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Cradle of Freedom puts a human face on the story of the black American struggle for equality in Alabama during the 1960s. While exceptional leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Fred Shuttlesworth, Ralph Abernathy, John Lewis, and others rose up from the ranks and carved their places in history, the burden of the movement was not carried by them alone. It was fueled by the commitment and hard work of thousands of everyday people who decided that the time had come to take a stand. Cradle of Freedom is tied to the chronology of pivotal events occurring in Alabama the Montgomery b.

"Development is a difficult endeavor in any environment, much more so in places such as Myanmar with its "perfect storm" of extreme poverty, international sanctions, political repression, and human rights violations, with concomitant conflicts within development organizations over norms and policies. This book examines how to effect successful development interventions in Myanmar. The author points out how practitioners have questioned universal economic prescriptions for development in ways that have not questioned the normative foundations behind their work. Ware does not argue for a facile moral relativism; he sees Myanmar as an egregious violator of human rights. He does call for "context sensitivity" to help organizations adapt their values to better meet the needs of client populations. Through fieldwork and an extensive series of interviews, Ware brings into focus key issues of perception and practice that are intrinsic to the development enterprise"--Supplied by publisher

In December 2017, the Human Rights and Election Standards initiative at the Carter Center, in collaboration with United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), issued a Plan of Action that was the culmination of two years of analysis and debate regarding a human rights approach to elections. Part of their plan recognized the need for well-written and targeted recommendations for implementing a transition to democracy. This article is a first step towards drafting such recommendations. The right to free and fair elections is a well-established norm in international law; some scholars even argue it is a fundamental human right. Research and scholarly works in this area focus heavily on elections in newly-formed democracies within the developing world following civil war or other internal strife; little-to-no attention is paid to the responsibility an occupying power has to implement free and fair elections after it is victorious in armed conflict. While it is generally recognized no single electoral method is suitable to all nations and peoples, significant international and regional treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, The European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and the Charter of the Organization of American States, protect the claim of citizens to universal and equal suffrage. What is not established are the obligations on a victor and occupier, post-conflict, to enact free and fair elections for the people they now govern, even when the purpose of the conflict was to promote a democratic way of life. The issue is particularly salient when a long-term occupation is established, effectively removing the defeated nation's ability to govern itself. And if the occupier is a long-standing democratic nation, even less attention is given to whether their decisions regarding electoral methods meet internationally-established norms. As a cornerstone of democracy, self-rule should be enacted as soon as possible, even if it results in new and less-experienced political leaders, but even the most basic question surrounding an alleged human right has yet to be answered: How soon post-conflict should the election process begin? Timeliness of elections for transitioning democratic nations is a new area of research. The importance of determining the appropriate time for implementing elections, with the proposition earlier is better, is illustrated in this article through three case studies wherein a victorious Western occupier (the United States) oversaw a transition to democracy. The first two case studies examine the post-World War II occupations of Japan and Germany, which contrast a short- and long-term timeline for implementation of a new national government, but also include early local and regional elections to promote self-governance and democratic roots. The third case is 2003 Iraq, which is an example of a long-term process-more than two years-leading up to the first democratic elections at the national level with no earlier votes at local or regional levels. Each of these separate approaches impacted party formation, demographic and social representation, and make-up of the respective nation's long-term government. A model approach is then presented, advocating for early, albeit not perfect, elections for the purpose of promoting democracy (i.e., citizens learn by doing) and establishing national legitimacy on the global stage through sovereignty.

Francis Bacon's pronouncement that "Man is the Center of the World," the final cause of all nature, seems to unleash us from all guidance and restraint, providing no grounds for judging any human action to be better or worse than any other. The political implications of such a position—combined with Bacon's efforts to advance technological power—are enormous. There would be little support for natural rights or any other kind of "right" except what is based on force. This famous promoter of scientific power, however, was neither oblivious to the danger, nor politically irresponsible, in his assessment of man's position in the cosmos, and his counsel seems closer to classical political philosophy than is normally acknowledged. This essay provides an examination of and detailed commentary on Bacon's argument, as presented in "Prometheus, or the State of Man." It reveals that Bacon expects us to deal with the problem in terms of properly ranking humans themselves, discarding the notion that all humans are equal. In light of such a ranking we may come to recognize natural standards for evaluating humans and their actions.

