Suchergebnisse

Si bien esta investigación no se centra en una exclusiva visión de cómo una mujer como Piedad Córdoba ha roto todos los esquemas de pensamiento en donde la podríamos ubicar, sí se pregunta sobre cómo la posición que ha obtenido a través de sus años de carrera política y su antagonismo con Álvaro Uribe Vélez han devenido una serie de representaciones que afloran en los pensamientos de muchos colombianos y colombianas, que tienen que ver con un tema colonial y que se articulan en la interseccionalidad raza/género/clase. Este proyecto fue pensado como una forma de ubicarme políticamente con el ánimo de reaccionar una lucha social y académica dentro de una perspectiva de transformación de pensamientos y accionares políticos que llevan no a la reificación de géneros o razas, sino a la desmitificación de estas categorías. Este trabajo no pretende legitimar formas excluyentes y reduccionistas de pensamiento sino más bien busca una reflexión sobre cómo y porqué en Colombia se entiende y representa como lo hacemos actualmente, visibilizando el racismo y el sexismo que durante años ha estado negándose o ha sido menguado por la mayoría de la población colombiana. Piedad Córdoba se presenta entonces como la articulación que me permitió ver el modelo desde el cual está edificada nuestra sociedad, y en donde converge pensamientos, discursos y representaciones racistas y sexistas que evidencian no sólo que el racismo sigue siendo tema relevante en las agendas de académicos y personas en general, sino además observar cómo opera el nuevo racismo, el cual entabla sus discursos en diferentes estadios sociales, desde libros escolares, diatribas políticas, películas, medios de comunicación y conversaciones cotidianas. ; This research is not focused on a unique vision of how a woman like Piedad Cordoba has broken all the schemes of thought instead seeks to know about the position it has gained through her years of political career and her antagonism with Alvaro Uribe Velez have become a series of performances that arise in the thoughts of many Colombians, that have to do with a colonial theme and are articulated in the intersectionality race / gender / class. This project was conceived as a way to reach me politically with the aim of reacting a social and academic struggle within a perspective of transformation of thoughts and political actions, leading not to the reification of gender or race, but to the demystification of these categories. This work is not intended to legitimize exclusive and reductionist ways of thinking but rather seeks to reflect on how and why in Colombia is understood and represented as we currently do, making visible the racism and sexism. Piedad Cordoba is presented as a set that allowed me to see the model from which our society is built, and where converges thoughts, speeches and racist and sexist representations showing not only that racism is still relevant issue on the agendas of academics and people in general, but also see how the new racism is in different shapes of speeches like textbooks, political diatribes, movies, media and daily conversation.

Работа посвящена исследованию невербальных средств в англоязычной политической интернет-коммуникации на примере сайтов конгрессменов США. Персональные сайты политических деятелей создаются как форма открытого диалога субъектов политики с избирателями, посредством которой они могут воздействовать на адресата. Мы постарались продемонстрировать использование представителями Верхней палаты конгресса США (сената) элементов невербальной коммуникации, которые, на наш взгляд, являются определенными видами интерактивных мультимодальных платформ второго веба. Политические же коммуникации, реализуемые в этих коммуникативных средах, как раз и представляют те "вызовы", которые как подталкивают к дальнейшему развитию лингвистического инструментария анализа, так и обнажают коммуникативные проблемы эффектов взаимодействия. Последние, в свою очередь, настоятельно требуют развития именно практических подходов и выработки мультимодальных методов анализа в рамках лингвистики и других коммуникативных дисциплин. Установлено, что речевое воздействие на этих сайтах осуществляется с помощью вербальных (лексико-грамматических, синтаксических) / невербальных средств. Усилению речевого воздействия способствуют невербальные средства, которые делятся на графические, иконические и мультимедийные и вступают с вербальным текстом в автосемантические и синсемантические отношения. Исследование показало, что особенности взаимодействия вербальных и невербальных средств в англоязычных медиатекстах персональных сайтов политических деятелей детерминируются целями политического дискурса: убедить адресата, привлечь внимание, проинформировать. Эти цели реализуются путем продуцирования сложного текстового пространства, в котором взаимодействуют вербальный текст и невербальные средства, многообразие которых приводит к тому, что англоязычные электронные политические медиатексты приобретают новые возможности производства и репрезентации. ; The work is devoted to the study of nonverbal means used in English-speaking political Internet communication. US congress-men's sites are selected as a source for the research. Personal sites are created by politicians as a form of open dialogue with their electorate, through which they can influence their audience. The research presents a case study of using elements of non-verbal communication through these sites that can be rendered as certain types of web 2.0 interactive multimodal platforms. It is the com-munication policy implemented in these communication media that generates the "challenges" which are pushing towards the further development of linguistic analysis tools and at the same time reveals communicative problems in interaction effects that urgently need the development of practical approaches. All mentioned above require the elaboration of multi-modal methods of analysis both in linguistics and other communicative disciplines. The data obtained demonstrates that the verbal impact through these sites is realized by the convergence of verbal (lexical, grammatical and syntactic) and non-verbal means. The non-verbal elements (which are divided into graphic, iconic and multimedia) form auto semantic and sin semantic relationship with verbal text and strengthen the interactive impact on the target audience. The study reveals that the characteristics of the interaction of verbal and non-verbal means in English-language media texts located on the personal websites of politicians are determined by the political discourse whose purposes are to convince the recipient, draw their attention and inform them. These objectives are realized with the help of the complex text space production where the interaction between verbal and non-verbal text elements takes place constantly. The texts' diversity leads to the situation when English electron-ic media texts gain new opportunities of production and representation.

