real face of America. He is more than "a narrow and vain upstart of the moment".He is the post-modern candidate.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
The tobacco industry is a major political force in Missouri through lobbying, direct campaign contributions, indirect contributions to the two major political parties and legislative political caucuses, gifts and honoraria, and entertainment events. The tobacco industry has a centralized political organization in Missouri that promotes and defends its political and market interests at the local and state levels of government. Although the tobacco lobby has operated in the open in some political campaigns, it has often operated quietly behind the scenes, frequently working with various allied organizations on state and local political campaigns. * Total tobacco industry contributions in the 1991-1992 election cycle more than doubled when compared to the 1989-1990 election cycle. Since the 1991-1992 election cycle, tobacco industry contributions have declined with contributions in the 1993-1994 election cycle being nearly half of what they were in 1991-1992. In the 1995-1996 election cycle, tobacco industry contributions were a little greater than what they were in the 1991-1992 election cycle. In the 1997-1998 election cycle, tobacco industry contributions dropped to about what they were in 1991-1992. From the 1989-1990 to the 1993-1994 electoral cycles, more direct contributions went to the Democratic Party than the Republican Party. That trend reversed in the 1995-1996 and 1997-1998 election cycles when the Republican Party received more than the Democratic Party. * Due to a political deal between the tobacco lobby and former Missouri House Speaker Bob Griffin in 1993, Missouri's tobacco excise tax rate has remained at 17 cents per pack with local governments being preempted from enacting new tobacco taxes. Missouri's tobacco excise tax rate is the ninth lowest in the country with only heavy tobacco growing states like Tennessee, Kentucky, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia being lower. Higher tobacco excise taxes would significantly reduce tobacco use for all age groups in Missouri, particularly for children and poor people. The impact of Missouri's state clean indoor air law enacted in 1992 has been very weak. Responsibility of who was to enforce the law at the local level has remained unclear. The state has not engaged in significant enforcement. The state clean indoor air law did not preempt stricter local clean indoor air ordinances. Nevertheless, the local ordinances that did pass were weak by national standards. Since 1993, the Missouri Department of Mental Health, Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse has administered the Community 2000 program, a general substance abuse program that includes some tobacco control prevention efforts. The tobacco control efforts under this program have been weak due to a lack of financial and other resources. The program has not been administered in a comprehensive, effective and singular manner, and tobacco control efforts have had to compete with various other substance abuse efforts. Since 1993, the Missouri Department of Health administered the National Cancer Institute funded antitobacco and educational American Stop Smoking Intervention Study (ASSIST) program (and its current CDC predecessor the Comprehensive State-based Tobacco Use Prevention and Control Program). Due to a lack of energetic leadership in the Department of Health to support statewide anti-tobacco educational efforts and a failure by the Department of Health to encourage legally permissible energetic local anti-tobacco education activities, the program is currently not as effective as it might be. In 1994, the tobacco lobby in Missouri considered the Missouri Department of Mental Health to be an industry ally that would assist the industry in various political efforts. In 1996, Governor Mel Carnahan named the Missouri Department of Mental Health, Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse to administer the federal Synar program, which required that states annually reduce the percentage of outlets likely to sell tobacco products to minors to below 20%. Administration of the Synar program occurred under the provisions of a weak 1992 state youth access law that contained very low fines for violations, voluntary enforcement by law enforcement agencies, and no licensing provisions of tobacco vendors, which made it difficult to determine which outlets sold tobacco products. The percentage of outlets that sold tobacco products to minors dropped from 40% in 1996 to 29% in 1997. In 1998, the percentage of outlets that sold tobacco products increased to 33%. The Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse argued that extraordinary circumstances had cause this rise including changes in sampling methodology and some law enforcement agencies placing a higher priority on enforcement efforts related to methamphetamine. On September 17, 1997, the United States Department of Health and Human Services found Missouri out of compliance with Synar enforcement and called for a fine of $9.6 million on the basis that changes in sampling methodologies and placing more emphasis on methamphetamine enforcement was the Division of Alcohol and Drug Abuse's own choice. In the 2000 Legislative Session, the Missouri legislature allocated $1.2 million for Synar enforcement efforts to settle the complaint against it by the federal government. At the same time, the legislature also added an amendment to its appropriations bill prohibiting minors from engaging in Synar enforcement efforts. Governor Carnahan did not line item veto this provision. This amendment seriously undermined Missouri's ability to conduct Synar enforcement because the sale of tobacco to (undercover) individuals over 18 (who looked younger than 18) carried no penalty for outlets that sold these tobacco products. Despite the fact that 20% of the annual deaths in Missouri are caused by tobacco use, the Missouri legislature failed to enact legislation to spend Master Settlement Agreement funds for tobacco control in the 2000 Legislative Session. The primary reasons for the legislation's defeat was intense opposition by some Democrats and Republicans to any tobacco control program and the House sponsors of the bill lost control of the legislative process in the middle of the Session. Even if the Master Settlement Agreement bill had passed in the 2000 Legislative Session, its future effectiveness was in doubt because the bill called for the historically pro-tobacco Department of Mental Health to administer the program and a Senate provision allowed tobacco control funds to be diverted to other substance abuse programs. Organized health groups and advocates in Missouri are currently weak due to reorganization and a lack of resources. The health groups are also taking a strictly insider lobbying approach to tobacco control advocacy, not wanting to hold specific politicians publicly accountable for their pro-tobacco and anti-public health actions with outsider actions such as litigation or newspaper advertisements. Until this approach changes and the health groups are willing to increase resources to tobacco control activities, health advocates are highly unlikely to alter the current pro-tobacco orientation of the state legislature. Health advocates could successfully advance tobacco control efforts in Missouri by conducting a vigorous campaign to enact local tobacco control ordinances.
The potential etiological role of early acetaminophen exposure on Autism Spectrum Conditions (ASC) and Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) is inconclusive. We aimed to study this association in a collaborative study of six European population-based birth/child cohorts. A total of 73,881 mother-child pairs were included in the study. Prenatal and postnatal (up to 18 months) acetaminophen exposure was assessed through maternal questionnaires or interviews. ASC and ADHD symptoms were assessed at 4-12 years of age using validated instruments. Children were classified as having borderline/clinical symptoms using recommended cutoffs for each instrument. Hospital diagnoses were also available in one cohort. Analyses were adjusted for child and maternal characteristics along with indications for acetaminophen use. Adjusted cohort-specific effect estimates were combined using random-effects meta-analysis. The proportion of children having borderline/clinical symptoms ranged between 0.9 and 12.9% for ASC and between 1.2 and 12.2% for ADHD. Results indicated that children prenatally exposed to acetaminophen were 19% and 21% more likely to subsequently have borderline or clinical ASC (OR = 1.19, 95% CI 1.07-1.33) and ADHD symptoms (OR = 1.21, 95% CI 1.07-1.36) compared to non-exposed children. Boys and girls showed higher odds for ASC and ADHD symptoms after prenatal exposure, though these associations were slightly stronger among boys. Postnatal exposure to acetaminophen was not associated with ASC or ADHD symptoms. These results replicate previous work and support providing clear information to pregnant women and their partners about potential long-term risks of acetaminophen use. ; DAL's contribution to this paper is supported by the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013/ERC grant agreement no 669545) and a UK National Institute of Health Senior Investigator (NF-0616-10102). TC's contribution is supported by European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 733206 (LifeCycle). DAL and TC work in a Unit that is supported by the University of Bristol and UK Medical Research Council (MC_UU_00011/6). The Danish National Birth Cohort (DNBC) was established with a significant grant from the Danish National Research Foundation. Additional support was obtained from the Danish Regional Committees, the Pharmacy Foundation, the Egmont Foundation, the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation, the Health Foundation and other minor grants. The DNBC Biobank has been supported by the Novo Nordisk Foundation and the Lundbeck Foundation. Follow-up of mothers and children have been supported by the Danish Medical Research Council (SSVF 0646, 271-08-0839/06-066023, O602-01042B, 0602-02738B), the Lundbeck Foundation (195/04, R100-A9193), the Innovation Fund Denmark 0603-00294B (09-067124), the Nordea Foundation (02-2013-2014), Aarhus Ideas (AU R9-A959-13-S804), University of Copenhagen Strategic Grant (IFSV 2012), and the Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF—4183-00594 and DFF—4183-00152). The Gene and Environment: Prospective Study on Infancy in Italy (GASPII) was funded by the Italian Ministry of Health and by the Italian Medicines Agency. The general design of the Generation R Study is made possible by financial support from the Erasmus Medical Center, Rotterdam, the Erasmus University Rotterdam, the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), the Ministry of Health, Welfare, and Sport, and the Ministry of Youth and Families. This study was supported by the NARSAD Young Investigator Grant from the Brain & Behavior Research Foundation grant number 27853 (HEM), Vici project 016.VICI.170.200 (HT). MLV has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 707404. The opinions expressed in this document reflect only the author's view. The European Commission is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains. The INfancia y Medio Ambiente (INMA)-Sabadell cohort was funded by grants from Instituto de Salud Carlos III (Red INMA G03/176; CB06/02/0041; CP18/00018; PI041436; PI081151; PI1100610 incl. FEDER funds), Generalitat de Catalunya-CIRIT 1999SGR 00241, Fundació La marató de TV3 (090430). ISGlobal acknowledge support from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation through the "Centro de Excelencia Severo Ochoa 2019–2023" Program (CEX2018-000806-S), and support from the Generalitat de Catalunya through the CERCA Program. SA is funded by a Juan de la Cierva—Incorporación Postdoctoral Contract awarded by Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness (IJCI-2017-34068). JJ holds Miguel Servet-II contract (CPII19/00015) awarded by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (Co-funded by European Social Fund "Investing in your future"). MC holds a Miquel Servet-I cotract (CP16/00128) awarded by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (co-funded by European Social Fund "Investing in your future"). The INMA-Asturias cohort is funded by grants from Instituto de Salud Carlos III (FISS PI 04/2018, FIISPI09/02311, FISSPI13/02429, FISS PI18/00909 including FEDER funds) and University of Oviedo. This study was funded by Instituto de Salud Carlos III through the projects 'CP14/00108 & PI16/00261' (co-funded by European Regional Development Fund 'A way to make Europe') and CIBERESP, Obra Social Cajastur/Fundación Liberbank. The INMA-Gipuzkoa was funded by grants from Instituto de Salud Carlos III (FIS-PI06/0867, FIS-PI09/00090, FIS-PI18/01142 and FIS-PI13/02187 incl. FEDER funds), Department of Health of the Basque Government (2005111093, 2009111069, 2013111089 and 2015111065), and the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa (DFG06/002, DFG08/001 and DFG15/221) and annual agreements with the municipalities of the study area (Zumarraga, Urretxu, Legazpi, Azkoitia y Azpeitia y Beasain). The INMA-Valencia was funded by Grants from European Union (FP7-ENV-2011 cod 282957 and HEALTH.2010.2.4.5–1), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (Red INMA G03/176, CB06/02/0041; FIS-FEDER: PI03/1615, PI04/1509, PI04/1112, PI04/1931, PI05/1079, PI05/1052, PI06/1213, PI07/0314, PI09/02647, PI11/01007, PI11/02591, PI11/02038, PI13/1944, PI13/2032, PI14/00891, PI14/01687, PI16/1288, and PI17/00663; Miguel Servet-FEDER CP11/00178, CP15/00025, and CPII16/00051), Generalitat Valenciana: FISABIO (UGP 15–230, UGP-15–244, and UGP-15–249), and Alicia Koplowitz Foundation 2017. The Rhea project was financially supported by European projects (EU FP6-2003-Food-3-NewGeneris, EU FP6. STREP Hiwate, EU FP7 ENV.2007.1.2.2.2. Project No 211250 Escape, EU FP7- 2008-ENV-1.2.1.4 Envirogenomarkers, EU FP7-HEALTH- 2009- single stage CHICOS, EU FP7 ENV.2008.1.2.1.6. Proposal No 226285 ENRIECO, EUFP7- HEALTH-2012 Proposal No 308333 HELIX, FP7 European Union project, No. 264357 MeDALL), and the Greek Ministry of Health (Program of Prevention of obesity and neurodevelopmental disorders in preschool children, in Heraklion district, Crete, Greece: 2011–2014; Rhea Plus: Primary Prevention Program of Environmental Risk Factors for Reproductive Health, and Child Health: 2012–15). LC was supported by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences (R01ES029944, R01ES030364, R21ES28903, R21ES029681, P30ES007048).
SummaryThe Social Democrats displayed a stronger cohesion than the non‐Socialist parties; the difference in comparison with the Center party, however, was not significant in 1964. The cohesion of the non‐Socialist parties was not significantly different in 1964. In 1966, however, the Conservatives had a stronger cohesion than the middle parties; these two parties did not differ from each other. The Communists had a stronger cohesion than all the other parties.Party cohesion seems to have been intensified from 1964 to 1966. The Communists were, however, an exception; the trend here appears to have been the opposite.On politically important issues, cohesion was subsxantially greater, During divisions on party proposals and government bills the parties closed their ranks. During divisions on a party proposal, members of the party sponsoring the proposal have nearly unanimously supported it.Divisions where sharp splits occurred in a party (2 25 O/o of the votes against the party line), concerned almost invariable issues of minor significance. Of the few exceptions, one or two had some political importance but did not constitute a major issue of political importance.Issues causing sharp splits ≥ 25 % of the votes against the party line) fall within several policy areas. Among such areas with a relatively high frequency are issues concerning culture, education, youth and traffic.With regard to the cohesion of various subgroups, it can be pointed out: The youngest age group (49 years and under) in the different parties often exhibited stronger cohesion than the remaining party members, while, on the contrary, the oldest age group (60 years and over) did not form such cohesive subgroups in the respective parties. Similarly, the MPs with the shortest tenure (those serving their first term) as a rule exhibited a stronger cohesion. On the other hand, MPs with the longest tenure (those serving their fourth term or more) as a rule had a weaker cohesion than the rest of the party. The women MP's cohesion was generally stronger than that of the other members. As far as the Christian group is concerned, the Social Democratic members had a stronger cohesion than the remaining Social Democrats. The picture is more varied for the non‐Socialist parties. The Liberal members seem to have been more united, the Conservative and Center party members less united. Members of the temperance groups exhibited only in some instances a stronger cohesion.The analysis of the subgroups' voting behavior across party lines sheds additional light on the findings mentioned above. The youngest age groups and above all the groups with the shortest tenure, in a comparison between the Social Democrats and the non‐Socialist parties, generally had a more dissimilar voting behavior than the older groups and groups with longer tenure. The opposite was true for the Liberals‐Center party. The voting behavior of women subgroups did not differ from that of the complementary groups. The non‐Socialist members of the Christian group had a more similar behavior than the other non‐Socialists. As for the Social Democratic members of the Christian group their voting behavior tended to be more dissimilar to that of the non‐Socialist members of the group than was the case for the complementary groups. We obtain a similar picture for the temperance groups. The similarity in the voting behavior of the subgroups in the Liberal and Center parties was greater than for the complementary groups. However there was no significant difference for the Soc.—Lib. and Soc.—Cent.2. Party CooperationThe most frequent two‐party‐ combination of joint voting was Soc. + Com.; the most frequent three‐party combination was Cons. + Lib. + Cent. On the other hand, it ought to be stressed that the cases when a strict division between the Socialist and non‐Socialist parties occurred constituted a minority of the total number of divisions. If we exclude the Communists, we find that the Social Democrats voted alone during 43% (1964) and 37% (1966) respectively of the divisions, The Liberals and the Center party in toot voted together considerably more times than either did with the Conservatives: 265 times against 214 for the Cons, + Lib. and 193 for the Cons. + Cent. in 1964, and 289 times against 172 for the Cons. + Lib. and 156 for the Cons. + Cent. in 1966. Cooperation between the middle parties increased from 1961 to 1966, while the Conservatives increasingly voted alone. The Liberals were the non‐Socialist party‐ exhibiting the lowest frequency of total joint voting with the Social Democrats, the Center party the highest frequency. The difference between the Liberals and Conservatives, however, is negligible. The Conservatives, relatively more frequently than the middle parties, were the only non‐Socialist party to vote in the same way as the Social Democrats.With respect to non‐Socialist cooperation during the divisions on non‐Socialist party proposals, it can be said: The Conservative party proposals received the support of both the Liberals and the Center parry in about one‐fifth of the cases, and in about three‐fifths of the cases the Conservatives voted alone; this is true for both years. The Liberal party proposals received the support of the Conservatives in about one‐third (1961) and one‐half (1966) respectively of the cases and the support of the Center party in about one‐half and two‐thirds respectively of the cases. The Center party proposals received the support of the Conservatives in about one‐half and one‐fifth of the cases respectively and the support of the Liberals in about three‐fourths and one‐half of the cases respectively, The proposals, initiated by the leaders of the middle parties (1966) received the support of the Conservatives during only 8 of the 25 divisions.As far as the government bills are concerned, there is a very high degree of agreement between the percentages of joint voting on the bills and the corresponding figures for the total number of divisions.The comparisons of the scores of indices of likeness reveal the following: The Social Democrats and Conservatives exhibited during both years a more similar voting behavior than the Social Democrats and Liberals. At the same time the Social Democrats and the Center party had a more similar voting behavior than the Social Democrats and Conservatives. Thus the voting behavior of the Liberals differed most from that of the Social Democrats. The Conservatives in 1964 but not in 1966 were significantly more similar to the Liberals than to the Center party in their voting behavior.The analysis of the joint voting of individual MPs discloses that there are some minor groups, as a rule regional groups, in the parties with a high frequency of voting jointly with a corresponding group in another party or with that party in general.
SummaryAGRICULTURAL RÉVOLUTION AND POLITICAL LIFEThe transformations of agriculture and of rural societies in industrialized countries go hand in hand with the total reorganization of the whole of society. The result is paradoxical: while agricultural population and production grow less and less important in comparison with the rest of the population and of the national production, agricultural problems and producers seem to be gaining a stronger place in national and international politics.1. Men and InstitutionsIn the past, the peasant left the political management of local society and its representation to independant personalities.As the rural exodus has caused these people to move into urban area and the consequent economic changes have broken up the autonomy of rural society, professional and political leaders can be seen rising among farmers and agricultural workers taking the place of the former local personalities. This change is quickened by a conflict between generations the result of which has been to give more importance to the younger generation. This younger generation wants to pass from a democratic representation to democratic management.Institutions change as well as men. Agricultural and electoral committees give way to the benefit of youth organizations, trade‐unions, technical committees which have an important political power of their own.2. Electoral BehaviourThe rapid evolution of agriculture and of rural society has had little effect on the electoral behaviour of peasants. However, it can be said that there is only a difference of time in economic changes and the evolution of political attitudes, the latter testify to the existence of fundamental elements in the personality of men as well as in the organization of society as a whole which evolves at a much slower rate than agricultural society. The new leaders want to canalise the farmers' wishes. And they risk in their turn being caught up in the present situation and become new local personalities who play the game instead of changing it.Moreover they are conscious that the important decisions on agricultural problems will have to be taken as a result of discussions with other sections of the nation inside the political parties and political committees.In fact, as far as the whole society is changing, the whole of political life will take on new forms.3. Society as wholeRural exodus, industrialization, and urbanization transform the whole of society. It is no longer dominated by the weight of rural problems and farmer have begun to organize their political action as part of a group among other groups. In this manoeuvre for influence, the fact that they are scattered all