Democracy 2030 / Matthias Klatt -- The rule of law in 2030 / Yaniv Roznai -- Federalism in 2030 / Bilyana Petkova -- International human rights in 2030 / Andreas T. Müller -- International criminal law in 2030 / Stefanie Bock -- Global trade in 2030 / Antonios Kouroutakis -- Institutions in 2030 / Stefanie Egidy -- Political parties in 2030 / Paulina Starski -- Popular movements in 2030 / Tomas Dumbrovsky.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Part I Marx and his Predecessors -- 1 Perfectionism, Alienation and Freedom: From the German Idealists to Marx -- 2 The Early Marx and Hegel: The Young Hegelian Mediation -- 3 Marx, Engels and Some (Non-Foundational) Arguments Against Utopian Socialism -- Part II Marx and Recognition -- 4 From the Old Hegel to the Young Marx and Back: Two Sketches of an Evaluative Ontology of the Human Life-Form -- 5 How Do Rights Affect Our Freedom? On Some Differences Between Hegel and Marx-and Why They Shed Light on Honneth's Social Philosophy -- 6 Human Solidarity in Hegel and Marx -- Part III Marx and Liberalism -- 7 Marx and Hegel on the Value of 'Bourgeois' Ideals -- 8 Marxian Liberalism -- 9 Liberalism, Marxism, Equality and Living Well -- Part IV Marx and Communism -- 10 Two Marxian Themes: The Alienation of Labour and the Linkage Thesis -- 11 Schiller and Marx on Specialization and Self-Realization -- 12 The Idea of Communism -- Contributors -- Index

Staatsschulden, die entgegen den Interessen der Bevölkerung verwendet werden, werfen eine Vielzahl bisher ungelöster moralischer und rechtlicher Fragen auf. Gleichzeitig zeigen Ereignisse der Zeitgeschichte wie der Arabische Frühling, dass der Umgang mit den Schulden despotischer Regime unmittelbare Relevanz besitzt. Die vorliegende Arbeit bietet daher eine umfassende Untersuchung der Problematik der sog. Odious Debts aus völkerrechtlicher, insbesondere menschenrechtlicher, sowie privatrechtlicher Sicht. Ausgehend von der bis in das 17. Jahrhundert zurückreichenden Staatenpraxis, modernen Menschenrechtsverträgen und allgemeinen Rechtsgrundsätzen wird zunächst die Wirksamkeit odiöser Schulden untersucht. Sodann werden bestehende Lösungsmodelle analysiert. Angesichts der vielfältigen Probleme, die bei dem Umgang mit odiösen Schulden fortbestehen, wird ein menschenrechtsbasiertes Regelungsmodell erarbeitet, welches in Form eines Entwurfes für eine internationale Konvention die Arbeit abschließt. »Odious Debts. Legal Status and Draft Convention with Special Consideration of International Human Rights« Public debts used against the interests of the population give rise to a number of moral and legal questions. Precedents date back to the 17th century, but have gained new relevance after the events in Iraq and, recently, the Arab Spring. This study analyses whether so called odious debts are legally valid by examining sources of international law, human rights and private law. Furthermore, a human rights based convention for the prevention of odious agreements is drafted. With detailed English summary. Staatsschulden, die entgegen den Interessen der Bevölkerung verwendet werden, werfen eine Vielzahl moralischer und rechtlicher Fragen auf, die seit den Ereignissen des Arabischen Frühlings auch die Tagespresse beschäftigen. Die Untersuchung befasst sich aus völker-, menschen- und privatrechtlicher Sicht mit der Frage, ob solche sog. odious debts rechtlich wirksam sind. Im Anschluss wird ein Regelungsmodell entwickelt, welches in Form eines internationalen Konventionsentwurfs die Arbeit abschließt. Friedrich Benjamin Schneider studierte an der Universität des Saarlandes Rechtswissenschaft und französisches Recht und arbeitete dort als wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter bei Prof. Dr. Werner Meng. Im Anschluss an den juristischen Vorbereitungsdienst in Berlin mit Station beim Internationalen Gerichtshof, Den Haag, absolvierte er ein LL.M.-Studium in Human Rights Law an der University of Nottingham, Großbritannien. Als wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter von Prof. Dr. Christoph G. Paulus, LL.M., Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, und gefördert durch die Studienstiftung des deutschen Volkes arbeitete er bis 2014 an seiner Promotion zum Thema »Odious Debts«.