Данная статья посвящена анализу интонационной стороны дискурса Д. Кэмерона. Делается акцент на том, что при анализе интонационной группы следует обращать особое внима-ние на ядерные тоны, так как они несут большую семантическую нагрузку в дискурсе. Предложена и описана пошаговая методика анализа ядерных тонов, которая включает положения автосегмент-ного направления в изучении интонации с целью описания плана выражения тонов. Автор также рекомендует учитывать регистр и диапазон, так как оба явления не рассматриваются автосегмент-ным направлением, и вводит особые диакритические символы для их обозначения. Указывается, что описание форм ядерных тонов в рамках автосегментного подхода имеет особую практическую ценность, так как с использованием данной нотации в последнее время разрабатываются специаль-ные транскрипционные системы, целью которых является обучение интонации того или иного языка. При описании функциональной стороны учитываются труды отечественных и зарубежных лингвистов. В заключении сделан вывод о том, что тоны H*L, L*H и H*LH можно считать домини-рующими в рассматриваемом выступлении Д. Кэмерона, так как они выполняют ряд важных функ-ций. В работе также отмечается, что максимальный эффект достигается за счет использования этих ядерных тонов в комплексе друг с другом. В дальнейшем автор планирует анализ ядерных тонов в комплексе с предтерминальной частью интонационной группы, что позволит дать более точную и комплексную интонационную составляющую дискурса Д. Кэмерона. Полученные в работе резуль-таты вносят вклад в теорию политической коммуникации и могут быть полезны лингвистам, зани-мающимся анализом интонации. ; The article deals with the intonation aspect of D. Cameron's discourse. The author of the paper emphasizes the fact that in analyzing a particular intonation group one should pay special attention to its nu-clear tones, since they are considered to be the most meaningful elements of the intonation group. Then the author proposes and describes a step-by-step method of analyzing nuclear tones, which is based upon the autosegmental approach to intonation. The author also recommends taking into account the register and the range, which are not considered by the autosegmental approach, and introduces a set of special diacritics for their representation. Furthermore, the article highlights that the practical value of the approach mentioned above is of great importance, as it is used to create different transcription systems in order to teach intonation of this or that language. In describing the functional aspect of nuclear tones, the author takes into considera-tion some works by Russian and foreign linguists. At the end of the article the author concludes that the tones H*L, L*H and H*LH may be regarded as the most frequent in the analyzed speech by D. Cameron, since they carry out a number of significant functions. The paper also emphasizes the fact that the maximum effect is achieved when these nuclear tones are used together with each other. In future, the author is planning to ana-lyze nuclear tones together with the pre-nuclear part of the intonation group, which will enable him to give a more in-depth analysis concerning D. Cameron's intonation. The results of the given research contribute to the theory of political communication, and they may be of use to linguists investigating intonation.

