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In 1761 and again in 1768, European scientists raced around the world to observe the transit of Venus, a rare astronomical event in which the planet Venus passes in front of the sun. In "The Transit of Empire," Jodi A. Byrd explores how indigeneity functions as transit, a trajectory of movement that serves as precedent within U.S. imperial history. Byrd argues that contemporary U.S. empire expands itself through a transferable "Indianness" that facilitates acquisitions of lands, territories, and resources. Examining an array of literary texts, historical moments, and pendin

Relations between European Americans (via the Federal government) and Native American tribes have been tenuous—especially since the advent of the self-determination process for tribal recognition. The Federal Government's Bureau of Indian Affairs has made the recognition process incredibly costly and time-consuming, forcing many Indian tribes to wait years to receive tribal recognition and the valuable federal funds associated with it.

In commenting on the Boxt and Raab article, the primary point I raise here concerns the competence of contemporary archaeological research. I think it is naive to think that we can practice a totally objective archaeology that is divorced from the social concerns, political pressures, and funding constraints of today. Archaeological research is conducted for a variety of reasons and for divergent clients and funding agencies. Collaboration with involved stakeholders, especially native peoples who have a vested interest in the archaeological record, will continue to increase. I have no problem with archaeologists working closely with native groups to identify sacred sites or places, to assist them in becoming federally recognized, to develop strong and legitimate claims for the repatriation of culturally affiliated skeletal remains, associated funerary objects, and sacred objects, or to help them negotiate or promote their native identities to the broader public. My problem is with poor, sloppy, and/or inexcusable archaeological research.

In the twentieth century, Indian communities most often live on land held in trust by the federal government, which then uses that trust obligation to justify management of tribal affairs. There are exceptions to this relationship, however, and one of the rarest is a native community residing on land privately owned by a church absent of any federal oversight. It was precisely this latter relationship that Southern Paiutes experienced throughout much of this century at Cedar City, Utah, where they lived on land owned and managed by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The development of this situation in a series of federal and church actions and decisions reflected the power of the two bureaucracies as they challenged each other for control over Paiute lives. Mormon oversight has had numerous long-term impacts on the Cedar City Paiute community, as well as implications for issues of church and state in American Indian policy.

The Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe is today recognized by the federal government as a semi-sovereign society within the American polity. Its government, the Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribal Council, is acknowledged to be the governing body of the tribe and to have jurisdiction over the Pyramid Lake Reservation in northwestern Nevada, except where that jurisdiction has been eliminated or weakened by explicit action of the Congress of the United States (Cohen 1982). Before the 1930s, however, although the courts in theory recognized the semi-sovereign status of the tribe, in fact, the United States government and state and local governments did not acknowledge the existence of a genuine government within the tribe. Both the present government and recognition by Congress and the executive branch of the federal government date from the Indian New Deal. This paper examines the formation of this government in the light of what is known of previous governing structures and the perception of these structures by the surrounding society. Failure to acknowledge a government of the tribe, or to recognize it clearly, has been a significant element in the history of the tribe since the arrival of Euroamericans in the Pyramid Lake Paiute territory in the middle of the nineteenth century.

Mrs. Nolasquez was the last survivor of the government removal that brought her people from Cuba to the Pala Indian Reservation in 1903. In her later years, she worked with a variety of linguists, anthropologists, and historians to help preserve what she knew of the Cupeno language and culture.

I shall discuss here the limitations of the sources and explore the available data. While detailed data are irritatingly few, they are sufficient to show that native women were active participants in the historical adaptive process. Their role was more than simply intercalary (Martin and Voorhies 1975: 250), for they were not passive pawns bridging the gaps between two groups of competing males. While retaining vital relationships with native men, Indian women interacted with Anglo men, who controlled access to the novel goods and opportunities provided by the intrusive Euroamerican culture. Within a matter of a few years, a regional interethnic and sexual hierarchy of economic and political dominance/subordination was created in which Indian women had a definite and distinctive status.

The purpose of this paper is to document population movements by Numic peoples during the ethnohistoric period. That they appear to have been expanding at the time of historic contact all along their perimeter may reflect a continuation of a general expansion through the Great Basin which may have begun in antiquity (within the last millennia [cf. Lamb 1958]). Further, it appears that Numic populations of the ethnohistoric period (at least on their perimeter) were militarily aggressive and inclined to exploit their non-Numic neighbors. The fact that the Numic groups did not generally fight among themselves but were at war with virtually all their neighbors supports this contention. This territorial expansion appears to have predated the acquisition of the horse although horses were a very important factor in some of the expansions of Numic populations, especially the Comanche.