over the country enables them to bring strong pressure during elections. Further, in the working out of agricultural policy, moral, social and political arguments generally remain stronger than purely economic ones.RésuméREVOLUTION AGRICOLE ET VIE POLITIQUELes transformations de l'agriculture et des sociétés rurales dans les pays développés vont de pair avec une refonte totale de la société globale. Il en résulte que, paradoxalement, à mesure que la population et la production agricoles perdent de leur importance relative par rapport à la population totale et au produit national, les problèmes agricoles et les producteurs agricoles paraissent prendre un plus grand poids dans la vie politique nationale et internationale.1. Les hommes et les institutionsAutrefois, le paysan confiait la gestion politique de la société locale et sa représentation à des personnes extérieures à lui. L'exode rural ayant entrainé le départ de ces couches non paysannes et les transformations économiques brisant l'autarcie agricole, on voit se dégager parmi les agriculteurs des dirigeants professionnels et politiques qui prennent le relai des notables traditionnels. Cette relèe est accélérée par un conflit de générations qui a pour résultat de donner plus de plaçe aux jeunes, et ces jeunes veulent passer d'une démocratie de délégation à une démocratie de gestion et de participation.Les institutions changent en même temps que les hommes. Les Cornices agricoles et les Comités électoraux cèdent la plaçe aux mouvements de jeunesse, aux syndicats et aux organismes de conseil technique dont la puissance politique est grande.2. Le comportement electoralL'évolution rapide que subit l'agriculture et la société rurale n'a guère d'effet sur les comportements électoraux des paysans. On peut admettre cependant qu'il y a un décalage entre les transformations économiques et l'évolution, des attitudes politiques. Celles‐çi traduisent certaines structures fondamentales de la personnalité des individus et de l'organisation de la société qui évoluent beaucoup plus lentement que les structures agricoles. Les nouvelles élites veulent canaliser les volontés des agriculteurs. Elles risquent alors d'être prises par la situation et de devenir de nouveaux notables et, par conséquent, de jouer le jeu au lieu de le changer. Mais, par ailleurs, elles sont conscientes que les principales décisions concernant les agriculteurs doivent se prendre par un dialogue avec les autres catégories de la Nation au sein des partis et des Conseils Politiques.En fait, dans la mesure où toute la société globale se trouvera transformée, la vie politique toute entière revêtira des formes nouvelles.3. La société globaleL'exode rural, l'industrialisation et l'urbanisation transforment la société globale. Elle n'est plus dominée par le poids des couches et des problèmes ruraux et les agriculteurs tendent à organiser leur action politique en tant que groupe de producteurs, l'un parmi d'autres. Dans ce jeu d'influence, leur dispersion sur l'ensemble du territoire leur permet d'exerçer une forte pression lors des consultations électorales. De plus, dans l'élaboration de la politique agricole, l'argumentation morale, sociale, et politique demeure généralement plus décisive que la rationalitééconomique.ZusammenfassungVERÄNDERUNGEN IN DER LANDWIRTSCHAFT UND DAS POLITISCHE LEBENDie Veränderungen in der Landwirtschaft und den ländlichen Gesellschaften der entwickelten Länder sind Teile einer tocalen Umgestaltung der Gesellschaft. Merkwürdigerweise werden die agrarischen Probleme in der nationalen und internationalen Politik in dem Masse schwieriger, wie die relative Bedeutung der Landwirtschaft gemessen an ihrem Anteil an der Bevölkerung und an ihrem Beitrag zum Sozial‐produkt abnimmt.1. Die Menschen und die InstitutionenIn früherer Zeit vertraute der Bauer die politische Verwaltung der lokalen Gesellschaft und ihre Vertretung Personen an, die nicht aus seinem Milieu kamen. Später verliessen diese nichtbäuerlichen Schichten das Land, die wirtschaftlichen Veränderungen beendeten die landwirtschaftliche Autarkie; die Landwirte selbst stellten nun die politische und hauptberufliche Führerschicht und lösten damit die traditionellen Feudalherren ab. Beschleunigt wurde dieser Prozess durch einen Konflikt der Generationen, der der Jugend mehr Bewegungsfreiheit verschaffte. Und diese Jugend will von der hierarchischen Ordnung zur demokratischen Gewaltenteilung übergehen.Die Institutionen wechseln zugleich mit den Menschen. Die ländlichen Versammlungen und Wahlkomitees werden von den Jugendbewegungen, den Verbänden und den Organisationen der technischen Beratung beherrscht, die große politische Macht besitzen.2. Der WahlvorgangDie rapide Entwicklung in der Landwirtschaft und der ländlichen Gesellschaft hat keinerlei Einfluss auf das Verhalten der Bauern bei der Wahl. Es besteht jedoch nur ein zeitlicher Rückstand zwischen den wirtschaftlichen Veränderungen und der Entwicklung entsprechender politischer Verhaltensweisen. Diese basieren auf der Über‐lieferung bestimmter individueller und gesellschaftlicher Denk‐strukruren, die sich viel langsamer entwickeln als landwirtschaftliche Strukturen. Die neue Elite will dem Bewußtsein der Landwirte eine bestimmte Richtung geben. Sie riskiert damit einerseits, von neuem zu einer Herrenschicht zu werden und im Grunde gegenüber früher garnichts zu ändern. Andererseits ist sie sich bewußt, daß die wichtig‐sten landwirtschaftlichen Entscheidungen in Zusammenarbeit mit anderen ländlichen Gruppen, mit den Parteien und den politischen Gremien herbeigeführt werden müssen. In dem Maße, wie sich die Gesellschaft verändert, nimmt das ganze politische Leben neue Formen an.3. Die Gesellschaft als GanzesDie Flucht aus der Landwirtschaft, die Industrialisierung und Urbanisierung verändern die Gesellschaft. Sie wird nicht mehrvon der Macht der Klassen und den ländlichen Problemen geprägt. Die Landwirte entwickeln ihre politischen Aktivitäten als eine Gruppe unter vielen. In diesem Spiel der Einflüsse erlaubt ihnen ihre Verbreitung über den gesamten Erdkreis, einen starken Druck auf die Warden auszuüben. Noch entscheidender als die wirtschaftliche Rationalisierung sind für agrarpolitische Zielsetzungen die moralischen, sozialen und politischen Argumente.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Argentina accounts for 15% of total tobacco consumption in Latin America and has made the epidemiological transition to an advanced stage in the tobacco epidemic. The Southern Cone region of the Americas leads the hemisphere in tobacco attributable mortality. Argentina is a developing country with economic interests in tobacco growing and rapidly increasing tobacco use in urban areas. In 2000, smoking prevalence was 40.4% among adults- 46.8% of men and 34% of women- and Buenos Aires urban youth (13 to 15 years old) had a 30.2% 30-day smoking prevalence (27.8% male; 31.8% female) compared to 17.7% (17.8% male; 17.7% female) in the United States. Argentina also has a high smoking prevalence among health professionals (30.3% of physicians, and 36.3% of nurses currently smoke). Given the limited smoking restrictions in indoor environments the general population is highly exposed to secondhand smoke both in public and private places. In 2000, the percentage of young people aged 13 to 15 years exposed to secondhand smoke in Buenos Aires was 69.6% at home, 87.6%, in public places, and 27.6% from their friends. A multi-country study carried out in seven Latin American cities in 2004 showed that the city of Buenos Aires had the highest airborne nicotine levels inside hospitals, schools, government buildings, airports, and restaurants observed. According to the National Program on Tobacco Control of the Ministry of Health and Environment of Argentina, tobacco use causes 40,000 deaths per year, including 6,000 due to secondhand smoke. The cost of the treatment of tobacco-related diseases is more than 4,330 million pesos per year, which represents 15.5 % of the total public expenditure on health care. Meanwhile, the tobacco excise taxes collected by the government are only 3,500 million pesos per year. The transnational tobacco companies working through their local affiliates dominate production and marketing of cigarettes in Argentina. Philip Morris International and British American Tobacco, as well as other transnational tobacco companies such as Liggett, Reemtsma, Lorillard, and RJ Reynolds International- through their local subsidiaries Massalín-Particulares and Nobleza-Piccardo- have been actively influencing public health policy-making in Argentina since the early 1970s. These transnational tobacco companies have used the same strategies in Argentina as in the United States to block meaningful tobacco control. Methods This report uses three main sources to describe the interference of the tobacco industry in tobacco control efforts in Argentina. First, we examined the tobacco industry documents in the University of California San Francisco Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu) and British American Tobacco Documents Archive (http://bat.library.ucsf.edu) and in Tobacco Documents Online (www.tobaccodocuments.org). We also used internet resources, major Argentinean newspapers (Clarín, La Nación, Página 12, La Prensa), local magazines (Muy Interesante, Revista 23, Somos, Humor, VEA), and the Argentinean National Congress Library for complete texts of the laws, bills and other tobacco control measures. Finally, we conducted face-to-face interviews with congressmen, public health officials, and tobacco control advocates in Buenos Aires during December 2003. Results • In 1966, the first bill on tobacco regulation was introduced in the Argentinean Congress to adopt a mandatory warning label on cigarette packs, but did not pass. In 1970 the government promulgated Law 18.604 that ended cigarette advertising on radio, television, and in movie theaters, and established fines for violators. This law was in effect only for one year. • In 1973 and 1974, two bills were introduced that would have placed a health warning label on tobacco products and advertisements, but these bills were not approved due to the intervention of the Cámara de la Industria del Tabaco (Chamber of Tobacco Industry), the tobacco industry's national manufacturers' association. • In 1977, as in the USA and other countries, the Chamber of Tobacco Industry created a weak and ineffective voluntary self-regulating code to avoid strong legislated restrictions on cigarette advertising. • In 1976 and 1979, the Ministry of Social Welfare drafted two bills to regulate the content of tobacco and alcohol advertisements and to require a warning label on cigarette packages. Tobacco Industry representatives lobbied government officials claiming that the established voluntary industry code was adequate and both bills died. • In the early 1980s, the Chamber of Tobacco Industry created the "Smoking Controversy Department" to counteract and undermine potential legislation. This department organized "Information Seminars" intended for selective community groups to promote the industry's position that the causal links between smoking and disease had not been proven. Seminars were aimed at the managers of tobacco production associations, agricultural technicians, physicians, scientists, journalists, tobacco advertising agencies, tobacco products distributors, elected officials, and Ministers of Health. The Smoking Controversy Department also produced and promoted literature arguing the industry's position. • During the 1980s, efforts to pass comprehensive tobacco control legislation intensified. These attempts were neutralized by a much better-organized tobacco industry that implemented a public campaign to lobby health authorities and convince journalists and the public that there was a "controversy" about the links between smoking and disease. • In 1986, the National Congress passed Law 23.344 that essentially codified the tobacco industry's ineffective voluntary advertising code and placed the weak health warning label "Fumar es perjudicial para la Salud" (Smoking is harmful to health) print on cigarette packs. Industry