Гражданская война на Украине способствовала выработке в русских СМИ арсенала публицистических средств, которые отражают новые реалии, вызванные оранжевой революцией в некогда дружественной нам стране; кратко формулируют этические, социальные и гражданские требования противоборствующих общественных движений; характеризуют изменившуюся расстановку сил на международной арене. Цель исследования анализ речевых стратегий и тактик, применяемых лидерами массовых общественных движений и вдохновителями информационной войны в условиях превращения политического противостояния в вооружённый конфликт. В статье оценивается роль информационных технологий в разжигании межнациональной розни; выявляются основные источники пополнения русского публицистического арсенала, «вербализующего» украинскую тему. Авторы акцентируют внимание читателя на том, что российские газетчики, радиои тележурналисты в своих публицистических статьях, очерках, репортажах заимствуют множество языковых единиц, возникших на Украине в русскоязычной среде. Создавая неологизмы на базе давно усвоенных иноязычных лексем и исконно русских слов, представители прессы параллельно широко используют и украинский лексический фонд. При этом новая семантика обычно формируется за счёт приёмов метафоризации и метонимии. Так возникли уничижительные взаимные наименования участников вооружённых столкновений и воинских подразделений; названия боевых операций и видов оружия; клички политических лидеров и псевдонимы командиров. Особое внимание авторы уделяют суггестивной силе специфического разряда публицистических средств лозунгов и призывов, а также визуальной символики противоборствующих сторон. Полученные результаты позволили выявить специфические признаки языковых средств, ведущих к обострению социально-политических конфликтов, а также определить принципы структурирования публицистического арсенала, способствующего мирному разрешению назревших проблем. ; Civil war in Ukraine called forth the appearance of new means in the repertoire of publicistic means in Russian mass media. These means present new realia brought about by the "orange revolution" in the country that used to be friendly towards Russia once. These means maintain ethical, social and civic propositions of conflicting social movements. They characterize new positioning of forces on the world arena. The object of the research is to analyze speech strategies and tactics used by the leaders of mass social movements and instigators of information war in conditions of turning political opposition into the outbreak of hostility. The paper evaluates the role of the mass media technology in stirring an international conflict to action; it determines main replenishment sources which "verbalize" discussion devoted to Ukraine in publicistic repertoire of Russian mass media. The authors focus on the fact that Russian journalists in their sketches, editorials and reports use a lot of linguistic elements borrowed from the Russian-speaking community in Ukraine. While creating new words and word combinations employing well-known foreign and native lexical units, journalists actively use words from the Ukrainian language. New meanings are usually formed through metaphor and metonymy. Derogatory names appear for realia on both sides of the armed conflict: e.g., names and nicknames of armed conflict participants: military leaders, political figures; military units, operations, weapons. The authors draw attention to the suggestive force of specific publicistic means: slogans, rallying cries and symbolic representations of conflicting groups. The research resulted in identification of specific usage of linguistic units that lead to escalation of the social and political conflict, and description of the linguistic means contributing to the peaceful resolution of the conflict.

Heated debates and strong emotions occasionally arise in the public sphere in the wake of an art object. The interaction that follows becomes part of what we as citizens share in a democracy, with its particular conditions of political speech and democratic exchange. By studying four art events – that is, public contestations regarding art objects – formations of democratic and political subjectivities are highlighted, as well as the constitution of political speech. The analysis tracks the space of conflict that arises in the four chosen art events. The theoretical framework consists of poststructuralist conceptualizations of radical democracy, mainly those associated with Chantal Mouffe, Aletta Norval, and Jacques Rancière. In the analysis of the democratic and political work that takes place in the art events, a distinction is made between political and democratic dimensions. The political dimensions emphasize processes of politicization and depoliticization, as well as the formation of political subjects and voices. The democratic dimensions foreground the conditions of the exchange and identifications within a certain democratic order or community. Four events have been selected for the analysis, two from the Netherlands and two from Sweden. The events all occur within a relatively short time period: 2006, 2008 and 2009, 2012, respectively. The studied empirical material is broad and includes for example printed media, television, radio, social media, and political documents. The reading of the material starts with a set of questions that correspond to the distinction between the political and democratic dimensions. However, the uniqueness of each event is reflected by different theoretical emphasis in the analysis. A Dutch art project by Petra Bauer and Annette Krauss sheds light on processes of engaging democratically and exclusions regarding who has the right to take part in the public debate. Issues of voice and legitimacy are highlighted in the event involving the Swedish artist Anna Odell. Intelligibility, conditions of representation and possibilities of assuming a certain subject position are in focus in the analysis of the debate surrounding a cake performance by the Swedish artist Makode Linde. The study of the discussion spurred by Jikke van Loon's monument in honour of Anton de Kom, emphasizes how memory and silence operate in a postcolonial context to influence the possibility of being heard. The analysis of the four art events reveals the complexity and conflictual nature of the conditions of political and democratic subjectivities and speech. The events suggest that, within radical democratic theory, we need to engage more depth with the relational dimension. Only by including the interaction that occurs can we understand the conditions and boundaries of speaking politically and the construction of legitimate political and democratic subjects. In the events, articulations of different subjectivities depend on their reception in an often complicated way that is enmeshed in a struggle over whether statements and demands constitute speech or noise. Furthermore, the strong emotions in the events can be understood as part of certain investments in a hegemonic order, and the threats of violence highlight the challenges of antagonism present in any order.

