Die Rohstoffausbeutung und das Vordringen des Neo-Extraktivismus in Lateinamerika hat enorme Ausmaße angenommen und tiefgreifende Folgen für Mensch und Natur. Maristella Svampa nimmt sich diesem Prozess an und analysiert ihn umfassend aus sozio-ökologischer und politischer Perspektive. Dazu arbeitet sie die historischen Konjunkturen des Neo-Extraktivismus seit 2003 heraus und schlägt für ein besseres Verständnis der Krise das Konzept des Rohstoffkonsens vor. In Bezug auf den sozio-ökologischen Widerstand führt sie das Konzept der ökoterritorialen Wende ein, das die Vorreiterrolle von indigenen Völkern und Frauen besonders betont - und schließlich wendet sie sich den Grenzen der Rohstoffausbeutung mit Blick auf kriminelle Territorialitäten, patriarchale Gewalt und Rechtsextremismus zu.
El presente libro analiza el avance del neoextractivismo en América Latina a través de cuatro núcleos fundamentales: el primero propone las categorías de neoextractivismo y de Consenso de los Commodities como ventanas privilegiadas para leer la crisis actual; el segundo analiza las fases del neoextractivismo desde 2003 hasta la actualidad; el tercero aborda las resistencias sociales y las nuevas gramáticas políticas desde el concepto del giro ecoterritorial, y resalta el avance de los pueblos indígenas y el protagonismo creciente de las mujeres; y el cuarto ilustra la expansión de las fronteras del extractivismo: territorialidades criminales, violencia patriarcal y energías extremas.
For the first time, the manual deals systematically and comparatively with the question of how social movements can be analyzed from a poststructuralist perspective. The contributions present different approaches and show, using an example from research practice, how this approach can be used for the analysis of social movements. Through the application of alternative methods, the close connection of theory and practice and a socio-theoretical perspective, new insights into the subject of research »social movements« are possible in this way.
Few African countries provide for an explicit right to a nationality. Laws and practices governing citizenship effectively leave hundreds of thousands of people in Africa without a country. These stateless Africans can neither vote nor stand for office; they cannot enrol their children in school, travel freely, or own property; they cannot work for the government; they are exposed to human rights abuses. Statelessness exacerbates and underlies tensions in many regions of the continent. Citizenship Law in Africa, a comparative study by two programs of the Open Society Foundations, describes the often arbitrary, discriminatory, and contradictory citizenship laws that exist from state to state and recommends ways that African countries can bring their citizenship laws in line with international rights norms. The report covers topics such as citizenship by descent, citizenship by naturalisation, gender discrimination in citizenship law, dual citizenship, and the right to identity documents and passports. It is essential reading for policymakers, attorneys, and activists. This third edition is a comprehensive revision of the original text, which is also updated to reflect developments at national and continental levels. The original tables presenting comparative analysis of all the continent's nationality laws have been improved, and new tables added on additional aspects of the law. Since the second edition was published in 2010, South Sudan has become independent and adopted its own nationality law, while there have been revisions to the laws in Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Namibia, Niger, Senegal, Seychelles, South Africa, Sudan, Tunisia and Zimbabwe. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child have developed important new normative guidance.
This report highlights six of the most popular programs among a number of programs in Washington D.C., explain the workings of the national government to a diverse range of Americans, from middle school to senior citizens.
AbstractOne oft-cited reason for women's political underrepresentation is that women express less political ambition than men. We reframe the puzzle of women's ambition deficit, asking why men have an ambition surplus. Drawing on the concept of symbolic representation, we theorize that political symbols convey to men their capacity for exceptional political leadership. We test our expectations with a US-based survey experiment in which respondents watch one of three 'two-minute civics lessons'. Men who watched a video featuring the accomplishments of the Founding Fathers reported significantly more political ambition than men assigned to the control group. Additional studies indicate that the effects are specific to the Founding Fathers (as compared to early American statesmen). Men are also more likely than women to identify the Founding Fathers as inspiring figures and to feel pride when considering them. Our findings suggest how history is told contributes to men's persistent political overrepresentation.