It is not within the intent of this paper to enter into speculations concerning the probable destiny of the tribe, but although they have succeeded in maintaining their numerical strength for the past thirty or forty years, it would appear that their existence as a united people is seriously threatened. Until recent times their country was virtually ignored by the whites, who erroneously believed that Arizona and southeastern California were deserts incapable of sustaining life. This impression has since been proven totally incorrect, as is now attested by the flourishing Yuma gardens, productive ranches, and extensive irrigation enterprises in progress along the Gila River. Government land is preempted at an unprecedented rate, and the hitherto unoccupied valleys are rapidly filling up. In due course of time the constantly increasing population will encroach upon the outskirts of the Indian ranges to the extent of forcing the weaker race to adopt the habits of the stronger and by assimilation to lose their identity, which will naturally follow the destruction of tribal customs and traditions — the only influence that unites them. It is especially fortunate that the government is already preparing the younger generations by judicious practical training for the coming struggle for life.

The correlation of ethnographic with ethnohistoric and Mission Register data has clarified the analysis of Kumeyaay political structure by confirming the fact that the Kwaaypaay was not a "born" member of his band. He was not the head of the largest shiimull in a band, but was normally the only adult male of that sib in the band. This structure contrasts with that of the Cahuilla and the San Luiseno where the "Captains" were the heads of the largest lineages. The crosscutting of the shiimull organization by the territorial band organization increased the tribal or national level of Kumeyaay integration. Ethnohistoric data noting rapid communication of information between the Colorado River and the coast supports the ethnographic description of a nationally organized relay runner or courier system. This national organization of the shiimull/hands, with alliance leaders or Kuuchult kwataay, facilitated the shifting of population under erratic climatic conditions that were almost constantly affecting local resource availability. Furthermore, this complex structure integrated movement between ecological zones which required a variety of food-resource acquisition techniques. This included movement from the coast to the desert by way of foothills and mountains, and subsistence-related pursuits ranging from fishing to hunting, to desert riverine plant husbandry including irrigation farming (Shipek 1977, 1981, 1982, n.d.b).

This collection contains a draft and final version of an economic report from Raymond Nakai to the Navajo Tribal Council. He discusses up and coming projects to the major communities on the Navajo Reservation such as: Mexican Springs Job Corps, Tuba City Water and Sewer, Kayenta Civic Center, Navajo Sawmill Cut-Stock Plant, Navajo Town Center Commercial Facilities, the Navajo Irrigation Project, Navajo Community College and the Navajo Police Department. Other up and coming businesses such as stores, motels, plants, recreation areas, post offices, nursing homes and housing are in motion. The anticipation is that new business will boost the Navajo economy and engage Navajo people in work on the reservation. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Raymond Nakai, a Navajo Indian, was born in 1918 in Lukachukai, Arizona, on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai is noted as being the first modern Navajo political leader serving as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963-1971. As chairman, the issues most important during his tenure were self determination in Navajo Education, reservation unemployment, developing Navajo economy, further development of the tribal government and improving relations with the federal government and surrounding states. Nakai had much unprecedented success as Navajo Tribal Chairman: In 1967 the Navajo Nation Bill of Rights was created, in 1968 Navajo Community College opened being the first tribally controlled community college, the Tribal Scholarship Trust was developed, relations with off reservation natural resource companies began, he was supportive of religious freedom of the Native American Church on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai led an active personal and political life and was an innovative leader for the Navajo People. The Raymond Nakai Collection contains material documenting his activities as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963 - 1971.

This is an address by Raymond Nakai to a group of mental health professionals new to the Navajo Reservation. Nakai suggests that the way to reach the Navajo new to western medicine is to treat the overall health of the individual. Navajo a used to being treated by medicine men who will sing and pray along with treating with medicine. Nakai encourages the new mental health professionals to approach Navajo patients in a relevant way. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Raymond Nakai, a Navajo Indian, was born in 1918 in Lukachukai, Arizona, on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai is noted as being the first modern Navajo political leader serving as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963-1971. As chairman, the issues most important during his tenure were self determination in Navajo Education, reservation unemployment, developing Navajo economy, further development of the tribal government and improving relations with the federal government and surrounding states. Nakai had much unprecedented success as Navajo Tribal Chairman: In 1967 the Navajo Nation Bill of Rights was created, in 1968 Navajo Community College opened being the first tribally controlled community college, the Tribal Scholarship Trust was developed, relations with off reservation natural resource companies began, he was supportive of religious freedom of the Native American Church on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai led an active personal and political life and was an innovative leader for the Navajo People. The Raymond Nakai Collection contains material documenting his activities as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963 - 1971.