Intro -- CONTENTS -- LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS -- ARTICLES -- THE DOCTRINE OF "JUST WAR" AND CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL LAW -- THIRTY YEARS ON: IS THE WORLD HERITAGE CONVENTION READY FOR THE 21st CENTURY? -- COMPENSATION FOR VIOLATIONS OF THE LAW OF WAR AND INDIVIDUAL CLAIMS -- PROBLEMS OF EXTRATERRITORIAL HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS - THE JURISDICTION OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS: THE BANKOVIĆ CASE -- TO BE OR NOT TO BE: THE INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN FACT-FINDING COMMISSION -- WITCH HUNTING: THE INFLUENCE OF THE FEAR OF TERRORISM IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ASYLUM LAW -- THE OVERLAPPING BETWEEN WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW -- NOTES AND COMMENTS -- RECENT DECISIONS BY THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE RELATING TO TERRITORIAL AND BOUNDARY DISPUTES (1999-2002) -- THE INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE LAW OF THE SEA (2002) -- THE ACTIVITY OF THE INTERNATIONAL LAW COMMISSION DURING ITS 54th SESSION -- THE ACTIVITY OF THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (2002) -- REVIEW OF JUDGMENTS AND DECISIONS DELIVERED BY THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN 2002 ON SUBJECTS RELEVANT TO INTERNATIONAL LAW -- ITALIAN PRACTICE RELATING TO INTERNATIONAL LAW -- Classification Scheme -- JUDICIAL DECISIONS -- I. INTERNATIONAL LAW IN GENERAL AND INTERNATIONAL CUSTOM -- II. LAW OF TREATIES AND OTHER SOURCES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW -- X. TREATMENT OF ALIENS AND NATIONALITY -- XI. HUMAN RIGHTS -- XII. INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW -- XIII. INTERNATIONAL RESPONSIBILITY -- XV. CO-OPERATION IN JUDICIAL, LEGAL, SECURITY, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC MATTERS -- XVIII. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MUNICIPAL AND INTERNATIONAL LAW -- XX. WAR, NEUTRALITY, AND DISARMAMENT -- DIPLOMATIC AND PARLIAMENTARY PRACTICE -- II. LAW OF TREATIES AND OTHER SOURCES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW -- III. STATES AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL LAW SUBJECTS -- IV. DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR RELATIONS.

For the last decades, it was observed that the migration subject was addressed as a security issue due to a social construction proposed by the state that sees immigrants as a threat to security, in which they are subconsciously considered as "the other". Thus, migration issues started to be analyzed under the security bias, which resulted in the topic being securitized instead of politicized and discussed by all sectors of society and under the human rights scope. In 2006 the United Nations Human Rights Council created the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) mechanism, which allows all UN member states to have their human rights situations reviewed every four years and a half. In this respect, the paper aims at presenting how the UPR mechanism may be a tool to desecuritize the migration subject by using Spain as a study case, which is the country that receives more recommendations about migrants among all UN member states. Therefore, the research focuses on a comprehensive evaluation of documents on Spain outcomes in the first two UPR cycles, in order to identify the main recommendations about the migration subject and to understand the interventions related to Spain's position on accepting or not such recommendations. The purpose here is to check the effectiveness of the UPR as a tool that may contribute to the desecuritization of the migration subject under the human rights perspective. The research focuses on a review of documents and bibliographic references, with a qualitative approach and exploratory nature. The initial result points out that the interactive discussion promoted by the UPR mechanism can help support to desecuritize the migrant issue.

