International audience ; The international milieu of town planning is an exciting web of people, books, exhibits, congresses or ideas. Its exploration is a tool to complete our national-oriented understandings of the ways in which the urban scene was conceived in the 20th century. This article sets its exploration in the wider context of the "Urban Internationale", this sphere dedicated to the declensions of "urban issues" such as town planning, housing and urban government. It is proposed that the IU is structured around three poles: volontary associations, international institutions and the big US philantropic Foundations. The evolution of those poles, and the relations amongst them, shaped the way in which the 'urban issues' were defined and treated.
texte traduit en italien, à partir de la présentation au colloque Philanthropy and the city, disponible sur le site du Rockefeller Archive Center à http://archive.rockefeller.edu/publications/conferences/saunier.pdf ; The Twentieth century has seen the development of formal networks of municipalities, experts and reformers with housing, city planning or municipal government and other 'urban problems' as subject matters. The 'Urban Internationale' that took shape in the first decade of the former century; embodied in conferences, study tours, correspondances and associations, was fragile and insecure, balancing between utopian and technical postures. The US participation to those issue networks, under the leadership of the largest philanthropic Foundations (Rockefeller and Ford), favored a reshaping of their working process between 1930 and 1960. Beginning with a view to import the best from old Europe in municipal government or city-planning on the domestic scene, the relationship soon became a two way street, before finally turning the international associations which were the core of the Urban Internationale into international non-governmental organisations with a world constituency and an orientation towards cooperation with inter governmental organisations.
International audience ; The international milieu of town planning is an exciting web of people, books, exhibits, congresses or ideas. Its exploration is a tool to complete our national-oriented understandings of the ways in which the urban scene was conceived in the 20th century. This article sets its exploration in the wider context of the "Urban Internationale", this sphere dedicated to the declensions of "urban issues" such as town planning, housing and urban government. It is proposed that the IU is structured around three poles: volontary associations, international institutions and the big US philantropic Foundations. The evolution of those poles, and the relations amongst them, shaped the way in which the 'urban issues' were defined and treated.
International audience ; The international milieu of town planning is an exciting web of people, books, exhibits, congresses or ideas. Its exploration is a tool to complete our national-oriented understandings of the ways in which the urban scene was conceived in the 20th century. This article sets its exploration in the wider context of the "Urban Internationale", this sphere dedicated to the declensions of "urban issues" such as town planning, housing and urban government. It is proposed that the IU is structured around three poles: volontary associations, international institutions and the big US philantropic Foundations. The evolution of those poles, and the relations amongst them, shaped the way in which the 'urban issues' were defined and treated.
texte traduit en italien, à partir de la présentation au colloque Philanthropy and the city, disponible sur le site du Rockefeller Archive Center à http://archive.rockefeller.edu/publications/conferences/saunier.pdf ; The Twentieth century has seen the development of formal networks of municipalities, experts and reformers with housing, city planning or municipal government and other 'urban problems' as subject matters. The 'Urban Internationale' that took shape in the first decade of the former century; embodied in conferences, study tours, correspondances and associations, was fragile and insecure, balancing between utopian and technical postures. The US participation to those issue networks, under the leadership of the largest philanthropic Foundations (Rockefeller and Ford), favored a reshaping of their working process between 1930 and 1960. Beginning with a view to import the best from old Europe in municipal government or city-planning on the domestic scene, the relationship soon became a two way street, before finally turning the international associations which were the core of the Urban Internationale into international non-governmental organisations with a world constituency and an orientation towards cooperation with inter governmental organisations.
texte traduit en italien, à partir de la présentation au colloque Philanthropy and the city, disponible sur le site du Rockefeller Archive Center à http://archive.rockefeller.edu/publications/conferences/saunier.pdf ; The Twentieth century has seen the development of formal networks of municipalities, experts and reformers with housing, city planning or municipal government and other 'urban problems' as subject matters. The 'Urban Internationale' that took shape in the first decade of the former century; embodied in conferences, study tours, correspondances and associations, was fragile and insecure, balancing between utopian and technical postures. The US participation to those issue networks, under the leadership of the largest philanthropic Foundations (Rockefeller and Ford), favored a reshaping of their working process between 1930 and 1960. Beginning with a view to import the best from old Europe in municipal government or city-planning on the domestic scene, the relationship soon became a two way street, before finally turning the international associations which were the core of the Urban Internationale into international non-governmental organisations with a world constituency and an orientation towards cooperation with inter governmental organisations.
