Suchergebnisse

Even though the existing literature investigating the labor market impact of immigration assumes, implicitly or explicitly, that labor market regulation is exogenous to immigration (in terms of both size and composition), this is not necessarily the case. This paper shows that labor market regulation responds to the composition of the immigrant population. We build a novel workers' protection index based on 36 labor law variables over a sample of 70 developed and developing countries from 1970 to 2010. Exploiting a dynamic panel setting using both internal and external instruments, we find that workers' protection in destination countries is influenced by the degree of workers' protection that immigrants experience in their origin countries and is not affected by immigrant population size. The effects are particularly strong across two dimensions of workers' protection: worker representation laws and employment forms laws. This paper provides suggestive evidence that immigrants' participation in unions and its implications for political actors is one of the potential mechanisms. Finally, calculations based on the estimated coefficients suggest that immigration, on average, contributes to a reduction in workers' protection, particularly in OECD high-income countries.

Internet voting has been available for French citizens living abroad since 2006, and 43.21% of them filled out their ballots online for the first election of their consular delegates in 2014. Using a multivariate analysis of turnout figures at the district and country levels, this research note explores if ballot box and Internet voters differ in their electoral participation patterns. It concludes that turnout must be understood based on the voting modality that French voters choose. While the characteristics of the electoral district (community size, geographical, and historical proximity with France, and party competition) impact ballot box voter turnout, Internet voter turnout is most influenced by the host country's economic and infrastructure development.

COVID-19 pandemic is a universal health crisis that has put the entire world economy at a halt. The pandemic impact on the migrant economy cannot be ignored. India is not exceptional to this and has gone beyond public health to social and economic issues, especially for migrant workers. Since, the union government imposed restrictions on mobility, commercial activities and social interactions under lockdown measures to tackle the spreading Corona virus since March 2020. However, the leader-centric approach keep in mind the lockdown implications on the lives of migrant, underprivileged, or marginalised groups of the country which need to be discussed. Immediate matters of concern are food, shelter, healthcare, loss of job, survival of family, anxiety, and fear etc. In this context, this paper aims to shed light on the vulnerability of India's internal migrants in terms of their mobility, gender, mental health and other issues in a detailed manner. Also looks into the Government initiatives in solving problems of migrants during the lockdown period. In addition, it critically analyses the limitations of public policy in addressing migrants and suggests recommendations for the way ahead.

Seeing the sociopolitical system as fair and legitimate is important for people's participation in civic duties, political action, and the functioning of society in general. However, little is known about when migrants, without life-long socialization in a certain system, justify the sociopolitical system of their host country and how system justification influences their political participation. We examined antecedents of system justification using a survey among Iranian migrants in eight European countries (N = 935). Subsequently, we examined the relationship between system justification and political participation intentions. We found that system justification beliefs are generally high in our sample, mainly stemming from an assessment of opportunity to achieve changes in intergroup relations. Stronger social identity threat, feeling disadvantaged, a longer residence in Europe, and perceived intergroup stability all relate to less system justification. Conversely, stronger efficacy beliefs bolster system justification. Furthermore, we found some support for a curvilinear relationship between system justification and political participation intentions, but the size of this effect is small. The results show that the high levels of system justification of Iranian migrants are at risk when discrimination and disadvantage are perceived to be stable facets of society. Surprisingly, political participation to better Iranian migrants' societal position is barely affected by system justification. We discuss implications and further research that can increase understanding of system justification among migrants.

During the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, (im)mobility policies affected individuals' citizenship rights and movement within countries and across international borders. Prior to the pandemic, the mobility regime in South America was relatively open for regional migrants, bolstered on free residence and equal rights. In this analysis, we focus on human mobility and citizenship rights in South America by examining local and national government responses to Covid-19 between March and August 2020. Using databases, newspaper columns, government websites, and legislation, we outline the region's travel restrictions and exceptions, closures and militarization of borders, internal movement procedures, and economic subsidies to ease Covid-19's impact. While the regional mobility regime had already been under stress since 2015, exceptions to border closures and internal mobility further stratified people based on legal and economic statuses. Deeply affecting individual-state relations, access to mobility and citizenship rights such as labor, housing, and healthcare varied between nationals and non-nationals and between regular and irregular migrants. Reactions may have longer term effects, especially for Venezuelans, since the crisis created new inequalities and contradictions within the regional mobility regime, originally aimed at reducing them.

The essay offers a deeper understanding of Gloria Anzaldúa's theorization of borderlands, crisis, mobility, and resistance as a theory for coalition making among women of color. Through an analysis of Anzaldúa's conceptualization of borderlands, strongly rooted in the socio-political context of the United States in the 1980s, the article deals with Anzaldúa's innovative resignification of crisis and mobility as constitutive elements of political and coalition-making processes. Anzaldúa's reconfiguration of borders and borderlands, and her intersectional analysis of politics, should be understood as a crucial formulation in the development of the U.S. multiracial and transnational feminist movement.