representatives had meetings with selected influential federal and provincial ministers, governors, and federal senators to water down the original proposal introduced by Representative Lorenzo Pepe in 1984. • In 1992, the 8th World Conference on Tobacco or Health was held in Buenos Aires. Local tobacco control advocates tried to push for the approval of a new comprehensive tobacco control bill in the Congress introduced by Representative Aldo Neri in 1990. At the same time, Philip Morris International and British American Tobacco worked together to divert the attention of the conference by organizing briefings with friendly journalists to create controversy about secondhand smoke. • In September 1992, the Neri Bill was approved in the Congress. The tobacco industry rapidly organized and orchestrated a major lobbying and public relations campaign to defeat it with the help of front groups (e.g., the International Advertising Association, the Inter-American Press Association, the Inter-American Society for Freedom of Commercial Speech, and the Argentine Association of Advertising Agencies), "scientific" consultants secretly hired and managed by industry lawyers based in the US, and Congressmen from the tobacco growing provinces. Ten days later, on October 10, President Carlos Menem vetoed the law. • Between 1992 and 2000, the tobacco industry supported alternative legislation to write the industry's ineffective voluntary marketing code into law. Even though they were not approved, these bills distracted political and public attention so that all efforts at meaningful tobacco control legislation were neutralized. • Since the mid-1990s, the tobacco industry has been promoting its "accommodation" program "La Cortesía de Elegir" (The Courtesy of Choice), to avoid legislation to end secondhand smoke exposure in restaurants and bars and to maintain the social acceptability of smoking. • Since 1997, the tobacco industry has been promoting ineffective "youth smoking prevention" programs (such as "Yo Tengo P.O.D.E.R." [I Have Power] and "Yo NO Vendo Cigarrillos a Menores de 18 Años" [I DO NOT Sell Cigarettes to Minors under 18]) to preempt meaningful anti-tobacco education by the government and to shift the focus away from the industry's responsibility for increasing youth smoking through its advertising and marketing. • In 2003, the Lower House Public Health Committee drafted a version that consolidated 18 tobacco control bills (including one from Representative Neri) but again, the tobacco industry succeeded in burying the bills. • In September 2003, President Néstor Kirchner signed the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the first international public health treaty negotiated by the 192 countries under the auspices of the World Health Organization. The ratification process in the Argentinean Senate remained bogged down as of September 2005, with limited efforts to ratify it. It appears that the industry is effectively lobbying Argentinean legislators not to ratify the treaty. • In August 2005, the Ministry of Health and Environment introduced in the Senate a new comprehensive tobacco control bill that follows the minimum standards required by the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, including the creation of smokefree public places (including bars and restaurants) and workplaces, the end of all types of tobacco advertising (except point-of-sale) and sponsorship, and the placement of rotating health warning labels and images in cigarette packages. It also bans misleading descriptors (such as "light") and requires the placement of maximum levels of nicotine and tar print on packages. Recommendations 1. The journalists from print and electronic media, public health advocates, politicians and institutional leaders need to become more aware of how the transnational tobacco industry has manipulated and influenced policy making in Argentina, which affects the health of the public, and report this information to the public. 2. The national government, through the Ministry of Health and Environment, should implement a comprehensive educational campaign to enhance awareness about the health dangers of secondhand smoke and to promote the enactment of city-wide, provincial and national ordinances that prohibit indoor exposure to secondhand smoke. 3. Argentina should implement the principal provisions of the Framework Convention such as increased taxes, a complete advertising ban, and graphic pictorial warning labels on cigarette packages. 4. The federal government and health care industry need to support effective smoking cessation services, such as quit-lines, at minimal cost to all smokers. RESUMEN Argentina representa el 15% del consumo total de tabaco en América Latina y se encuentra en una fase avanzada de la transición epidemiológica en la epidemia del tabaquismo. La región del Cono Sur de las Américas lidera el hemisferio en mortalidad atribuible por tabaco. Argentina es un país en desarrollo con intereses económicos en el cultivo de tabaco y un alto consumo de tabaco en áreas urbanas. En 2000, la prevalencia del consumo de tabaco en adultos fue del 40.4% (46.8% en varones; 34% en mujeres). El mismo año, la prevalencia del consumo de tabaco en los últimos 30 días, en jóvenes de 13 a 15 años de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, fue del 30.2% (27.8 % en varones; 31.8% en mujeres) comparada con 17.7% (17.8% en varones; 17.7% en mujeres) en los Estados Unidos. Argentina posee también una alta prevalencia de consumo de tabaco entre los profesionales de la salud (30% de los médicos y 36.6% de los enfermeros actualmente fuman). Debido a las escasas restricciones al consumo de tabaco en ambientes cerrados, la población general está altamente expuesta al huno de tabaco ajeno, tanto en lugares públicos como en privados. En 2000, el porcentaje de jóvenes de 13 a 15 años expuestos al humo de tabaco ajeno en Buenos Aires, fue del 69,6% en sus casas, 87,6% en lugares públicos y 27,6% de sus amigos. Un estudio multicéntrico llevado a cabo en siete ciudades latinoamericanas en 2004, mostró que la ciudad de Buenos Aires tenía la mayor concentración de nicotina ambiental en hospitales, escuelas, edificios gubernamentales, aeropuertos y restaurantes observados. De acuerdo al Programa Nacional de Control del Tabaco del Ministerio de Salud y Ambiente de la Argentina, el uso de tabaco causa 40.000 muertes anuales, incluyendo 6.000 debido a la exposición al humo de tabaco ajeno. El costo del tratamiento de la enfermedades relacionadas al tabaco es de más de 4.330 millones de pesos por año, el cual representa el 15,5% del gasto público total en salud. Mientras tanto, los impuestos al tabaco recaudados por el gobierno son sólo 3.500 millones de pesos al año. Las compañías transnacionales de tabaco, trabajando a través de sus filiales locales, dominan la producción y la comercialización de los cigarrillos en la Argentina. Philip Morris International y British American Tobacco, así como otras compañías transnacionales de tabaco tales como Liggett, Reemtsma, Lorillard y RJ Reynolds International, a través de sus subsidiarias locales Massalín-Particulares y Nobleza-Piccardo, han influenciando activamente las políticas de salud pública en Argentina desde comienzo de los años 1970s. Estas compañías transnacionales de tabaco han utilizado las mismas estrategias en Argentina que en Estados Unidos para bloquear políticas de control del tabaco significativas. Métodos El siguiente reporte utiliza tres fuentes principales para describir la interferencia de la industria del tabaco en los esfuerzos por controlar el tabaco en Argentina. Primero, examinamos los documentos de la industria del tabaco que se encuentran disponibles en la internet en las bibliotecas Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu) y British American Tobacco Documents Archive (http://bat.library.ucsf.edu) de la Universidad de California en San Francisco, y en Tobacco Documents Online (www.tobaccodocuments.org). También utilizamos otras fuentes de información de la internet, los principales periódicos argentinos (Clarín, La Nación, Página 12, La Prensa), revistas locales (Muy Interesante, Revista 23, Somos, Humor, VEA), y la Biblioteca del Congreso de la Nación de la Argentina para ubicar y analizar los textos completos de leyes, proyectos de ley, y otras medidas de control del tabaco. Finalmente, en diciembre de 2003, realizamos entrevistas cara a cara en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, con legisladores, funcionarios de salud pública y activistas para el control del tabaco. Resultados • En 1966 fue introducido en el Congreso Nacional argentino el primer proyecto de ley para la regulación del tabaco. El proyecto, que no fue aprobado, requería la colocación obligatoria de una etiqueta de advertencia sanitaria en todos los paquetes de cigarrillos. En 1970, el gobierno promulgó la Ley 18.604 que ponía fin a la publicidad de los cigarrillos en la radio, la televisión y los cines, y establecía multas para los infractores. Sin embargo, esta ley estuvo en vigencia sólo durante un año. • En 1973 y 1974 dos proyectos de ley ingresados en el Congreso Nacional requerían la colocación de una etiqueta de advertencia sanitaria en los envases de los productos de tabaco y en su publicidad. Sin embargo, estos proyectos no fueron aprobados debido a la intervención de la Cámara de la Industria del Tabaco, la asociación nacional de productores de la industria del tabaco. • En 1977, de la misma manera que en los Estados Unidos y otros países del mundo, la Cámara de la Industria del Tabaco creó voluntariamente un Código de Autorregulación Publicitaria débil e inefectivo para evitar la aprobación de legislación que contemplara fuertes restricciones a la publicidad del tabaco. • En 1976 y 1979 el Ministerio de Bienestar Social de la Nación preparó dos proyectos de ley para regular el contenido de la publicidad del tabaco y el alcohol y para requerir una etiqueta de advertencia sanitaria en los paquetes de cigarrillos. Representantes de la industria del tabaco ejercieron presión política sobre funcionarios del gobierno reclamando que el ya voluntariamente establecido Código de Autorregulación Publicitaria de la industria era suficiente. Finalmente, ambos proyectos fueron archivados. • A principios de los años 1980s la Cámara de la Industria del Tabaco creó el "Departamento sobre la Controversia del Tabaco" como una herramienta para contrarrestar y menoscabar una posible futura legislación anti-tabaco. Este departmento organizó "Seminarios de Información" dirigidos a grupos específicos de la comunidad para promocionar la posición de la industria por la cual la relación causal entre tabaco y enfermedad no estaba comprobada. Los seminarios estuvieron dirigidos a gerentes de asociaciones de productores de tabaco, técnicos agricultures, médicos, científicos, periodistas, agencias de publicidad del tabaco, distribuidores de productos del tabaco, Ministros de Salud y otros funcionarios gubernamentales. El "Departamento sobre la Controversia del Tabaco" también editó y promocionó publicaciones exponiendo la posición de la industria del tabaco. • Durante los años 1980s se intensificaron los esfuerzos para aprobar una legislación amplia para el control del tabaco. Estos intentos fueron neutralizados por una industria del tabaco mucho mejor organizada que orquestó una campaña pública para ejercer presión sobre las autoridades de salud, y convencer a periodistas y al público en general sobre lo que la industria llamó la "controversia" sobre tabaco y salud. • En 1986 el Congreso Nacional aprobó la Ley 23.344 que esencialmente codificó el inefectivo y voluntario Código de Autorregulación Publicitaria de la industria del tabaco y requirió la colocación de la débil etiqueta de advertencia sanitaria "Fumar es perjudicial para la Salud" en los paquetes de cigarrillos. Representantes de la industria del tabaco tuvieron reuniones con influyentes ministros nacionales y provinciales, gobernadores y senadores nacionales para "suavizar" el proyecto de ley original introducido en 1984 por el Diputado Nacional Lorenzo Pepe. • En 1992 la 8va Conferencia