International audience ; The international milieu of town planning is an exciting web of people, books, exhibits, congresses or ideas. Its exploration is a tool to complete our national-oriented understandings of the ways in which the urban scene was conceived in the 20th century. This article sets its exploration in the wider context of the "Urban Internationale", this sphere dedicated to the declensions of "urban issues" such as town planning, housing and urban government. It is proposed that the IU is structured around three poles: volontary associations, international institutions and the big US philantropic Foundations. The evolution of those poles, and the relations amongst them, shaped the way in which the 'urban issues' were defined and treated.
texte traduit en italien, à partir de la présentation au colloque Philanthropy and the city, disponible sur le site du Rockefeller Archive Center à http://archive.rockefeller.edu/publications/conferences/saunier.pdf ; The Twentieth century has seen the development of formal networks of municipalities, experts and reformers with housing, city planning or municipal government and other 'urban problems' as subject matters. The 'Urban Internationale' that took shape in the first decade of the former century; embodied in conferences, study tours, correspondances and associations, was fragile and insecure, balancing between utopian and technical postures. The US participation to those issue networks, under the leadership of the largest philanthropic Foundations (Rockefeller and Ford), favored a reshaping of their working process between 1930 and 1960. Beginning with a view to import the best from old Europe in municipal government or city-planning on the domestic scene, the relationship soon became a two way street, before finally turning the international associations which were the core of the Urban Internationale into international non-governmental organisations with a world constituency and an orientation towards cooperation with inter governmental organisations.
International audience ; What were the content, quantity and channels of international information available to a large city in the first half of the 20 th century in the field of urban management and city planning ? The example of Lyons, the second city of France, might be a good one as it is supposed to be pioneering the question under the leadership of its mayor Edouard Herriot and the famous architect Tony Garnier. A closer scrutiny shows the weaknesses, awkwardness and superficiality of international information in Lyons. The reasons lead us towards considering what was the status of the urban question in France: a secondary variable.
International audience ; What were the content, quantity and channels of international information available to a large city in the first half of the 20 th century in the field of urban management and city planning ? The example of Lyons, the second city of France, might be a good one as it is supposed to be pioneering the question under the leadership of its mayor Edouard Herriot and the famous architect Tony Garnier. A closer scrutiny shows the weaknesses, awkwardness and superficiality of international information in Lyons. The reasons lead us towards considering what was the status of the urban question in France: a secondary variable.
International audience ; What were the content, quantity and channels of international information available to a large city in the first half of the 20 th century in the field of urban management and city planning ? The example of Lyons, the second city of France, might be a good one as it is supposed to be pioneering the question under the leadership of its mayor Edouard Herriot and the famous architect Tony Garnier. A closer scrutiny shows the weaknesses, awkwardness and superficiality of international information in Lyons. The reasons lead us towards considering what was the status of the urban question in France: a secondary variable.