В статье систематизированы научные теоретические представления о факторах несостоятельности экономической политики государства. В этой связи предложено рассматривать первопричины несостоятельности экономической политики в части агрегации предпочтений и избирательного процесса, организации «группы интересов» и их коллективные действия ради получения выгод с помощью политического процесса, рентоориентированного поведения субъектов политики посредством законодательного процесса. Вполне очевидно, что указанные научные подходы не являются исчерпывающими, и предполагается дальнейшее исследование таких аспектов, как особенности делегации регуляторных полномочий и бюрократии, формирующих неравные отношения между различными субъектами политики и информационные проблемы. ; The development of neoclassical economics has brought a marked change in the perception of the state's role as an effective coordinating power. The realities of economic life reveal the need for the specification of the conditions required to ensure market efficiency and determine the factors that cause deviation from its optimum state. Under these circumstances, economic policy is designated to address the adverse effects of the market functioning. In this paper we analyze the scientific views that characterize the problems of decision-making in economic policy and that demonstrate the fact that the state is not always a well-intentioned, neutral and competent regulator due to some reasons. The first aspect considered is related to the statement concerning the ephemeral nature of collective decision-making because there are no conditions for the aggregation of individuals' preferences. The electoral process in a democratic society, based on both the majority principle and the dichotomy of actors' motives, makes it difficult to project the public interest onto economic policy. The second line of considerations is associated with the organization and representation of interest groups in economic policy. Collective actions of such groups occur due to deriving potential benefits through the political process and affect the economic development of the state. Rent-seeking behavior of political actors subjects society to wasteful cost. Import quotas, tariffs, duties, licensing, certification, etc. act as sources of maximizing political rent income. The desire to impose burdensome constraints that hinder business or worsen the position of the regulated industry encourages politicians to form interest groups. This leads to an increase in economic and social costs. The consequences of the rent-seeking behavior pose a potential threat to short-term macroeconomic stability and long-term economic growth, thus undermining the legitimacy of the government and the efficiency of the private sector. It is carried out through the legislative process, both in terms of the creation of the "essential" regulations for interest groups, and the use of existing rules and procedures for personal advantage. It is obvious that these scientific approaches are not exhaustive and envisage further investigation of such matters as special aspects of delegation of regulatory authority and bureaucracy, which establish unequal relationship between different actors and pose informational challenges Deliberate alteration of incentives and restrictions of activities and the rules for "the game", as well as the division of responsibilities between actors monitoring and verifying their implementation are indispensable conditions for addressing tasks requiring specific expertise within the scope specified by goals and the logic of the state economic policy.