Mundial sobre Tabaco o Salud se llevó a cabo en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Activistas locales para el control del tabaco intentaron presionar para la aprobación en el Congreso de una ley amplia la cual había sido introducida en 1990 por el Diputado Nacional Aldo Neri. Al mismo tiempo, Philip Morris International y British American Tobacco trabajaron juntas para desviar la atención de la conferencia, organizando sesiones informativas con periodistas "amigos" para crear controversia sobre los efectos de la exposición pasiva al humo de tabaco. • El 30 de septiembre de 1992, la Ley Neri fue aprobada en el Congreso Nacional. Sin embargo, la industria del tabaco rápidamente organizó y orquestó un exitoso plan para derrotarla con la ayuda de grupos de fachada (por ej. la Asociación Internacional de Publicidad, la Asociación de Prensa InterAmericana, la Sociedad InterAmericana para la Libertad de Expresión Comercial, y la Asociación Argentina de Agencias de Publicidad), consultores "científicos" contratados y orientados por la industria y legisladores de las provincias tabacaleras, y montó una gran campaña de relaciones públicas y de presión política. Diez días más tarde, el 10 de octubre, la ley fue vetada por el Presidente Carlos Menem. • Entre 1992 y 2000, la industria del tabaco apoyó proyectos de ley "alternativos" que estaban en consonancia con su Código de Autorregulación Publicitaria. A pesar de no haber sido aprobados, estos proyectos sirvieron para distraer la atención política y pública y de esa manera, todos los esfuerzos para el control del tabaco fueron neutralizados. • Desde mediados de los años 1990s la industria del tabaco ha estado promoviendo su programa de "acomodación" conocido como "La Cortesía de Elegir" o "Convivencia en Armonía", para evitar legislación que ponga fin a la exposición pasiva al humo de tabaco ajeno en restaurantes y bares, y para mantener la aceptación social del consumo de tabaco. • Desde 1997 la industria del tabaco ha estado promoviendo programas de "prevención del uso de tabaco en jóvenes" inefectivos (tales como "Yo Tengo P.O.D.E.R." y "Yo NO Vendo Cigarrillos a Menores de 18 Años") para evitar campañas educativas anti-tabaco por parte del gobierno y para desplazar el foco de atanción por la responsabilidad que la industria tiene, a través de la publicidad y comercialización de sus productos, en el incremento del uso de tabaco entre los jóvenes. • En 2003, la Comisión de Acción Social y Salud Pública de la Cámara de Diputados de la Nación escribió un Dictamen Final que consolidaba 18 proyectos de ley para el control del tabaco (uno de ellos del Diputado Aldo Neri) pero una vez más, la industria del tabaco tuvo éxito en cajonear los mismos. • En septiembre de 2003, el Presidente Néstor Kirchner firmó el Convenio Marco para el Control del Tabaco, el primer tratado internacional sobre salud pública negociado por 192 países bajo los auspicios de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. Al mes de septiembre de 2005, el proceso de ratificación en el Senado argentino permanece estancado con pocos esfuerzos para ratificarlo. En vista de los acontecimientos pasados parecería que la industria ha estado ejerciendo presión exitosamente sobre los lesgisladores argentinos para que no ratifiquen el convenio. • En agosto de 2005, el Ministerio de Salud y Medio Ambiente introdujo en el Senado de la Nación un nuevo proyecto de ley amplio para el control del tabaco que está en sintonía con los estándares mínimos requeridos por el Convenio Marco para el Control del Tabaco. El proyecto contempla la creación de ambientes públicos y lugares de trabajo libres de humo de tabaco (incluyendo bares y restaurantes), la prohibición de la publicidad (excepto en los lugares de venta) y el patrocinio y la colocación de etiquetas de advertencias sanitarias rotatorias con imágenes, en los paquetes de cigarrillos. También prohibe la colocación de descriptores engañosos (tales como "suaves") y requiere los niveles máximos de nicotina y alquitrán impresos en los en los envases de tabaco. Recomendaciones 1. Periodistas tanto de los medios gráficos como electrónicos, activistas de la salud pública y líderes institucionales, deberían tomar conocimiento sobre como las compañías transnacionales del tabaco han manipulado e influenciado las políticas de control del tabaco en la Argentina lo cual afecta la salud de la población, y comunicar esta infomación a la población general. 2. El gobierno nacional, a través del Ministerio de Salud y Ambiente, debería implementar una amplia campaña educativa para aumentar la conciencia sobre los daños a la salud provocados por la exposicion pasiva al humo de tabaco ajeno, y promover la aprobación de legislación local, provincial y nacional que impida la exposicion pasiva al humo de tabaco ajeno en lugares cerrados. 3. Argentina debería implementar los estándares principales del Convenio Marco para el Control del Tabaco, tales como el aumento de los impuestos al tabaco, la prohibición total de la publicidad, y la colocación de etiquetas de advertencia sanitarias con imágenes en los paquetes de cigarrillos. 4. El gobierno nacional y el sector privado de la atención de la salud deben apoyar servicios de cesación tabáquica efectivos, tales como las líneas telefónicas de ayuda para dejar de fumar, a un bajo costo para todos los fumadores.
ÖZET10 Kasım 1938 tarihinde Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün hayatını kaybetmesi ile bir-likte Cumhurbaşkanı olan İsmet İnönü ülke yönetiminde en yetkili kişi haline gelmiştir. İnönü'nün CHP ve ülke yönetimindeki adete tek kişilik hakimiyeti ( Milli Şef ) Celal Bayar başta olmak üzere dönemin CHP'li milletvekili ve yöneticilerinde tepkiye neden olmuştur. Bir şahsın parti ve ülke yönetimindeki hakimiyetine İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın da etkisiyle halkın büyük çoğunluğunda oluşan ekonomik sıkıntının ve iktidarın halkın muhafazakarlığı ile çelişen eğitim ve sosyal alanlardaki uygulamaları CHP ve dışındaki siyasi çevrelerde ve halkın büyük bir bölümünde muhalif bir tutumun oluşmasına neden olmuştur. Bu süreç hükümetin birtakım radikal uygulamaları ile birlikte örgütlü bir mu-halif hareketin doğmasına neden olmuştur. Yukarıda belirtilen nedenlerden kaynaklanan ve açıktan açığa bir söylem ve ey-leme dönüşmeyen CHP milletvekillileri içindeki bireysel tavırlar ilk defa Çiftçiyi Top-raklandırma Kanunu teklifi sırasında ortaya çıkmıştır. CHP milletvekilleri Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü ve Refik Koraltan, 14 Mayıs 1945 tarihinde bu kanun teklifinin TBMM'de görüşülmeye başlaması ile birlikte hükümetin bu uygulamasına karşı tavırlarını yaptıkları konuşmalar ile ortaya koymuşlardır. Fakat esasen bu kanun tasarısının TBMM'ye sunulmasından önce CHP içinde muhalif bir grubun oluşması Tevfik Rüştü Aras'ın evinde yapılan perşembe toplantılarıyla başlamıştır. 1945 yılının Nisan ayından itibaren Tevfik Rüştü Aras'ın evinde bir araya gelen Emin Sazak, Adnan Menderes ve Fuat köprülü CHP'nin, İsmet İnönü'nün otoritesi altında olduğunu ifade etmişler ve bu durumu değiştirmek gerektiği üzerinde durmuşlardır. İkinci defa bir ara-ya gelen Adnan Menderes ve Fuat Köprülü demokratik bir merkez oluşturma konusun-da görüş birliğine varmışlardır. Daha sonraki toplantılara Refik Koraltan da katılmıştır. Adnan Menderes, partide ve toplum içinde etkili olan Celal Bayar'ı bu gruba katmak gerektiğini açıklamıştır. Celal Bayar ile yapılan toplantı sonunda o da gruba dahil ol-muştur. Grup üyeleri 18 Mayıs 1945 tarihinde yapılan toplantıda CHP Meclis Grubuna vermeyi düşündükleri Dörtlü Takriri hazırlamışlardır.Takrir verilmeden önce TBMM'de 1945 yılı devlet bütçesinin oylamasına katı-lan üç yüz yetmiş üç milletvekilinden İzmir Milletvekili Celal Bayar, Aydın Milletve-kili Adnan Menderes, İçel Milletvekili Refik Koraltan, Kars Milletvekili Fuat Köprülü ve Eskişehir Milletvekili Emin Sazak bütçeye karşı aleyhte oy kullanmışlardır. Cumhu-riyet Dönemi'nde ilk defa bir bütçeye karşı aleyhte oy kullanılmıştır. Böylece muhalif tavırlarını ikinci defa ortaya koymuşlardır. Grup üyeleri 7 Haziran 1945 tarihinde Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü ve Refik Koraltan'ın imzası ile Dörtlü Takrir'i CHP Meclis Grubu Başkanlığı-na vererek muhalif tutumlarını somutlaştırmışlardır. Takrirde CHP'nin işleyişinin de-mokratik ilkelere uygun hale getirilmesini ve TC. Anayasası'nda var olan vatandaş hak ve hürriyetlerinin tanınması talep etmişlerdir. Bu takrir 12 Haziran 1945 tarihinde CHP Meclis Grubu'nda görüşülmüş ve red-dedilmiştir. Takririn reddedilmesi ile birlikte devam eden süreçte bu kadronun CHP içinde siyaset yapma imkanı kalmadığı gibi takrirde talep edilen bir düzenin kurulma-sının CHP içinde mücadele edilerek olamayacağı ortaya çıkmıştır. Takririn, CHP Meclisi Grubuna verildiği günlerde Cumhurbaşkanı İsmet İnönü, Rauf Orbay ile görüşmüş yeni parti kurulması fikrini ona açmıştır. Bu görüşmeden, İnönü'nün yaptığı diğer konuşmalardan cesaret alan grup üyelerine karşı CHP'li yöne-tici ve milletvekillerinin olumsuz tavrı, partinin yayın organı Ulus gazetesindeki ağır sözlerle dolu yazılar grup üyelerinin CHP'den ayrılmalarına neden olmuştur. Zaten Adnan Menderes ve Fuat Köprülü Vatan gazetesinde yayınlanan yazıları nedeniyle CHP Divanı tarafından 25 Eylül 1945 tarihinde CHP'den ihraç edilmişlerdir. Diğer isimlerde istifa etmişlerdir. Partisiz kalan grup üyeleri parti kurma çalışmalarına başla-mışlar ve Demokrat Parti 7 Ocak 1946 tarihinde resmen kurulmuştur. Demokrat Parti, Dörtlü Takrir'in imzacıları: Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü ve Refik Koraltan tarafından kurulmuştur. Demokrat Parti'nin simgesi "DP", genel merkezi ise Antalya Milletvekili Cemal Tunca'nın Ankara Sümer Sokaktaki sekiz numaralı binası olmuştur. Demokrat Parti'nin kuruluş gerekçesinde ve programında Türkiye'de demok-ratik bir rejimin kurulacağı, TC Anayasası'nda demokrasiye aykırı kanunların kaldırı-lacağı, vatandaşların hak ve hürriyetlerinin anayasal teminat altına alınacağı dile geti-rilmiştir. Muhalefet yıllarında ise CHP ve iktidar demokratik olmayan tutum ve davra-nışlar sergilemekle itham edilmiştir. Muhalefet yıllılarında iki parti arasında demokra-siye aykırı birçok olay yaşanmıştır. Hatta 7 Ocak 1947 tarihinde gerçekleşen Demokrat Parti Birinci Genel Kongresi'nde kabul edilen Hürriyet Misakı'nda TC Anayasası'na aykırı olan kanunların kaldırılması ve demokrasiye uygun kanunların yapılması talep edilmiştir. Bu istekler yerine getirilmez ise Demokrat Parti Genel Yönetim Kurulu'na sine-i millet kararı ( TBMM'den çekilme ) hakkı verilmiştir. Demokrat Parti yönetici-leri iktidara gelmeleri halinde vatandaşlara hak ve hürriyetlerinin tanınacağı, demokra-siye aykırı kanunların kaldırılacağı ve TC Anayasası'nın demokrasiye uyumlu hale ge-tirileceği sözlerini vermişlerdir. 