Suchergebnisse

The article seeks to elucidate some controversial problems of the formation of both civic and national selfconsciousness through analysing the politics of identity and citizenship, which has assumed increasing importance in Western and Eastern European countries. Citizenship is considered as a dynamic construct that should be viewed as a 'process' through which specific rights and obligations are exercised. The central task, therefore, is to analyse the evolution of various conceptions of citizenship in the light of historical experience, continuity and change, as well as the process of transformation of the model of political education that has emerged within the framework of the liberal political culture of the 19th century and has continued to exert a great impact on the development of political discourse in the modern world. Special attention is given to the comparative analysis of the models of civic and national identity in the USA, Western and Eastern Europe, including post-communist Russia. The author argues that the conception of identity as well, as the criteria for its defi nition, have become crucial in the discussion of problems of citizenship and political education. The issue remains whether an effective model of political education alone, i.e. without active citizens' involvement and support, can have the potential not only to transform a political culture, but also influence the whole system of both secondary and university education. The final aim of the article is to prove the idea that a new conception of citizenship and political education could, in conditions of a deepening crisis, become the most important link binding civil society and the new content of the political making its way through corporative interests.

The topic of women and girls' rights, access and inclusion in sport and physical activity has become a mainstay of sporting and non-sporting organisational discourse. Notwithstanding, there is little published on why, how and who enabled these topics to become politicised to this extent. For example, academic texts state key moments for the advancement of women and sport, such as conferences and resolutions, but rarely provide further detail. By explaining how transnational women and sport advocacy groups lobbied the United Nations (UN) and the International Olympic Committee (IOC) into actions for women and sport in the mid-1990s, this article adds to knowledge about how advocacy groups in international sport succeeded in working together to collectively effect change despite demonstrating contention amongst one another. Data from archival analysis of papers and correspondence of key agents involved in these processes were complemented with semi-structured interviews with some of the same individuals decades later. Using terms and concepts from social movement studies, the article shows how the International Working Group on Women and Sport (IWG) and WomenSport International (WSI) developed in relation to each other and the political environment in which they were playing a key role in shaping. Their relationship was not straightforward, due in part to the formations and structure of each group, but their purposive efforts with other agents contributed to a collective endeavour that achieved milestones for the political legitimacy of women and sport.

Analyzes the role of various categories of intelligentsia in establishing the terms of public discourse, as well as specific & general perceptions of the gender dimension of Czech politics & gender stereotypes in the context of politics. Data are drawn from articles explicitly dealing with the subject in the major Czech dailies & selected magazines. A typology of the attitudes embodied in these articles is developed, & their authors classified in terms of profession, sex, age, & political affiliations. Analysis confirms that media workers are weak in their response to public opinion & use of experts, & are principally aligned with attitudes directly derived from the sphere of politics. In relation to the issue of the political representation of women, the media has affected public discourse by both opening it &, paradoxically, blocking it. Nevertheless, gender stereotypes have been undergoing special modifications in the context of political representation.

Abstract
This article studies the interactive effects of world society and cultural diversity on the gender gap in political empowerment. Focusing on the Women's Share of Seats in National Parliaments (WSSNP) and the Gender Gap in Political Empowerment (GGPE) Index as two main outcome variables, the analyses use a growth curve approach to estimate nations' trajectories of gender political inequality and explain them by time-invariant and time-varying independent variables. Overall, the results suggest that nations' level of embeddedness in the world society, measured by the political globalization index of the KOF Swiss Economic Institute, closes the gender gap in political empowerment. Nevertheless, more culturally diverse societies, in terms of the level of religious fractionalization, are more susceptible to the equalizing impacts of globalization on the gender gap in political empowerment. Conversely, culturally homogenous nations appear to show some level of resistance to adopting the gender-equitable values prompted by world culture.

This book critically analyzes emerging issues and challenges in delivering timely justice to common people. It brings a wide range of contemporary and relevant issues relating to the gross violation of human rights and presents situation-based evidence from, and first-hand experiences of behavioral, social and legal professionals. It deals with themes such as holding administrations accountable and securing justice, challenges for the judiciary in the early disposal of cases, challenges to the forensic community, green federalism and environmental justice, current threats to human rights, ethics in the criminal justice system and honor killing from socio-cultural perspectives. Topical and comprehensive, this book will be an excellent read for scholars and researchers of political studies, legal studies, human rights, psychology, behavioural studies, political sociology, sociology, development studies, governance and public policy, environmental studies and South Asian studies. It will also interest policymakers, nongovernmental organizations, activists and professionals in the field.

