Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Exposing organisms to aversive events which they cannot control might result in motivational, cognitive, emotional, and self-esteem deficits. These deficits are called symptoms of helplessness and are the core part of learned helplessness theory. Many studies have empirically analysed the theory on the individual level. The current study focuses on the learned helplessness in the context of organisational change. The object of the study is one media company in Estonia, which conducted a large restructuring during the 2008 economic crisis. The result shows that there exists an organisational gap when it comes to the estimates of top management and employees. The key to the problem appeared to be the middle management, who were unable to effectively manage their subordinates as they were busy themselves coping with the change.

This paper presents an expansive view of the theory behind an emerging information communication technology that is being developed to provide marginalised populations with the tools they need to unify their voices. The system allows for the capture of their crowd-sourced artistic creativity and engineers an algorithm that makes the media retrievable as policy-supporting narrative threads. This ICT is seen as critically important because of how powerful lobbyists, funded by global elites and predatory capitalists, have consistently been successful in skewing the outcomes of policymaking decisions and elections. The system is firmly rooted in established governing narrative theory and is consistent with the small-group, consensus-building organisational theories that have been advocated by some of the most respected authors in the field since the 1970s.

Realignment theory has long offered the primary framework for understanding American political history, particularly as it relates to the party system. The ''System of 1896'' is central to the theory and holds that William McKinley's victory in that year ushered in a Republican-dominated era lasting until Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt's election in 1932. The 10 years of partial—and six years of total—Democratic control of Congress and the White House (1910–20) during this 36-year stretch (1896–1932) remains an anomaly among realignment theorists. I conduct content analyses of Democratic and Republican party documents and media commentary and find that World War I played a crucial role in the GOP's resurgence in 1920. This conclusion highlights realignment theory's failure to account for the important role of international events and contingency in general.

В статье приводится анализ доминирующих сегодня в среде американских ученых подходов к исследованию влияния информационной революции на характер современных военно-политических конфликтов. Показаны генезис и сущность концепции сетевой войны в американской научной и военно-политической среде. Выявлена связь между революцией в военном деле, сетевыми формами организации, интернетом и усилением политического экстремизма. Показаны возможные трудности при реализации концепции сетевой войны. ; The article reviews approaches to studying modern political and military conflicts in the context of IT revolution that are now popular among American scientists. The origins and gist of the 282 network war theory in American research, political -and military media are analysed. Links between the IT revolution, military affairs, network forms of management, the Internet and rising political extremism are discussed. Potential pitfalls in implementing the network war theory are pointed out.

This study sought to more fully explicate the key variables involved in Noelle-Neumann's spiral of silence theory, which states that fear of isolation keeps individuals from expressing opinions perceived to be in the minority. We tested the theory in the context of public discussion about affirmative action policies, a domain seemingly ideal due to its moral and value-laden characteristics. Data from 217 randomly selected adults in October 1998 indicate that fear of isolation indeed prevents one from publicly voicing perceived minority opinions. Willingness to speak out on a controversial ballot initiative was predicted also by demographics, media use, and importance of the issue. However, it was perceived consonance of one's opinion with family and friends—rather than society at large—that predicted willingness to speak out.

This paper studies the relationships among communications, international public opinion, & problems of international order & conflict. It begins by describing the historical role of communication in the definition of communities. It then extrapolates how global communications will play a similar role in the definition of supra-national entities that will structure the relations among nations. Hypotheses are derived that test how discourse conventions in international media provide clues to the relevant entities in the post-Cold War era. These hypotheses follow primarily from a theory of global opinion processes & the emergence of an international community (Rusciano et al, 1998); they are counterposed to Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilizations" theory & the emergence of communities based upon primordial ties of ethnicity & religion (Huntington, 1996). 1 Table, 3 Figures, 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

Challenges Helmut Konig's (1997 [see abstract 9806968]) call for dispensing with the discourse of the mass. The vagueness criticized by Konig is seen as the source of the concepts of virulence, vitality, & ideological discourse, which plays out in the mass-elite dichotomy in democratic theory & the neoliberal critique of the state. The staying power of the mass theme is further demonstrated by its psychological conception. Konig's analysis of Sigmund Freud's (1921) work in cultural psychology is regarded as incomplete & unappreciative, ignoring its ability to explain authoritarian & fascist movements. Analyses in critical theory based in psychoanalysis also cannot be easily deemed obsolete. The continuous media reactivation of seemingly obsolete analytic categories & concepts argues for their usefulness, suggesting that calls for their retirement are premature. Adapted from the source document.