14 Mayıs 1950 seçim faaliyetlerinde aynı vaatler tekrarlanmıştır. Hatta 2 Nisan 1950 tarihinde Kasımpaşa'da konuşan Demokrat Parti Genel Başkanı Celal Bayar, grev hakkının demokratik hak olduğunu ve demokrasinin olduğu ülkelerdeki gibi toplumsal düzene ve ekonomiye zarar vermeyecek biçimde işçilere grev hakkının verileceğini ifa-de etmiştir. Seçimleri kazanan Demokrat Parti adına Adnan Menderes 22 Mayıs 1950 tarihinde hükümeti kurmuş ve 29 Mayıs 1950 tarihinde hükümet programı TBMM'de onaylanmıştır.Hükümet programında partinin seçim beyannamesinde olduğu gibi iktidar deği-şikliğinin ülkede maddi ve manevi hiçbir sarsıntıya yol açmasına imkan tanınmayacağı ve özellikle devri sabık yaratılmayacağı vurgulanmıştır. Programda, TC Anayasası'nda vatandaş hak ve hürriyetlerine ve millet iradesine dayanan kararlı bir devlet düzeninin gerçekleşmesini sağlayacak düzenlemelerin yapılacağı ifade edilmiştir. Ayrıca CHP hükümetlerinden ( tek parti dönemi ) kalan, demokratik olmayan kanunların, alışkan-lıkların ve anlayışların değiştirileceği vurgulanmıştır. Programda, işçilere grev hakkının sosyal ve ekonomik düzeni bozmayacak şekilde tanınacağı açıklanmıştır. Demokrat Parti İktidarı Programı'nda sadece vatandaşlara tanınacak haklar yer almamıştır. Ayrıca o tarihlerde azınlıkta olsa da bazıları tarafından hak olarak görülen faaliyetlerin yasaklanacağı da yer almıştır. Cumhuriyet'in ve inkılapların korunması için aşırı sol akımlara ( komünizm ) izin verilmeyeceği ve bunlarla etkin bir biçimde müca-dele edileceği ifade edilmiştir. Bunlara karşı kanuni tedbirlerin alınacağı çünkü bu tür düşüncelerin günün şartlarında fikir ve vicdan hürriyeti olarak görülmediği vurgulan-mıştır. Bu fikir akımların hürriyet maskesi altında yayın yapmalarına izin verilmeyeceği çünkü bu düşünce akımlarının amacının özgürlükleri ortadan kaldırmak olduğu iddia edilmiştir. Komünizm fikir akımının yanı sıra irticai hareketlere de asla müsaade edil-meyeceği vurgulanmıştır. Demokrat Parti Dönemi'nde iktidarın sivil toplum kuruluşları ile ilişkilerine özetlemeden önce sivil toplumun örgütü tanımını yapmak yerinde olacaktır. Sivil top-lum kavramı farklı biçimlerde tanımlanan bir kavramdır. Özellikle devlet ile sivil top-lum arasındaki ilişki farklı tanımlamalara neden olmaktadır. Bu tanımlardan bazılarında sivil toplum, devletten tamamen bağımsız, devleti kontrol eden ve hatta devletin alter-natifi olan örgütlü bir güç olarak tarif edilmiştir. Diğer tanımlarda ise devlet ile sivil toplum arasında bu kadar keskin bir ayrılığın olmadığı, sivil toplumun devlete top-lumsal katılımı sağlama amacının var olduğu ileri sürülmüştür. Modern anlamda sivil toplum kavramı "Non Govern Mental Organizations" ( devletten bağımsız örgütlen-meler ) olarak tanımlamasının yanı sıra "gönüllü kuruluşlar", "kar amacı gütmeyen ku-ruluşlar" gibi ifadelerle de tanımlanmaktadır. Sivil toplum tanımını yaptıktan sonra Demokrat Parti iktidarları öncesi sivil toplum örgütlenmesine devletin müdahalesinin ne zaman kaldırıldığına kısaca yer verelim. Türkiye'de 28 Haziran 1938 tarihinde yürürlüğe giren 3512 sayılı Cemiyetler Kanunu ile Osmanlı Devleti döneminden kalma 1909 tarih ve 121 sayılı Cemiyetler Kanun'u ve bu kanunda yapılan 353 ve 387 sayılı kanunlar yürürlükten kalkmıştır. Bu kanunun dokuzuncu maddesinin h bendiyle "aile, sınıf, ırk, cins" esasına dayalı der-neklerin kurulması yasaklanmıştır. Bu madde ile sendika ve birçok derneğin kurulması yasaklanmıştır. Bu kanunun kabul gerekçesinde, o dönem de bazı ülkelerde var olan ko-münist ve faşist rejimlerin ülkenin yönetimin ele geçirmesini önlemek olduğu ileri sü-rülmüştür. İsmet İnönü'nün 10-11 Mayıs 1946 tarihinde CHP Kurultayı'nda yaptığı konuşmadan sonra 5 Haziran 1946 tarihinde 4919 sayılı Kanun ile dernek kurma işle-mindeki izin alma formalitesi kaldırılmıştır. Sınıf esasına dayalı dernek kurma yasağı da kalkmıştır. Bu kanunun kabulü sırasında Demokrat Parti adına bir konuşma yapan Adnan Menderes, kanunda yapılan değişikliği demokrasiye giden yolda önemli bir aşa-ma olarak adlandırmıştır. Sivil toplum örgütlenmesinin önündeki engeller Demokrat Parti İktidarı öncesinde kaldırılmıştır. Demokrat Parti İktidarı döneminde sivil toplum kuruluşları ile ilişkiler iki bölü-mde ele alınabilir. Birinci bölüm hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı düzenleme-lerden oluşur. İkinci bölüm ise iktidarın sivil toplum kuruluşlarına yaklaşımı yani onların faaliyetlerine karşı tutumu, ülke yönetimi ile ilgili alınan kararlara ilgili sivil toplum kuruluşlarının tepkileri ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının kendi alanları ile ilgili alınan kararlarda bu kuruluşların isteklerinin ve itirazlarının dikkate alıp almamasından oluşur.Demokrat Parti İktidarı döneminde sivil toplum alanında birçok düzenleme yapılmıştır. Hükümetin yaptığı bu düzenlemelere günümüzün demokrasi düzeyi ile yaklaşmak zamanın koşullarını ve demokrasi kültürünün oluşum sürecini dikkate almamak anlamına gelir. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı ilk düzenleme 5680 sayılı Basın Kanunu'dur. Kanunun kabulü demokrasi ilkeleri ile bağdaşan bir uygulama olmuştur. Bu nedenle basın ve basın-yayın örgütleri bu yasayı doğru bir adım olarak görmüşlerdir. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı ikinci kanuni düzenleme 5844 sayılı Komünizm İle Mücadele Kanununu çıkarmasıdır. İktidarın programında komü-nizm fikir akımına ve komünist yayınlara karşı mücadele edileceği, bu fikir akımlarının faaliyetlerinin demokratik bir fikir ve vicdan hürriyeti olarak görülmediği aksine de-mokratik rejimi ortadan kaldırmaya yönelik bir tutum ve tavır olduğu vurgulanmıştır. Muhalefetin de bu konuda iktidarla aynı düşünceye sahip olması bu kanunun çıkarıl-masını kolaylaştırmıştır. Demokrat Parti İktidarı'nın bu tür düşünce akımlarına ve onların faaliyetlerine izin vermemesini değerlendirirken zamanın koşullarını ve demok-rasi kültürünün oluşum sürecini göz önünde tutmak yerinde olacaktır. İktidarın sivil toplum alanı ile ilgili yaptığı bir başka uygulama ise 5816 sayılı Atatürk Kanunu'nun çıkarılmasıdır. Atatürk'ün kişiliğine, ilke ve inkılaplarına saldırıların sonucunda kabul edilmiş olan bu kanun günümüzde de geçerlidir. Bu kanunun çıkarılmasına Atatürk'ün kurduğu parti olan CHP'li milletvekillerinin karşı çıkmış olmaları ise üzerinde durul-ması gereken önemli bir husustur. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında gerçekleştirdiği bir başka düzenleme ise 6761 sayılı Vicdan ve Toplanma Hürriyetini Koruma Kanunu'nun kabul edilmesidir. Kanun, irticai hareketlerin artarak rejimi tehdit eder hale gelmesinin sonucu çıkarılmıştır. İrticai hareketlere izin verilmeyeceğini, demokratik rejimi koruya-cağını programında ilan eden hükümet bunun gereğini yerine getirmiştir. Dinin siyasi veya diğer çıkarlar için kullanılması ve bu tür örgütlenmelerin kurulmasını demokratik ilkelerle bağdaştırmak mümkün değildir. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanına bir başka müdahalesi Neşir Yolu ile veya Radyo ile İşlenecek Bazı Cürümler Hakkındaki Kanun'u çıkarması ile 6732 ve 6733 sayılı basın kanunlarının bazı maddelerini değiş-tirmesi ile olmuştur. Bu kanunlarda yer alan kişilerin şikayeti olmadan savcıların ya-yınlar ile ilgili kendiliğinden harekete geçebilmesi unsuru haber alma ve verme hür-riyetini engelleyen bir koşul oluşturmuştur. Yine gazetecilerin yaptıkları haberler ve köşe yazarlarının yazdıkları yazılar nedeniyle şikayet edilmeleri halinde kendilerini müdafaa edebilmeleri için ispat hakkının onlara verilmeyişi bazı konularda ( iktidar ve mülki amirler ile ilgili yolsuzluk vb) haber yapmalarına, yazı yazmalarına engel olacak ortamı oluşturmuştur. Ayrıca, halkın haber alma özgürlüğüne, gazetecilerin özgür ve bağımsız çalışmasına engel olmuştur. İspat hakkı verilmediği gibi bu tür yazı ve haberler için cezaların arttırılması basın hürriyetini ortadan kaldırmıştır. Bu nedenle bazı basın mensupları hareket içerikli haber ve yazıları nedeniyle ceza almış olsalar da hükümetin politikalarını eleştiren onlarca basın çalışanına hapis cezalarının verilmesi vatandaşlara hak ve hürriyetlerini vereceğini ve devri sabık yaratmayacağını söyleyen Demokrat Parti İktidarı'nın bu uygulamaları onun söylemleri ve adıyla çelişmesine ne-den olmuştur. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı bir başka kanuni düzenleme 6771 Sayılı Toplantılar ve Gösteri Yürüyüşleri Kanunu'nu çıkarmasıdır. Kanun, siyasi partilerin seçim varmış gibi çok fazla miting yaptığı ve bu mitinglerde konuşanların hükümeti ağır bir şekilde eleştirdiği ve hatta bazı hatiplerin hükümet üyelerine ağır sözler söylediği gerekçeleriyle kabul edilmiştir. Bu kanun ile partilerin miting ve kapalı alan toplantıları seçim zamanı ile sınırlandırılmıştır. Bu nedenle bu uygulama demokrasiye aykırı bir düzenleme olmuştur. Bir parti veya dernek kanunlara aykırı hareket etmediği sürece istediği zaman izin almak koşulu ile miting yapabilmelidir. Hükümetin sivil toplum kuruluşları ile ilişkilerine baktığımızda ise olumlu ve o-lumsuz tutum ve uygulamaların varlığından söz edebiliriz. İktidarın sivil toplum kuru-luşları ile ilişkileri dernekler, sendikalar ve basın teşkilatları ile olmak üzere üç ana bö-lüm halinde ele alınabilir. Derneklerle ilişkilere baktığımızda öğrenci dernekleri ile iliş-kilerin daha yoğun olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Özellikle TMTF ve MTTB gibi öğrenci dernek federasyonları yönetimleri ile ilişkiler öğrenci dernekleri ile ilişkilerin en önemli bölümünü oluşturur. Bu konuda partilerin bugünde devam eden derneklerin yönetimle-rini elde etme isteği Demokrat Parti İktidarı'nın da faaliyetlerinden birisini oluşmuştur. Muhalif olan yönetimleri değiştirmek için çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda Demokrat Partili dört milletvekili tarafından öğrenci derneklerine hükümetin verdiği ö-deneği dağıtma ve gençlik sorunlarını çözmek amacıyla kurulmuş olan Gençlik Bürosu' nun TMTF ve MTTB'nin yönetim kurulları seçimlerine müdahale etmesi ve sonrası yaşanan olaylar demokrasi ilkeleri ile bağdaşmamıştır. Ayrıca Türkiye Milli Gençlik Teşkilatı adında bir gençlik derneği varken Türk Milli Birliği'nin kurulması ve böylece geçliği farklı cephelerde örgütleme isteği gençliğin birbiri ile kavgalı hale gelmesine ne-den olmuştur. Radyo Dinlemeyenler Cemiyeti'nin İstanbul Valisi Ethem Yetkiner tara-fından kanunsuz bir biçimde kapatılması, Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dekanı Turhan Fevzioğlu'nun görevden alınması nedeniyle eylem yapan öğrencilerin gözaltına alınması ve mahkemeye verilmesi, İTÜTB'nin üniversitedeki yemek boykotu nedeniyle öğrencilerin gözaltına alınmaları, mahkemeye verilmeleri ve hükümet yetki-lilerinin bu konuda yaptıkları açıklamalar demokratik bir iktidar sivil toplum kuruluşu ilişki tarzına aykırı olmuştur. Tahkikat Komisyonu kararları ile örfi idarelerin kurulması ve öğrencilerin tepkilerinin engellenmesi de demokrasi açısında doğru olmayan uygula-malar olmuştur. Kiracılar Cemiyeti'nin istekleri dikkate alınarak Kira Kanunu'nun ka-bul edilmesi, tüccar, esnaf ve sanayicilerin derneklerinin talepleri dikkate alınarak Milli Korunma Kanunu'nda yapılan değişiklik ve kredi imkanlarının artırılması gibi karar-larda dernekler ile ilgili hükümetin olumlu yönde uygulamaları olmuştur. Ayrıca hükü-metin irtica ve komünizm ile mücadeleleri de dernekler tarafından olumlu karşılan-mıştır. Hükümetin sendikalar ile ilişkilerine baktığımızda ise grev hakkı tartışmalarının en önemli sorun olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. İktidarın seçim vaatlerinde ve programında olan grev hakkı ile ilgili sendikalar tarafından onlarca talep gelmiştir. 1951 yılında bir tasarı hazırlanmış olmasına ve ilgili bakanların bu hakkın verileceğini yıllarca söyleme-lerine karşın grev hakkı verilmemiştir. Çalışma bakanları grev hakkının verilmeme ne-denini, genellikle iktisadi ve sosyal düzenin bozulabileceğine dayandırmışlardır. Ayrıca, grev hakkı verildiğinde işverene lokavt hakkının da tanınması gerektiği için sendikala-rın mali gücünün bunu kaldıramayacağını ve işçilerin zor durumda kalacağını iddia et-mişlerdir. Bu nedenlerle grev hakkı için acele edilmemesini dile getirmişlerdir. İşçiye grev hakkının verilmemesinin yanında işçi mitinglerinin yasaklanması; kanunsuz grev nedeniyle bazı sendikaların kapatılması; işsizlik rakamları açıklamaları nedeniyle Çalışma Bakanlığı ile tartışmaya giren bazı sendika birliklerinin Sendikalar Kanunu'nun sekizinci maddesinde yer alan ayrı ayrı iş kolundaki sendikaların sendikal birlik olama-yacağı gerekçesiyle kapatılması; işçi seminerlerinin yasaklanması ve burada konferans verenlerin cahillikle, komünistlikle ve siyasi propaganda yapmakla ile itham edilmesi; Zonguldak Maden İşçileri Sendikası ikinci başkanının muhalif açıklamaları nedeniyle görevden alınması ve sendikanın kongresine müdahale edilmesi gibi olaylar demokratik olmayan tutumlar olmuştur. Kolektif İş Akdi tasarısının TBMM'ye getirilmesi, işçiler için ev yapılması, yıllık ücretli iznin verilmesi, tatil yapamayanlara çalıştıkları gün için yevmiye ödenmesi, sendikal faaliyet nedeniyle işten çıkarılmaların kanunla yasaklan-ması, işçi sigortalarındaki düzenlemelerde işçilerin ve sendikaların lehine olan demok-ratik uygulamalar olmuştur. Basın ve onun teşkilatları ile ilişkilerine baktığımızda Demokrat Parti, muhalefet yıllarında ve iktidarının ilk üç, dört yılında basının büyük bir bölümü tarafından destek- lenmiştir. Fakat hükümet politikalarındaki değişmeler ve ekonomideki kötü gidiş bası-nın büyük bir bölümünün hükümete