Статья посвящается анализу влияния органов государственной власти и местного самоуправления на организацию и стационарное поддержание функционирования одного из элементов социально-культурной инфраструктуры городских училищ. Отдельно рассматривается проблема финансирования означенных образовательных учреждений. Автор указывает на противоречия между политикой центральной администрации и деятельностью местного самоуправления, которые заключались в невозможности полностью выполнить все требования Центра в силу местной специфики и отсутствия денежных средств. В статье содержатся упоминания о разных периодах, нашедших отражение в развитии гражданского общества. Для более наглядного представления картины повседневной жизнедеятельности людей, связанных с некоторыми городскими училищами, приводится несколько конкретных примеров. Наиболее ярким из них является история создания более-менее приемлемых условий для женского приходского училища, включавшая в себя процедуру инициирования, проблему предоставления приемлемого помещения, приспособление части здания Присутственных мест и окончательную оценку указанного выше помещения. В статье отмечается и созданная к концу XIX столетия система технического обеспечения рассматриваемых учреждений. Означенная система представляла собой совокупность административных и финансовых мер, заключавшихся в проведении отдельных строительных и ремонтных работ, а также в особом порядке отчетности по мере использования денежных средств. Социальная составляющая в статье отображена в перечне фамилий гласных городской управы, наиболее часто встречающихся в источниках Государственного архива Тамбовской области. Представлено и влияние модернизационных процессов на улучшение качества поддержания городских училищ в надлежащем для образовательных учреждений состоянии.The article is about the analysis of influence of public authorities and local government on the organization and stationary maintenance of functioning of one of elements of social and cultural infrastructure city schools. The article separately considered the problem of financing of the marked educational institutions. The author pointed to contradictions between policy of the central administration and activity of local government which consisted in impossibility completely to fulfill all requirements of the Center owing to local specifics and lack of money. Article contains mentions of the different periods which found reflection in development of civil society. There are some concrete examples for more evident representation of a picture of daily activity of the people connected with some city schools. The brightest of them is the history of creation of more or less acceptable conditions for women's parish school including initiation procedure, a problem of granting the acceptable room, the adaptation of part of the building of Offices and a final assessment of the room stated above. In article the author also noted the system of technical ensuring the considered establishments created by the end of the XIX century. The marked system represented set of the administrative and financial measures consisting in carrying out separate construction and repair work and also in a special order of the reporting under a measure of use of money. The article displayed the social component in the list of surnames of the vowels of town council which are most often found in sources of the State archive of the Tambov region. The author also presented influence of modernization processes on improvement of quality of maintenance of city schools in a state, appropriate to educational institutions.

Desde mediados del siglo XIX se viene hablando del papel deliberativo de la prensa en una sociedad democrática y la opinión pública materializa ese propósito. Por ello la investigación analiza los relatos y discursos que fueron instrumento para agitar las ideas belicistas y promover las pacifistas. Los relatos y discursos responden a una categorización de acuerdo con los géneros periodísticos de opinión y los géneros narrativos, y con la mezcla de géneros como la crítica, el verso paródico, el diálogo del absurdo, la silueta caricaturesca. La prensa como fuente informativa ayuda a identificar representaciones sociales, imaginarios colectivos, relatos e ideologías presentes en la sociedad en un periodo histórico, que dependen de la diversidad de categorías del objeto de estudio: prensa oficial, semioficial conservadora, liberal y satírica, que representan distintas facciones de los partidos políticos: Conservadores Nacionalistas e Históricos, Liberales Radicales y Pacifistas. En esas publicaciones de tan variadas tendencias se hizo una base de 353 artículos de la prensa de Bogotá donde se reconocieron géneros periodísticos como la noticia, la crónica, el editorial, el suelto y el artículo de opinión, que vehicularon los debates políticos, las pugnas y fricciones durante la contienda del 17 de octubre de 1899 hasta 21 de noviembre de 1902. Esta investigación identifica los públicos a los que se dirigían los periódicos, según su estatus social (intelectuales, políticos, clérigos, funcionarios públicos y los ciudadanos letrados con acceso a la prensa), y en este sentido hace un aporte a la historia del periodismo colombiano del periodo finisecular. ; Since the mid-19th century, historians have told about the deliberative paper in a democratic society and the public opinion materializes this purpose. Hence, this research analyses the speeches and stories that were instruments to stir up the warmonger and to promote the pacifists. The stories and speeches answer to a categorization according to journalistic genres of opinion and narrative genres, likewise, with the mix of genres as criticism, parodic verse, dialogue of absurd among others. The press provides information to help top identify social representations, collective imaginaries, stories and ideologies in the society in a historical period that rely of the diversity od subject of enquiry: official press, semiofficial conservadora, liberal and satiric that represent several factions of the political parties national historic conservadores, radical Liberals and pacifists. In these newsletters of variety tendencies the researcher made a data of 353 articles of press from Bogotá. He identified different journalist genres in the data as news, chronic, editorials, leaflets, and opinion articles that registered the political debates, disputes and frictions during the struggle of October, 17th, 1899 since November 21st of 1902 This research identifies the people who were readers of the press according to the social status (politicians, clerics, intellectuals, government officials, and readers with access to the press). The researchers made a report about the history of the Colombia journalism of the end of century.