THE ARTICLE IS A CRITICISM OF BOWLES' AND GINTIS' THEORY OF CONTESTED EXCHANGE. THE AUTHOR'S PRINCIPAL CRITICISM OF THEIR VIEW IS THAT SHORT-SIDE POWER IN THE BOSS-WORKER RELATIONS IS A THIN THREAD ON WHICH TO HANG A THEORY OF THE POWER OF CAPITAL IN CAPITALIST ECONOMIES. THE IMPORTANT POWER THAT CAPITALISTS HOLD, AS A CLASS, IS MANIFEST IN THEIR ABILITY LARGELY TO CONTROL STATE POLICY THROUGHT THE POLITICAL PROCESS, AND TO DEFINE THE KIND OF EDUCATION AND IDEOLOGY CITIZENS RECEIVE AND FORM THROUGH THE SCHOOLS AND MASS MEDIA. THE AUTHOR CONCLUDES THAT NEITHER OF THESE MANIFESTATIONS OF POWER ARE TRACEABLE TO SHORT-SIDE POWER IN ECONOMIC TRANSACTIONS; THEY ARE DIRECTLY TRACEABLE TO WEALTH AND TO THE FACT THAT CAPITALISTS OWN AND CONTROL THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION.

Demonstrations organised by neo-Nazis and the New Right, accompanied by large counter protests by anti-fascist groups, civil society networks, and citizens, have become important political events in Germany. Digital media technologies play an increasingly important role in the confrontation between the two ends of the political spectrum framed by historically rooted ideology. This study explores how different media technologies are appropriated by activists, who consider themselves marginalised and oppositional to the mainstream, on both sides of the conflict. The study aims to examine how digital media permeate counterpublics' (Negt and Kluge 1972; Fraser 1992; Brouwer 2006; Warner 2002) strategies, tactics, and media practices in their struggles for visibility in these protest events. The counterpublics on both ends of the political spectrum take place and are analysed across three dimensions: [1] technical affordances and media environments; [2] strategies, tactics, and media practices; and [3] political positions and ideologies. The results are based on a data set of online communication, representation, and media coverage on different online media platforms related to marches planned by nationalist groups in the former East Germany, which were accompanied by counter protests by anti-fascist groups, NGOs, and civil society. The data is analysed across these dimensions by using the methodological frameworks of discourse theory (Carpentier 2007; Dahlberg and Phelan 2011; Laclau and Mouffe 1985) and critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 2010; van Dijk 2001; van Dijk 1998a). Due to the historical significance of the events and taking into account the continuity of the role of media technologies in articulating counter publicity, the case is contextualised through a discussion of the radical right and radical left in present-day Germany as well as an analysis of archived publications from the anti-fascist counter movements to the National Socialist regime in World War II Germany. An empirical and theoretical exploration contributes to the discussion of counterpublics framed by conflictual ideologies in the digital age and to the ongoing discussion concerning the role of digital media technologies in political protest. The author concludes by suggesting a protean and relational perspective on counterpublics in the digital age and the role of radical politics in the mediated environments of contemporary democracy.

The political use of media in Egypt post-2011 revolution brought about drastic transformations in political activism and power structures. In the context of communication power theory, this article investigates the effects of newspapers and social network sites on political participation and political power relations. The research employed a mixed methodology, comprised of a survey of 527 Egyptian youth and semi-structured interviews of 12 political activists and journalists. The results showed a significant relationship between reading newspapers and youth's political participation, but not between using social network sites and political participation. In addition, newspapers and social network sites were platforms for a series of conflicts and coalitions that emerged between pro- and anti-revolution actors. Despite the importance of social network sites as key tools for informing and mobilizing the public, they eventually failed to empower new political actors, and this was because old actors, supported by newspapers and other mainstream media, managed to obstruct the new actors' progress.

"Cover" -- "Title Page" -- "Copyright Page" -- "Table of Contents" -- "Notes on Contributors" -- "Introduction" -- "PART I: CLASSICAL ROOTS" -- "1 Religion as an Elementary Aspect of Society: Durkheim's Legacy for Social Theory" -- "2 Weber, Rationalisation, and Religious Evolution in the Modern Era" -- "3 Spiritualism and the (Re-)Enchantment of Modernity" -- "4 Trajectories of Faith in the Global Age: Classical Theory and Contemporary Evidence" -- "5 'Magico-popular Religion' in Contemporary Society: Towards a Post-Western Sociology of Religion" -- "PART II: NEW GROWTH" -- "6 Religion in Ultramodernity" -- "7 Theodicy, Distribution of Risk, and Reflexive Modernisation: Explaining the Cultural Significance of New Religious Movements" -- "8 Privatisation, Globalisation, and Religious Innovation: Giddens' Theory of Modernity and the Refutation of Secularisation Theory" -- "9 From Creeds to Burgers: Religious Control, Spiritual Search, and the Future of the World" -- "10 Understanding Honour and Religion as Resource and Constraint for Young British Asians" -- "11 Preference Structures and Normative Constraints in Movements Outside, Between, and Within Religious Organisations" -- "PART III: FRESH BLOOMS" -- "12 Narrative Versus Theory in the Sociology of Religion: Five Stories of Religion's Place in the Late Modern World" -- "13 'A Minimalist Sociology of Religion'?" -- "14 New Media, Niche Markets, and the Body: Excarnate and Hypercarnate Challenges for Theory and Theology" -- "15 Inner Speech and Religious Traditions" -- "16 Sickness and Salvation: Social Theories of the Body in the Sociology of Religion" -- "17 Breaching Bleaching: Integrating Studies of 'Race' and Ethnicity with the Sociology of Religion