Internet voting has been available for French citizens living abroad since 2006, and 43.21% of them filled out their ballots online for the first election of their consular delegates in 2014. Using a multivariate analysis of turnout figures at the district and country levels, this research note explores if ballot box and Internet voters differ in their electoral participation patterns. It concludes that turnout must be understood based on the voting modality that French voters choose. While the characteristics of the electoral district (community size, geographical, and historical proximity with France, and party competition) impact ballot box voter turnout, Internet voter turnout is most influenced by the host country's economic and infrastructure development.

Even though the existing literature investigating the labor market impact of immigration assumes, implicitly or explicitly, that labor market regulation is exogenous to immigration (in terms of both size and composition), this is not necessarily the case. This paper shows that labor market regulation responds to the composition of the immigrant population. We build a novel workers' protection index based on 36 labor law variables over a sample of 70 developed and developing countries from 1970 to 2010. Exploiting a dynamic panel setting using both internal and external instruments, we find that workers' protection in destination countries is influenced by the degree of workers' protection that immigrants experience in their origin countries and is not affected by immigrant population size. The effects are particularly strong across two dimensions of workers' protection: worker representation laws and employment forms laws. This paper provides suggestive evidence that immigrants' participation in unions and its implications for political actors is one of the potential mechanisms. Finally, calculations based on the estimated coefficients suggest that immigration, on average, contributes to a reduction in workers' protection, particularly in OECD high-income countries.

During the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, (im)mobility policies affected individuals' citizenship rights and movement within countries and across international borders. Prior to the pandemic, the mobility regime in South America was relatively open for regional migrants, bolstered on free residence and equal rights. In this analysis, we focus on human mobility and citizenship rights in South America by examining local and national government responses to Covid-19 between March and August 2020. Using databases, newspaper columns, government websites, and legislation, we outline the region's travel restrictions and exceptions, closures and militarization of borders, internal movement procedures, and economic subsidies to ease Covid-19's impact. While the regional mobility regime had already been under stress since 2015, exceptions to border closures and internal mobility further stratified people based on legal and economic statuses. Deeply affecting individual-state relations, access to mobility and citizenship rights such as labor, housing, and healthcare varied between nationals and non-nationals and between regular and irregular migrants. Reactions may have longer term effects, especially for Venezuelans, since the crisis created new inequalities and contradictions within the regional mobility regime, originally aimed at reducing them.

The paper presents the results of an empirical analysis of electoral behavior of Turkish citizens in Germany using the case of the elections to the Turkish parliament in 2018. Starting point are the controversial debates about the different results for the electorate in Turkey and Turkish voters in Germany. With reference to the literature on plurilocal political orientations of transnational migrants, the authors pursue the argument that their electoral behaviour (concerning the country of origin) is significantly determined by origin-specific factors. For decades, the political landscape has been forged by two decisive political cleavages: between secular and religious orientations and Turkish vs. Kurdish ethnic affiliations. On an aggregate level, these cleavages are reflected in persistent regional patterns in the voting behaviour. Therefore, the place of birth (in Turkey) of Turkish immigrants is used as a proxy for the origin-related orientation. The study is based on an initial coding of data from the Central Foreigners Register and related to election data from the Turkish consulates.

This paper explores the ways in which young people aged 12 to 18 who were born in Central and Eastern European EU countries but now live in the United Kingdom construct their future imaginaries in the context of Brexit. It reports on findings from a large-scale survey, focus groups and family case studies to bring an original perspective on young migrants' plans for the future, including mobility and citizenship plans, and concerns over how Britain's decision to leave the European Union might impact them. While most of the young people planned to stay in Britain for the immediate future, it was clear that Brexit had triggered changes to their long-term plans. These concerns were linked to uncertainties over access to education and the labour market for EU nationals post-Brexit, the precarity of their legal status and their overall concerns over an increase in racism and xenophobia. While our young research participants expressed a strong sense of European identity, their imaginaries rarely featured 'going back' to their country of birth and instead included narratives of moving on to more attractive, often unfamiliar, destinations. The reasons and dynamics behind these plans are discussed by drawing on theories of transnational belonging.

The past few years have seen the issue of refugees rise in prominence, particularly in Europe but also in other parts of the world. It has been almost seven decades since the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was set up and the first international treaty regulating the issue of refugees signed. This article examines the international legal framework governing the issue of refugees and argues that it is ineffectual because refugees are inherently a matter of high politics – refugees are fundamentally a political issue subject to the vicissitudes of politics. The moral and economic justifications for the international refugee regime are also highly contested, and this contestation plays out in the political realm. The international refugee regime and legal regulation of the issue is unlikely to be effective for as long as the nation-state continues to be the primary actor in the international world order. This is because the international refugee regime requires enforcement by states to be effective – however, political, moral and economic vicissitudes across the states involved impede its ability to function in its ideal conception.