muhalif olmasına neden olmuştur. Bu nedenle bası-nının muhalif partilerin eylem ve söylemlerini sayfalarına taşıması; hükümet politikala-rını eleştiren yazılar yayınlaması hükümetin yukarıda aktardığımız kanuni önlemleri al-masına neden olmuştur. Bu kanunların kabulüne bazı gazetecilerin hükümet üyeleri ile ilgili eleştirinin boyutunu aşarak hakaret içeren yazıları kaleme almaları da etkili olmuş-tur. Özellikle 1958 yılından sonra basın kuruluşları ile hükümet üyeleri arasında ilişkiler gerginleşmiştir. Basın sanki bir muhalefet partisi gibi muhalefeti hükümete karşı tek cephede birleşmeye çağırırken hükümette basını reklam ödeneklerinin azalması nede-niyle bu yönde hareket etme ve meşru hükümete karşı halkı ayaklanmaya teşvik etmek-le itham etmiştir. İsmet İnönü'nün ve CHP'lilerin yurt gezileri ile Osman Bölükbaşı'nın Kırşehir'i ziyareti ve tutuklanması sırasında bazı gazetecilerin polis tarafından tartak-lanması, fotoğraf makinelerinin ellerinden alınması, gözaltına alınmaları, yargılanma-ları, bu olayların yayının yasaklanması hükümet ile basının ilişkilerini daha da gergin-leştirmiştir. Bu olaylar nedeniyle basın örgütlerinin tebliğler yayınlamaları ve bu tebliğ-lerden birisi nedeniyle İstanbul Gazeteciler Sendikası'nın siyaset yaptığı gerekçesiyle kapatılması ve Beynelmilel Basın Enstitüsü'nün Türkiye'deki basın hürriyeti ile ilgili açıklamasının yayınının yasaklanması basınla iktidarı karşı karşıya getirmiştir. Bu olay-lar bazı gazeteci örgütlerinden istifa edenlerin Demokrat Parti'ye yakın gazeteciler ile radyo ve Anadolu Ajansı'nda çalışan gazetecilerden oluşan Matbuat Kulübü'nün kurul-ması ile sonuçlanmıştır. CHP'nin son olaylar nedeniyle halkı iktidara karşı isyana teşvik ettiği ve silahlı hücreler kurduğu gerekçesiyle Tahkikat Komisyonu'nun kurulması ve bu olay sonucunda örfi idarelerin ilan edilmesi bazı örfi idare kararlarına uymadığı ne-deniyle bazı gazetelerin kapatılmasına neden olmuştur. Tabi ki sadece hükümetin basın-la olumsuz yönde ilişkileri olmamıştır. Başbakan Adnan Menderes birçok kez bazı ga-zetecilere ziyafet vermiş, onların teşekküllerini ziyaret etmiş ve istek ve sorunlarını din-lemiştir. Özetle Demokrat Parti İktidarı Türkiye'de demokrasi kültürünün oluşmadığı ve Cumhuriyet'in ilanının üzerinden çok fazla zamanın geçmediği bir dönemde işbaşına gelen bir iktidardır. Bu nedenle devri sabık yaratılmayacağı ve demokratik hak ve hürriyetlerin tanınacağı, TC Anayasası'nın demokrasi ilkelerine uygun biçimde tanzim edileceği sözleri tutulamamıştır.ABSTRACTOn November 10, 1938 with the death of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Ismet Inonu country, the management of which the President has become the most authoritative person. İnönü, CHP and the state administration dominated by single units (National Chief), especially the period of Celal Bayar reaction caused CHP deputies and managers. Direction of the party and the country is a party to the Second World War due to the domination of the majority of the people and the power of the economic distress of the people in conflict with conservative political circles and outside the CHP applications in educational and social fields, and a large part of the population has led to the formation of an oppositional stance. In conjunction with this process, the government organized a number of radical opposition movement has led to applications.Due to the reasons stated above, and openly turned into a discourse and actions of individual behavior within the CHP has emerged during the bid for the first time legislation for land reform. CHP deputies Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, Fuat Koprulu, and Refik Koraltan, May 14, 1945 with the start of the discussion in Parliament on the proposal of this law the government's attitude towards the application put forward by their speeches. However, prior to the submission to Parliament of the draft of this law is essentially a dissident group within the CHP meetings began Thursday in the home of the formation of Tevfik Rüştü Aras. Aras Tevfik Rüştü since April of 1945 came together at home Emin Sazak sure, Adnan Menderes and Fuat Koprulu CHP reported that they were under the authority of Ismet Inonu and focused on the need to change this situation. Fuat Koprulu Adnan Menderes coming together for the second time and agreed on establishing a democratic center. Refik Koraltan later participated in the meetings. Adnan Menderes, the party and in the community should join this group Celal Bayar has announced that effective. The meeting with the group at the end of Celal Bayar, it has been included. Group members at the meeting held on May 18, Calm before the Turkish Grand National Assembly without a vote of the state budget of 1945 three hundred and seventy-three deputies involved in İzmir deputy Celal Bayar,Deputy Aydin Adnan Menderes, Mersin deputy Refik Koraltan, Kars deputy Fuat Koprulu and Eskişehir deputy Emin Sazak used negative vote against the budget. Against the budget vote against the Republican period was used for the first time. Thus, the attitudes of the opposition put forward a second time. 1945 was prepared by the CHP Parliamentary Group Quartet Motion to think.Group members on June 7, 1945 at Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, Fuat Koprulu and the CHP Parliamentary Group of the motion hazard with the signature of President Rafik Koraltan'ın attitudes explicitly put forward by the opposition. The operation of the CHP's proposal to be brought into line with democratic principles and the TC. Recognition of citizens' rights and freedoms of the Constitution claimed that exists.CHP Parliamentary Group on June 12, 1945 This resolution was discussed and rejected. Calm in the ongoing process of this staff within the CHP with the rejection of the possibility of politics as no event requested a proposal to establish an order could not be fighting in the CHP has emerged.The proposals given in the CHP parliamentary group, recently President Ismet Inonu, the idea of establishing a new party he has met with Rauf Orbay. This meeting, the group ventured İnönü his other speeches negative attitude against members of the CHP managers and members of parliament, the party organ of the Nation newspaper articles full of heavy words to leave the group members has led to the CHP. Already published in Homeland Adnan Menderes and Fuat Koprulu writings were expelled from the CHP CHP by the Court on September 25, 1945.Other names resigned. The remaining members of the group began the work of establishing party-Party and the Democratic Party was formally established on January 7, 1946. The Democratic Party, Four signatories to the motion: Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, was founded by Fuat Koprulu, and Refik Koraltan. Symbol of the Democratic Party, "DP", is headquartered in Ankara Antalya Deputy Cemal Tunca Sumerian has been building street number eight.The justification of the Democratic Party establishment of a democratic regime in Turkey to install and program, contrary to the laws of democracy, the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey removed, will be guaranteed by the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens are expressed. In opposition to the CHP, and the government has been accused of exhibiting non-democratic attitudes and behaviors. The opposition between the two parties yıllılarında many events occurred against democracy. Even the Democratic Party, which took place on January 7, 1947 the First General Congress of the abolition of laws which are contrary to the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey adopted the Convention on Freedom and democracy has been requested to the appropriate law. These requests are not adhered to given the right to withdraw from the Parliament of the Board of Directors of the Democratic Party. If the Democratic Party came to power managers to recognize the rights and freedoms of citizens, democracy, contrary to the laws of the Republic to remove the words of the Constitution gave making them compatible with democracy.May 14, 1950 election activities, the same promise was repeated. Even speaking Kasımpaşa on April 2, 1950 Democratic Party Chairman Celal Bayar, that democratic rights and democracy in countries where the right to strike as the social order and stated that the economy will not harm the workers the right to strike. On behalf of the Democratic Party won the elections on May 22, 1950 the government of Adnan Menderes set up and on May 29, 1950 the Parliament approved the government's program.The government program as well as the party's electoral declaration is no shock of the moral and material change of government in the country the possibility to open the account will not be recognized, and in particular sorulmayacağı previous government was emphasized. In the program, the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey is based on the will of the citizens' rights and freedoms and the nation are expressed in stable arrangements shall be made to ensure the realization of a state order. In addition, the governments of the CHP (single-party period) and the remaining non-democratic laws, habits, and understandings change is emphasized. In the program, the workers explained to recognize the right to strike will not disrupt the social and economic order.Programme of the Government of the Democratic Party would get only the rights of citizens were not included. In addition, even though at that time by some of the minority rights in the banned activities took place. Reforms for the protection of the Republic and the extreme left movements (communism) and will not be allowed to deal with them effectively unless otherwise indicated. Legal action will be taken against them because such conditions, the ideas and thoughts of the day is not seen as freedom of conscience is emphasized. This idea will not be allowed to broadcast under the guise of freedom of currents currents of thought because it has been claimed that the purpose of eliminating freedoms. The idea of communism would not be allowed to flow as well as the reactionary movements never be emphasized.Democratic Party Period Before summarizing the power of civil society in its relations with non-governmental organizations would be appropriate to define the organization. The concept of civil society is a concept defined in different ways. In particular the relationship between the state and civil society leads to different definitions. Some of these definitions, civil society, completely independent of the government, which controls the state and even the organized power of the state, which has been described as an alternative. Other definitions of the state and civil society is not so much a sharp separation, has the purpose of ensuring the participation of civil society, the state has been suggested that social. The concept of civil society in the modern sense "Non Govern mental Organizations" (independent of the state organizations), as well as the definition of "voluntary organizations", "nonprofit organizations" as well as the terms are defined. After the definition of civil society non-governmental organization prior to the governments of the Democratic Party has been removed briefly when you let the government's interference.Turkey Associations law no. 3512 came into force on June 28, 1938 and 1909 by the Ottoman Empire era and societies act no. 121 and no. 387 to the law and the law was abolished 353. This is the ninth article of the law bendiyle h "family, class, race, gender" on the basis of the establishment of associations is prohibited. This material association with the trade unions and the establishment of many prohibited. Accept the justification for this law, existing at the time of communist and fascist regimes in some countries to avoid taking over the administration of the country suggested that.Ismet Inonu, 10 to 11 May 1946, after his speech to the CHP congress of the law no. 4919 on June 5, 1946 permitting process and formalities to freedom of association has been removed. Class on the basis of the ban on freedom of association disappeared. Time of the adoption of this law, gave a speech