By foregrounding the ways that human existence is bound together with the lives of other entities, contemporary cultural theorists have sought to move beyond an anthropocentric worldview. Yet as Eva Haifa Giraud contends in What Comes after Entanglement?, for all their conceptual power in implicating humans in ecologically damaging practices, these theories can undermine scope for political action. Drawing inspiration from activist projects between the 1980s and the present that range from anticapitalist media experiments and vegan food activism to social media campaigns against animal research, Giraud explores possibilities for action while fleshing out the tensions between theory and practice. Rather than an activist ethics based solely on relationality and entanglement, Giraud calls for what she describes as an ethics of exclusion, which would attend to the entities, practices, and ways of being that are foreclosed when other entangled realities are realized. Such an ethics of exclusion emphasizes foreclosures in the context of human entanglement in order to foster the conditions for people to create meaningful political change

This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections' history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People's Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair's disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission's decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools. ; Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana kotak kosong menang pada Pilkada Makassar 2018. Fenomena ini menjadi sejarah pemilu dimana satu kandidat gagal memenangkan pemilu. Sepuluh partai politik yang terdiri dari Partai Golongan Karya (Golkar), Partai Nasional Demokrat (NasDem), Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya (Gerindra), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat (Hanura), Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN), dan Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (PKPI), mempromosikan pasangan calon tunggal tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana pergerakan relawan kotak kosong dalam Pilkada Makassar. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Pemilihan informan menggunakan teknik snowball sampling, dan menggunakan teori pergerakan sosial. Ada tiga bagian teori ini: 1) Teori keluhan. Kekecewaan publik atas diskualifikasi pasangan calon dan menganggap penyelenggara pemilu tidak adil; 2) Teori struktur mobilisasi. Menganalisis pergerakan relawan kotak kosong untuk menghimpun dukungan massa dan simpatisan selama pemilihan; dan 3) Teori framing. Analisis isu yang digunakan dan metode untuk menyebarkan isu. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa fenomena kotak kosong pada Pilkada Makassar, berbeda dengan pilkada di daerah lain yang pasangan calon tunggal tidak memiliki lawan, di Makassar salah satu pasangan calon didiskualifikasi karena melakukan pelanggaran. Hal itu membuat masyarakat, pendukung, dan tim sukses kecewa dengan keputusan KPU. Kekecewaan ini juga mengakibatkan munculnya gerakan relawan kotak kosong. Gerakan relawan kotak kosong menghimpun dukungan massa dan simpatisan melalui sosialisasi dari pintu ke pintu, leaflet, flyer, dan spanduk ajakan bertindak untuk memenangkan kotak kosong dan menggunakan media sosial dan media online sebagai alat kampanye.

Die Ökonomisierung der Medienrealität und Kommerzialisierung der Medienprodukte wurde von der Kommunikationswissenschaft überraschend spät wahrgenommen, denn Medien hatten schon immer auch etwas mit Ökonomie zu tun. Doch insbesondere mit der Zulassung privat-kommerzieller Sender hat die bundesdeutsche öffentliche Sphäre einen wahren Ökonomisierungsschub erfahren, der durch die Digitalisierung und Globalisierung mit den
damit einhergehenden Konzentrations- und Konvergenztendenzen sich weiter verstärkt. In den Medienunternehmen selbst setz(t)en sich zunehmend kaufmännische Prinzipien durch, Führung, Organisation und Entwicklung erfolg(t)en mehr und mehr unter dem Primat betriebswirtschaftlicher Kriterien. Die Theorie der Strukturation von Anthony Giddens scheint mit der Integration verschiedener Dimensionen des Sozialen (Sinn, Legitimität, Politik und Ökonomie) einen ergiebigen und erklärungsstarken Zugang auf Formen von Massenkommunikation zu eröffnen und bisherige medienökonomische oder auch klassisch betriebswirtschaftlich angelegten Erklärungsversuche, auf die die Kommunikationswissenschaft zurückgreift, erweitern und integrieren zu können.