Si bien esta investigación no se centra en una exclusiva visión de cómo una mujer como Piedad Córdoba ha roto todos los esquemas de pensamiento en donde la podríamos ubicar, sí se pregunta sobre cómo la posición que ha obtenido a través de sus años de carrera política y su antagonismo con Álvaro Uribe Vélez han devenido una serie de representaciones que afloran en los pensamientos de muchos colombianos y colombianas, que tienen que ver con un tema colonial y que se articulan en la interseccionalidad raza/género/clase. Este proyecto fue pensado como una forma de ubicarme políticamente con el ánimo de reaccionar una lucha social y académica dentro de una perspectiva de transformación de pensamientos y accionares políticos que llevan no a la reificación de géneros o razas, sino a la desmitificación de estas categorías. Este trabajo no pretende legitimar formas excluyentes y reduccionistas de pensamiento sino más bien busca una reflexión sobre cómo y porqué en Colombia se entiende y representa como lo hacemos actualmente, visibilizando el racismo y el sexismo que durante años ha estado negándose o ha sido menguado por la mayoría de la población colombiana. Piedad Córdoba se presenta entonces como la articulación que me permitió ver el modelo desde el cual está edificada nuestra sociedad, y en donde converge pensamientos, discursos y representaciones racistas y sexistas que evidencian no sólo que el racismo sigue siendo tema relevante en las agendas de académicos y personas en general, sino además observar cómo opera el nuevo racismo, el cual entabla sus discursos en diferentes estadios sociales, desde libros escolares, diatribas políticas, películas, medios de comunicación y conversaciones cotidianas. ; This research is not focused on a unique vision of how a woman like Piedad Cordoba has broken all the schemes of thought instead seeks to know about the position it has gained through her years of political career and her antagonism with Alvaro Uribe Velez have become a series of performances that arise in the thoughts of many Colombians, that have to do with a colonial theme and are articulated in the intersectionality race / gender / class. This project was conceived as a way to reach me politically with the aim of reacting a social and academic struggle within a perspective of transformation of thoughts and political actions, leading not to the reification of gender or race, but to the demystification of these categories. This work is not intended to legitimize exclusive and reductionist ways of thinking but rather seeks to reflect on how and why in Colombia is understood and represented as we currently do, making visible the racism and sexism. Piedad Cordoba is presented as a set that allowed me to see the model from which our society is built, and where converges thoughts, speeches and racist and sexist representations showing not only that racism is still relevant issue on the agendas of academics and people in general, but also see how the new racism is in different shapes of speeches like textbooks, political diatribes, movies, media and daily conversation.

Il presente lavoro di ricerca nasce come spunto di una personale riflessione sul tema della parità di genere nelle posizioni apicali, emersa nel recente dibattito all'interno dell'Unione Europea e di alcuni Stati Membri. Sebbene originariamente l'Unione Europea ambisse a garantire l'uguaglianza di genere tra uomini e donne ricorrendo ad un approccio di Gender Mainstreaming e a strumenti di soft law, dal 2006 in poi, seguendo l'esempio norvegese, lo strumento giuridicamente vincolante è stato ritenuto necessario per aumentare il numero di donne nelle posizioni decisionali. Anche alcuni Stati Membri hanno ritenuto opportuno apprendere dall'esperienza norvegese, introducendo leggi nazionali sulla parità di genere nei Consigli di Amministrazione. Alla luce di questa situazione, la ricerca è tesa ad analizzare da un punto di vista legislativo e pratico la normativa europea in materia di parità di genere, partendo dalla ristretta definizione di uguaglianza di genere fornita dal Trattato di Roma fino ad arrivare alla recente proposta per una direttiva sulle quote di genere. La stessa analisi viene svolta per uno Stato Membro, l'Italia, il quale è stato scelto in relazione al suo modello di welfare che ha permesso lo sviluppo di una normativa di buona qualità, seguita tuttavia in alcuni casi, da un ridotto livello di effettività. Ad un'analisi del panorama giuridico vigente a livello europeo ed italiano segue una fase di raccolta di alcuni esempi concreti. Viene infatti realizzata una stima dell'attuale situazione italiana, rilevando se dei buoni risultati siano stati ottenuti dalle aziende in un'ottica sia di riconciliazione della vita familiare e professionale, sia in seguito all'introduzione delle quote nei Consigli di Amministrazione. The present study deals with the current issue of women on boards arisen in last years within the EU context and some Member States. While at a first stage the EU attention was focused on gender equality in terms of Gender Mainstreaming and a soft approach, since 2006 on, following the example of Norway, the legal binding instrument was proposed as the right means to challenge the low number of women in decision-making positions. Some Member States too are eager to learn from Norwegian experience and have already introduced some forms of gender representation regulations. In the light of such situation, this research is a clear attempt to analyze from a legislative and practical point of view the EU lawmaking from a first narrow definition of gender equality provided by the Treaty of Rome until a proposed directive on gender quotas. The same analysis has been conducted with reference to one Member State, Italy that has been chosen due to its welfare model which has in some cases allowed a well-advanced and good quality normative, even if with some limits on the effectiveness side. Thus, following the focus on EU and Italian legal framework, the practical analysis of the concrete situation is conducted, showing if results and effects have been achieved among Italian companies for what concerns both reconciliation between private and working life and following the introduction of gender quotas on boards.