Dans un texte préparatoire aux travaux du Comité d'Histoire du Ministère de la Culture, on peut lire que "l'une des particularités des questions culturelles locales est qu'elles constituent l'un des principaux vecteurs de la construction du localisme". C'est autour de cette remarque préalable que je voudrais apporter quelques éléments, puisqu'effectivement c'est la reconnaissance d'une "culture locale" qui fonde la légitimité d'une communauté territoriale, s'agisse-t-il d'une nation, d'une région, d'un pays ou d'une cité. On comprend donc que la démonstration et l'exhibition de l'existence de modes spécifiques de dire, de faire, de dessiner, de chanter ou de peindre soit au coeur de cette ingénierie sociale quotidienne et savante qui se préoccupe de réactiver en permanence les caractéristiques qui fondent et prouvent l'existence d'un groupe territorial. C'est de ces usages du thème local que je voudrais dresser ici un bref portrait autour du cas lyonnais, afin de suggérer de quelle manière on peut tenter d'objectiver ce "localisme", comme une première phase du recul nécessaire pour ne pas se retrouver aux côtés de certains de ses acteurs en croyant faire l'analyse localisée de politiques culturelles. Dès lors, il me semble que la prise en compte des pratiques, institutions et usages de ce localisme permettent tout à la fois d'échapper à ce piège possible, et de rendre raison du localisme en des termes qui nourrissent la réflexion sur l'inscription des politiques culturelles locales dans leur rapport aux institutions politiques, aux groupes sociaux, aux structures collectives (associations, cénacles divers) tant à l'échelle locale que nationale. En d'autres termes, ce petit détour peut permettre d'éviter de prendre la vessie du local pour une lanterne générale en le réintégrant dans ses enjeux spécifiques, mais aussi de s'interdire sa relégation dans les formes sociales indignes de connaissance au nom du rejet des catégories folkloriques ou communes. En prenant le localisme au sérieux non pas pour ce qu'il dit être, mais pour ce qu'il peut nous apprendre sur la constitution des groupes territoriaux, on peut le placer au service d'une démarche d'analyse des politiques culturelles locales. Ou du moins essayer, en partant de l'analyse du localisme, de ses formes et de ses usages, pour arriver aux politiques municipales qui tentent d'en assurer la défense ou la promotion au travers de diverses formes institutionnalisées
International audience ; What were the content, quantity and channels of international information available to a large city in the first half of the 20 th century in the field of urban management and city planning ? The example of Lyons, the second city of France, might be a good one as it is supposed to be pioneering the question under the leadership of its mayor Edouard Herriot and the famous architect Tony Garnier. A closer scrutiny shows the weaknesses, awkwardness and superficiality of international information in Lyons. The reasons lead us towards considering what was the status of the urban question in France: a secondary variable.
Dans un texte préparatoire aux travaux du Comité d'Histoire du Ministère de la Culture, on peut lire que "l'une des particularités des questions culturelles locales est qu'elles constituent l'un des principaux vecteurs de la construction du localisme". C'est autour de cette remarque préalable que je voudrais apporter quelques éléments, puisqu'effectivement c'est la reconnaissance d'une "culture locale" qui fonde la légitimité d'une communauté territoriale, s'agisse-t-il d'une nation, d'une région, d'un pays ou d'une cité. On comprend donc que la démonstration et l'exhibition de l'existence de modes spécifiques de dire, de faire, de dessiner, de chanter ou de peindre soit au coeur de cette ingénierie sociale quotidienne et savante qui se préoccupe de réactiver en permanence les caractéristiques qui fondent et prouvent l'existence d'un groupe territorial. C'est de ces usages du thème local que je voudrais dresser ici un bref portrait autour du cas lyonnais, afin de suggérer de quelle manière on peut tenter d'objectiver ce "localisme", comme une première phase du recul nécessaire pour ne pas se retrouver aux côtés de certains de ses acteurs en croyant faire l'analyse localisée de politiques culturelles. Dès lors, il me semble que la prise en compte des pratiques, institutions et usages de ce localisme permettent tout à la fois d'échapper à ce piège possible, et de rendre raison du localisme en des termes qui nourrissent la réflexion sur l'inscription des politiques culturelles locales dans leur rapport aux institutions politiques, aux groupes sociaux, aux structures collectives (associations, cénacles divers) tant à l'échelle locale que nationale. En d'autres termes, ce petit détour peut permettre d'éviter de prendre la vessie du local pour une lanterne générale en le réintégrant dans ses enjeux spécifiques, mais aussi de s'interdire sa relégation dans les formes sociales indignes de connaissance au nom du rejet des catégories folkloriques ou communes. En prenant le localisme au sérieux non pas pour ce qu'il dit ...