In general, modernization in India follows the general laws of the formation transition: Individualism builds up pressure on collectivism in all areas of society, while the process of individualization of the individual intensifies. However, the dualism of structure-forming ties in Indian society leaves its mark on said process. Neither individualism, nor collectivism can prevail. There is a dynamic balance: Individualization of the individual occurs within the framework of collectivism, but for how long can this go on? Everything depends on the resource of collectivism, which is far from exhausted. In the study the author captures the reader's attention on three points. First: the radicalism of modernizing transformations must correlate with the degree of society's readiness (otherwise, even the most "progressive" reforms can be rejected by society). Second: of multiple modernization options, democratic is the most important for the destinies of the country and people, nationwide (it provides the least painful path of development, it is accompanied by the expansion of human rights and freedoms, and it helps to improve the lives of ordinary people. And the third: the importance of the personality type for the historical development of society requires a steady increase in the status of a person. Therefore, human rights movements, which are considered marginal in some countries, should be recognized as the most important system-forming factor in social progress. The legal base and the real scope of human rights, the tasks of human rights movements are becoming important indicators of the maturity of the country's civil society in the depth of modernization.

The fact that the legal aid provision has not reached all the Indonesian citizens forces the Ministry of Law and Human right to establish the ministerial regulation of the Ministry of Law and Human Right No. 1 year 2018 about Paralegal on legal aid provision which is effectively applied on the 26th January 2018 as the implementation of Act No. 16 year 2011 about Legal Aid. The regulation that gives the Paralegals a spacious room to lawyer in the court resulted in pros and cons if it is contrasted to the position of an advocate within the act No. 18 year 2003 about lawyer, legal aid quality, and monitoring on the provision of legal aid. The statement of the problem is how the legal standing of Paralegal in lawyering in the court as what has already been regulated by the regulation of the Ministry of Law and Human Right No. 1 year 2018. This is a normative research with legislation approach and concept approach. The result of this research found out that there are Paralegal regulations that need to be adjusted with the regulation about legal aid provision such as age limit, qualifi ed educational curriculum, and the need of ethical code that ties up the Paralegal joining law aid organization, so the objective of this constitutional nation to admit, to protect, and to guarantee the human right of the citizens about the access to justice and equality before the law as what has been explained in Article 28 D, article 4 point (1) Constitution of Indonesian Republic Year 1945 could be implemented.

Este trabajo tiene por objeto explorar la congruencia entre las recomendaciones curriculares y las prácticas reales en la educación en derechos humanos en la formación académica de las/los futuros trabajadores sociales. Mediante la técnica de revisión integrativa de literatura se explora, a escala internacional, las publicaciones científicas sobre la materia. Además, en el caso de España se revisan los planes formativos de las universidades nacionales. Se analizan tres ejes: prescripciones institucionales, la inclusión de los derechos humanos en el currículo, y el contenido de los cursos sobre derechos humanos desarrollados en el marco de los mismos o de experiencias alternativas. Se presenta un estado de la cuestión, una propuesta de indicadores y los retos que las instituciones educativas de Trabajo Social deben afrontar si quieren hacer efectivo el mandato ético de la defensa y promoción de los derechos humanos como parte del cometido profesional.This work aims to explore the congruence between curricular recommendations and real practices in human rights education in social work. Through an integrative literature review, scientific publications on the subject are explored on an international scale. In addition, in the case of Spain, the training plans of national universities are reviewed. Three axes are analyzed: institutional prescriptions, the inclusion of human rights in the curriculum, and the content of the courses on human rights developed within their framework or alternative experiences. It presents a state of the question, a proposal of indicators and the challenges that the Social Work educational institutions must face if they want to make effective the ethical mandate of the defense and promotion of human rights as part of the professional role.