Este artículo fue publicado inicialmente en inglés en la revista Archives Europénnes de Sociologie en 1984, y posteriormente en la compilación de trabajos de Michael Mann States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. Retomamos aquí la traducción al castellano de Pablo Sánchez León, publicada en 1991 en la revista Zona Abierta. Mann defiende en este artículo que "el Estado es mera y esencialmente una arena, un espacio y que no obstante ésta es la fuente misma de su autonomía ; This article was published for the first time in English in 1984 in the magazine Archives Europénnes de Sociologie, and afterwards in the compilation of Michael Mann's works States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. We take up Pablo Sánchez León's translation, published in 1991 in the magazine Zona Abierta. Mann argues that: "the state is merely and essentially an arena, a space, and that however these is the precise source of its autonomy

This article was published for the first time in English in 1984 in the magazine Archives Europénnes de Sociologie, and afterwards in the compilation of Michael Mann's works States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. We take up Pablo Sánchez León's translation, published in 1991 in the magazine Zona Abierta. Mann argues that: "the state is merely and essentially an arena, a space, and that however these is the precise source of its autonomy." ; Este artículo fue publicado inicialmente en inglés en la revista Archives Europénnes de Sociologie en 1984, y posteriormente en la compilación de trabajos de Michael Mann States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. Retomamos aquí la traducción al castellano de Pablo Sánchez León, publicada en 1991 en la revista Zona Abierta. Mann defiende en este artículo que "el Estado es mera y esencialmente una arena, un espacio y que no obstante ésta es la fuente misma de su autonomía.

Education in East Jerusalem gives a voice to the residents of East Jerusalem, addressing educational issues and revealing implicit layers in Israeli policy and attitude affecting the education system. In this close examination of school life under occupation, the book presents criticism of the system from within, and calls for teachers to prioritize pupils' needs. Uncovering a complex daily reality experienced in schools by principals, teachers and pupils, this book presents new findings, focusing on system-internal properties which manifest the macro effects inside the microsystem. The author draws on field studies and content analysis to show a need for educational action and suggest ample room for improvement. This study reveals that there is a significant relationship between the failures of the education system in East Jerusalem and the strategies implemented by the state, and outlines the responsibilities of the state. This book will be of great interest to academics, researchers, and postgraduate students in the fields of educational policy, sociology of education, and Middle East studies

Chapter 1: Introduction - The end of the Mekong riverine borderland as a Third Space -- Chapter 2: Border conceptualisation of the academia and the Thai Ban's everyday life in other areas of Thai-Lao Mekong borderlands -- Chapter 3: Spatial negotiation - State space and lived space of the Thai Ban -- Chapter 4: Temporal negotiation in the borderland as a Third Space -- Chapter 5: Negotiations of political subjectivities - Pluralities of border-crossings on the Thai-Lao Mekong border -- Chapter 6: Pluralities of border-crossings in the Third Space -- Chapter 7: Conclusion.

Political trends in Japan since the July 18, 1993 legislative elections; some focus on implications of the nomination of Prime Minister Morihiro Hosokawa, which ended 40 years of hegemony by the Liberal Democrats. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 447 and 461.

International audience ; The nature of French audiovisual sector is determined by a layering of policies, created at various periods of time. A public policy system has been continuously developed and adapted since the 1950s, mostly focusing on the support to and defence of the artistic and moral quality of film and television programmes. This institutional system has relied on 'qualified personalities' emanating from diverse sectors such as cinema, television, arts, culture, education, administration and the political world. The chapter presents a sociological analysis of the French model matrix. It focuses on the revolving-door system and the policy-making personnel that have enforced a stable regulatory frame for audiovisual industries. The rise of digital operators and executives – more internationalised and engineering-solution oriented – is currently destabilising this ecosystem. There is an important generational, cultural, ideological and linguistic gap between the French 'Media government' and the management teams of the new players.

International audience ; The nature of French audiovisual sector is determined by a layering of policies, created at various periods of time. A public policy system has been continuously developed and adapted since the 1950s, mostly focusing on the support to and defence of the artistic and moral quality of film and television programmes. This institutional system has relied on 'qualified personalities' emanating from diverse sectors such as cinema, television, arts, culture, education, administration and the political world. The chapter presents a sociological analysis of the French model matrix. It focuses on the revolving-door system and the policy-making personnel that have enforced a stable regulatory frame for audiovisual industries. The rise of digital operators and executives – more internationalised and engineering-solution oriented – is currently destabilising this ecosystem. There is an important generational, cultural, ideological and linguistic gap between the French 'Media government' and the management teams of the new players.

PAPER TREATS BOTH SUBSTANTIVE AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN ASSESSING AGENT INFLUENCE ON INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL ATTITUDES. THE EFFECT OF PERCEPTUAL ACCURACY, ISSUE SALIENCE AND PARENT-PEER ORIENTATION ON ATTITUDE RELATIONSHIPS AMONG ADOLESCENTS, PARENTS, AND PEERS IS ANALYZED.