Suchergebnisse

THE END OF THE COLD WAR HAS PROVIDED AN OPPORTUNITY FOR THE UNITED STATES AND INDIA TO REEVALUATE THEIR RELATIONS. U.S. POLICYMAKERS, WHO HAVE CONSISTENTLY MISCLASSIFIED INDIA, MUST FINALLY FORMULATE A POLICY THAT BALANCES THE COMPLEX INTERESTS OF THE UNITED STATES IN INDIA. DEVELOPING AND IMPLEMENTING A COHERENT POLICY IN SOUTH ASIA AND ADDRESSING THE CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR AMERICAN INTERESTS WILL BE AN IMPORTANT MEASURE OF THE STRATEGIC MATURITY OF THE UNITED STATES AS IT ENTERS THE NEXT MILLENNIUM.

The edited volume aims at examining China's role in the field of international governance and the rule of law under the Belt and Road Initiative from a holistic manner. It seeks alternative analytical frameworks that not only take into account legal ideologies and legal ideals, but also local demand, socio-political circumstances, to explain and understand China's legal interactions with countries along the Road, so that more useful insights can be produced in predicting and analysing China's as well as other emerging Asian countries' legal future. Authors from Germany, Korea, Singapore, Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong have contributed to this edited volume, which produces academic dialogues and conducts intellectual exchanges in specific sub-themes.

AbstractDuring the global commodities boom Indonesia, like many resource-rich countries, introduced an increasing number of nationalist policy interventions. However, the state has intervened assertively in some sectors and only passively in others. In Indonesia's mining sector, interventions that compel foreign divestment received widespread support from politicians and domestic industry; yet similar proposals to limit foreign investment in the strategic agribusiness sector have largely failed. This article brings the literature on resource nationalism into conversation with studies of business–state relations, in order to understand why nationalist mobilization met with more success in Indonesia's mining sector than in agribusiness. It argues that ownership structures constitute the source of this variation. Uniquely integrated patterns of domestic and foreign ownership in the strategic palm oil sub-sector constrained lawmakers' nationalist agenda. Such constraints were less formidable in Indonesia's mining sector, where foreign capital is more easily differentiated, and concentrated in a sub-sector that contributes less overall to the Indonesian economy.

In November, 1934, the British Council for Relations with Other Countries was founded on the initiative of the Foreign Office. The decision to establish a body specifically designed to conduct cultural propaganda overseas on behalf of the British Government was, perhaps, the most constructive peacetime response to the growing realization that more positive measures were required to counter the detrimental effects of aggressive foreign propaganda upon British interests and prestige. The British Council, which continued to operate under the auspices of the Foreign Office, offered a new and alternative approach to the traditional conduct of foreign affairs: the practice of cultural diplomacy. It was believed that cultural propaganda — broadly interpreted as the dissemination of British ideals and beliefs in a general rather than specifically political form – would not only serve to enhance British influence and prestige abroad, but would also effectively further the wider ideals of international peace and understanding.

Abstract After the ending of the Second World War, Romania's cooperation relations with other countries were subordinated to the political and economic situations developed among the world states and to the events that followed the completion of the war, the form and content of these relations being different, corresponding to the context.The study presents aspects related to the partnership relations developed through the economic cooperation relations achieved by Romania within the Commission for Reciprocal Economic Aid – COMECON (CAER), on the period of its operation (1949-1989).There are presented participants' cooperation modalities, the partnership being of public-public or public-private type.The examples shown include elements regarding the participating parties, the objectives to be achieved, the period, participation share, as the case may be.Also, some references are made to the enlargement of Romania's economic cooperation relations, internationally, after the 1970 year, expression of the favorable evolution of the geographical space of manifestation of the Romanian foreign trade.

The author presents the main resources of soft power in international relations - culture, political values and foreign policy, separately revealing each of them. Heemphasizes the importance of the difference between the potential and the real soft power, as well as the process of transformation of the potential soft power into the real one. The author outlines various strategies for the realization of the soft power of countries in international relations, taking into consideration the differences of the aims they pursue.

Mostly sunny, partly cloudy: the transatlantic forecast for the next four years / Chantal de Jonge Oudraat and Michael E. Brown. - S. 4-9. - The pragmatic president: Obama's second term foreign policy / Roberta Haar. - S. 10-14. - Four more years: Presidential-congressional relations in Obama's second term / Erik A. Olsen. - S. 15-19. - Ctrl-Alt-Del? Obama recalibrates the reset with Russia / Donald Jensen. - S. 20-23. - U.S.-Israel relations in the aftermath of the elections / Ariel E. Levite. - S. 24-27

Development of bilateral ties between Russia and Republic of Korea since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1990 are discussed: key trends in evaluation from bilateral cooperation to strategic partnership. Role of PDRK and the ROK in Russia's foreign policy towards the Korean Peninsula and North East Asia. Close bilateral cooperation in high-tech industries, joint programs of economic development of the Russian Far East are the main factors for successful expansion of Russia-South Korean economic relations in the next 20 years.

In the global financial crisis, Russia faces the most severe challenge to its politicoeconomic system. Oil prices plummeted, and Russia's exports and state revenues dropped with them. The economy was severely shaken, and cracks appeared in its semi-democratic system headed by the Putin-Medvedev diarchy. However, relations with Washington showed signs of improvement as President Obama reset the overall tone of U.S. foreign policy. Russia pursued cordial ties with Asia, in part to compensate for volatile relations with the West.

Дан краткий теоретический обзор разновидностей государственного регулирования внешнеторговых отношений протекционизма и фритредерства. Рассмотрены принципы и условия формирования и развития данных приемов регулирования внешнеэкономических отношений в таможенной политике Российской империи ХІХ века. ; The brief theoretical review of versions of state regulation of the foreign trade relations -protectionism and freetradership is given. Principles and conditions of formation and development of the given receptions of regulation of the external economic relations in a customs politics of Russian empire of XIX century are considered.

The United States appears to be embarking on a transition on two major fronts: its own economy, both financial and real; and its relations with the rest of the world. There is some relation between these two transitions. Some of these changes will depend on the outcome of the U.S. national election in November, and some will not. This paper will present a brief overview of current trends, with some attention given to U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, as well as other areas.

During the seventies, the Belgian-Zairese relations are characterized by a series of crises and reconciliations.Many facts had an important effect on those relations : the « Zairianisation » of foreign, especially Belgian, companies; President Mobutu's request for economic aid; the Shaba-invasion of 1977; the presence of Zaïrese opponents in Belgium and the hostility against Kinshasa and especially against President Mobutu from the part of particular Belgian circles.All these facts make it very difficult to Belgium to draw a coherent policy in this case.