Bader, Julia & Ursula E Daxecker (2015) A Chinese resource curse: The human rights effects of oil export dependence on China versus the United States. Journal of PeaceResearch 52(6): 774–790. DOI: 10.1177/0022343315593332 . Author note Our article uses trade data from COMTRADE to compare the human rights implications of oil exports to China versus to the United States from 1992 to 2010. Unfortunately, we made a mistake when merging the oil trade data for the USA. Oil trade data for the USA were erroneously based on a more inclusive commodity code categorization than what is described in the article, including not only crude petroleum oils and oils from bituminous minerals (HS92 classification, commodity code 2709), but also mineral fuels, oils, and products of their distillation (HS92 classification, commodity code 27). We apologize for this mistake. To assess the implications of this error, we have retrieved the correctly categorized data for the USA and replicated our analysis. Our results remain robust (see Table I corrected below). As in the article, we find a robust, negative effect of oil exports to the USA on exporter human rights. In contrast, exports to China have no effects on human rights. There is a small difference for results in Model 3, which interacts oil export variables with oil discoveries. This model now produces a positive and significant coefficient for exports to China in the absence of discoveries, but this finding is not inconsistent with the article's claims regarding the potentially more benign effects of oil exports to China. [Table: see text]

Este artículo plantea un marco analítico dirigido a reseñar y avanzar el potencial emancipatorio que tiene la política de derechos humanos en el actual contexto de la globalización y fragmentación de culturas e identidades. Dado que los derechos humanos pueden (y han sido) utilizados para avanzar tanto formas hegemónicas como contra-hegemónicas de globalización, es imperativo especificar las condiciones bajo las cuales los derechos humanos pueden ser usados como un instrumento contra-hegemónico, es decir, uno que avanza la agenda del cosmopolitismo subalterno. Mi argumento es que esto implica el reconocimiento de la naturaleza incompleta de cada cultura y la necesidad de entrar en diálogos entre culturas, lo cual denomino la "hermenéutica diatópica". Finalmente, considero una serie de condiciones bajo las que la hermenéutica diatópica puede llevar a un discurso y una práctica de derechos humanos cosmopolitas. ; This article puts forth an analytical framework aimed at highlighting and furthering the potential for emancipation of human rights politics in the current context of globalization and fragmentation of cultures and identities. Given that human rights can (and have been) used to advance both hegemonic and counter-hegemonic forms of globalization, it is imperative to specify the conditions under which human rights can be used as a counter-hegemonic tool, that is, one that furthers the agenda of subaltern cosmopolitanism. I argue that this entails the recognition of the incomplete nature of every culture and the need to engage in cross-cultural dialogue, which I call "diatopical hermeneutics." Finally, I consider a set of conditions under which diatopical hermeneutics is likely to lead to a cosmopolitan discourse and practice of human rights.

As proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, US citizenship is based on natural law. However, the very language of the Declaration also points to the presence of another ideological dimension, alongside natural law and the social contract. The Declaration gives its allegiance to "nature" and to "nature's God", which are not simply the rational basis of moral laws to be enshrined in positive law, but also express an order reflective of divine will, which establishes distinctions and hierarchies even within such "nature", including human nature. The alliance, or even the fusion, of the two inherent dimensions of the idea of nature - the ultimate reference underwriting the validity of certain protective principles, as well as the legitimising basis of visible inequalities - is undoubtedly the main distinctive feature of American political philosophy. This article proposes to analyse the intertwining of the two apparently contradictory principles of universalism and "racialism" and the role of this intricate relationship in the birth of the American nation by following their trace from the foundational language of Thomas Jefferson to the subversive critique of W.E.B. Du Bois. (Original abstract)