on behalf of the Democratic Party of Adnan Menderes, the change in the law is an important step on the road to democracy, termed. Removed the obstacles to the organization of civil society ahead of the Democratic Party Government.Relations with non-governmental organizations in the Government of the Democratic Party can be considered in two parts. The first part consists of the Regulation in the field of government, civil society. The second part of power approach to civil society organizations, that is, their attitude towards the activities of the country, on the decisions taken on the management of non-governmental organizations and civil society responses in decisions related to their field consists of absence from these organizations to take into account requests and objections.The Governments of the Democratic Party made many regulations in the field of civil society. The government's approach to his time with the level of democracy in today's terms of these regulations and take no account of the formation process of a culture of democracy means. The government's first regulation in the field of civil society Press Act no. 5680. The adoption of the Law has been a practice incompatible with the principles of democracy. Therefore, the press and media organizations saw this as a step towards the law. The second legal regulation in the field of civil society, the government's Struggle Against Communism Act 5844 to issue no. The idea of communism and communist publications program flow of power to fight against the idea of a democratic currents of ideas and activities seen as contrary to freedom of conscience to abolish the democratic regime is emphasized as an attitude and demeanor. Opposition to have the same thought on this subject, power and facilitated the removal of this law. İktidarı'nın Democratic Party not to allow this kind of thought currents and their activities in terms of assessing the time and would be wise to keep in mind that the process of the formation of a culture of democracy. Another application is related to the field of civil society that the government is the removal of the law no. 5816 of Atatürk. Atatürk's personality, principles and reforms of this law which has been adopted as a result of the attacks also applies today. This law established by Ataturk party, the CHP deputies opposed the removal of the need to focus on to be an important consideration. If the regulation is carried out by the Government in the field of non-governmental No. 6761 is the adoption of the Law on Protection of conscience and the right to freedom of assembly. The law was a result of the arrival of fundamentalist movements become increasingly threaten the regime. Harekelere reactionary allowed the democratic regime of government that proclaimed the need to protect the program fulfilled. The use of religion for political or other interests is not possible to reconcile democratic principles and the establishment of such organizations. Another area of civil society through the intervention of the government or the Radio Broadcasting to be covered by the Act on Certain Felonies by extraction with replacement of some provisions of the laws of 6732 and 6733 has been no press. Without these laws, prosecutors publications related to the complaints of the people pass the element of self-motivation has created a condition that prevents the freedom to receive and impart news. Again, journalists, columnists wrote articles for their news and to be able to prove that the right to defend themselves if they are complaining verilmeyişi them on some issues (related to power and corruption, governors, etc.) make news, the media has created to prevent writing to write. In addition, the public freedom of information, has been hampered by journalists to operate freely and independently. Proof is not given the right to increase the penalties for press articles and news like this kind of freedom is eliminated. For this reason, some members of the media even if they are convicted of moving content, news and articles critical of the government's policies, press the dozens of employees and the transfer of prison sentences would be given rights and freedoms of citizens who have no former Democratic Party İktidarı'nın these practices conflict with the name of his discourses, and from what has been . Any other legal regulation in the field of civil society that the Government No. 6771 Law on Meetings and Demonstrations landing. The law of political parties and election rallies like there's a lot of rally speakers heavily criticized the government and even some harsh words said to the members of the government on grounds of orators were adopted. With this law, meetings, parties, rally and off the field is limited to election time. Therefore, this application has an arrangement undemocratic. Act contrary to the laws of association, unless a party or get permission at any time be able to rally with the condition.If we look at the government's relations with civil society organizations can talk about the existence of positive and negative attitudes and practices. Power relations with non-governmental organizations, associations, trade unions and the press offices of three main parts: can be handled. When we look at the relations of relations with associations, student associations say that more intense. Student associations and federations, such as TMTF MTTB especially relations with governments creates the most important part of relations with student associations. Management of associations in this regard the parties desire to achieve, which continues today İktidarı'nın Democratic Party, one of the activities occurred. Various studies the management of the opposition to change. In this respect the government of the Democratic Party the benefit of four deputies student associations established to solve the problems of deploying and youth, the Youth Bureau's board of directors MTTB'nin TMTF and after the elections and the events in the intervention was not consistent with democratic principles. In addition, while Turkey's National Youth Organization is a youth association, and thus the establishment of the Turkish National Union geçliği different fronts at loggerheads with each other to become the youth organization has led to the request. Radio unlawfully by not obeying the closure of the League of the Governor of Istanbul Ethem Yetkiner, Dean of the Faculty of Political Sciences, Ankara University, Turhan Fevzioğlu'nun dismissal of the action because of the detention and court-students who, due to the boycott of food İTÜTB'nin university students detention, without trial and government officials and their explanations in this regard the relationship of a democratic style of government, non-governmental organizations has been inconsistent. Research Commission decisions and the establishment of the legal authorities and the students' reactions have been prevented by applications that are not correct in terms of democracy. Requests, taking into account the adoption of the Law on Lease Tenants Association, merchants, tradesmen, and taking into account the demands of the industrialists' associations, and credit facilities amendment to the Law on Protection of National Associations of decisions, such as increasing the government has applications in a positive way. In addition, the government struggles with fundamentalism and communism was welcomed by the associations.If we look at the government's relations with the trade unions the right to strike is the most important problem söyleyebiliriz.Hükümetin election promises and program discussions with the trade unions on the right to strike has been requested by the dozens. In 1951, a bill has been prepared and the relevant ministers would say that for many years, but the right to strike were not given this right. The right to strike or not to study the cause of ministers, generally relied on the economic and social order can go wrong. In addition, the employer is given the right to strike or lock-out should be recognized the right of the workers to handle this difficult situation will remain the financial power of the trade unions have claimed. For these reasons expressed not to rush to the right to strike. An employee is not given the right to strike of workers rallies next to the prohibition of certain trade unions due to the closure of illegal strikes, unemployment figures into the discussion with the Ministry of Labour for comments eighth article of the Law on Trade Unions located in some of the trade union trade union trade union unity can not be separate business line on the ground, working seminars ban and ignorance of those who lecture here, to be accused of being a communist and political propaganda; Zonguldak Mine Workers' Union and the second president of the union congress to intervene in the dismissal of the opposition, such as descriptions of events were non-democratic attitudes. The introduction to Parliament of the draft collective employment contract for workers to home, paid annual granting of a permit, work groups not on the payment of per diem for the day, because of the dismissal law, the prohibition of trade union activity, labor regulations, workers and trade unions in favor of insurances has been democratic practices.Look at the Democratic Party's relations with the press and its agencies, the opposition and the government die in the first three, four, supported by a large part of the press in. However, changes in government policies and the economy is going bad, the opposition to the government has led to a large part of the media. For this reason, the actions and rhetoric of media sheets to carry the opposition parties and the government to publish articles critical of the government's policies have quoted above, has led to take legal measures. The adoption of this law, the size of some of the criticism of journalists, members of the government to submit written papers has been effective in overcoming-round insulting. Especially in 1958, after the tense relations between members of the press and the government. Press it as an opposition party, the opposition to unite against the government calling a single front to move in this direction due to the decline in government appropriations media advertising and the people to revolt against the legitimate government has been accused. . Ismet Inonu and CHP foreign trips and a visit to Kirşehir Osman Bölükbaşı some journalists during his arrest by the police, beaten, deprived cameras, detention, trial, media relations with the government banning the publication of these events gerginleştirmiştir. This is due to the events of press organizations publish papers and one of the papers due to the closure of Istanbul, on the grounds that the political Union of Journalists and the international Press Institute press freedom in Turkey, the prohibition of publication of the statement on the power of the press has faced. These events are close to the Democratic Party, who resigned some journalist organizations, journalists and radio and printed documents of journalists working in the Anatolian Agency resulted in the establishment Club. Due to recent events in the CHP encourages people to revolt against the government and the armed cells, and this event as a result of the establishment of the Commission of Inquiry on the grounds established by customary authorities declared martial law in some of the decisions of the breach has led to the closure of some newspapers. Of course, only the government's relationship with the press has been negative. Some reporters several times Prime Minister Adnan Menderes feast, I have visited their formations and listened to requests and problems.In summary declaration of the Democratic Party Government of the Republic of Turkey, the culture of democracy are generated does not exceed too much time in power, which came to power at a time. For this reason, touched and democratic rights and freedoms recognized representatives of the previous government, the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey promises to be devised in accordance with the principles of democracy has not been realized.