In this article, I analyze the literary representation of the failed coup d'état occurred on February 23 (23-F), 1981, paying attention to the evolution in the Spanish novels written within the last thirty years. First, I examine a novel by Eduardo Mendicutti, Una mala noche la tiene cualquiera, written in 1982. Since this is the closest work to the event, it still deals with the fear associated with the return of the dictatorship. On the one hand, the novel focuses on the suffering of marginalized groups within society during that night, most notably homosexuals and transsexuals, like the main character of the novel, La Madelón. On the other hand, Mendicutti also explores the role of the King of Spain, Juan Carlos I, and his contribution to the failure of the coup d'état. The second novel analyzed in this paper, Andrés Trapiello's Los amigos del crimen perfecto (2003) was published twenty years later, when Spanish society was requesting to revise the crimes committed during the Franco's dictatorship. In opposition to Mendicutti's novel, Trapiello reflects the changes happened in Spanish society during this time. In Mendicutti's novel older generations who lived during the dictatorship accepted the amnesty of the crimes committed during the dictatorship as the conditions for the coming of the democracy. Meanwhile, Trapiello's novel represents a younger generation who are not afraid of the return of dictatorship and want to know the truth about the nation's past. Finally, I will analyze how Javier Cercas' Anatomía de un instante (2009), unlike Mendicutti and Trapiello, finally dares to question the role of the King of Spain in the coup d'état, a topic that constituted a taboo until then. ; Este artículo analiza cómo ha evolucionado la representación de la noche del 23-F desde 1981 hasta el presente a través de las obras: Una mala noche la tiene cualquiera (1982) de Eduardo Mendicutti; Los amigos del crimen perfecto (2003) de Andrés Trapiello y Anatomía de un instante (2009) de Javier Cercas. La novela de Medicutti se enfoca en el miedo que tenían los grupos más marginados durante el franquismo a que regresara la dictadura y en el papel decisivo del rey. La novela de Trapiello se publica casi veinte años después y en un ambiente literario dominado por la novela revisionista de la memoria del pasado más cercano de España. Esta novela intenta romper con el llamado "pacto del olvido" que supuso la Transición. Aquí el 23-F funciona como un detonante de lo reprimido y lo callado durante la Transición. Los personajes más viejos, al igual que la protagonista de la novela de Mendicutti, lo que muestran es miedo, se encierran en sus casas y recuperan los recuerdos reprimidos de la guerra civil y la dictadura; sin embargo, los más jóvenes permanecen en la calle paseando por Madrid con curiosidad. Por último, el objetivo de la obra de Cercas es cuestionar de modo no ficcional muchas de las supuestas verdades sobre el 23-F que nadie se había atrevido a poner en duda, como es el papel de la figura del rey.

This research project, which is based on two years of ethnomusicological fieldwork in Thailand, investigates the cultural, idiomatic, and intonational factors that have shaped Thai fusion music from the 1980's until 2012. The common goal of the leading Thai fusion musicians discussed is to reflect their concept of 'Thainess' through contemporary fusion mediums that combine Thai classical and folk music with musical elements associated with jazz and other Western styles. Social and political factors, including government policies that favoured Western music, accelerated the move towards the integration of Thai and Western music-culture systems in the 20th century. Currently fusion musicians are influenced by a range of musical and social factors that contribute to the artistic and intellectual climate that places a high value on traditional Thai music and the communication of Thainess in a modern musical voice. Fusion music combines elements from different musical systems. I have attempted to clarify the complexity of this process by identifying three primary factors that must be attended to in the fusion process. They are understood through their separate analytical processes, which facilitates the delineation of the types of barriers faced by fusion musicians. The first factor is the intonational problems that arise when disparate tuning systems are combined. Naturally serious intonational problems are encountered when musical instruments tuned in the Thai heptatonic system are played together with instruments in the tempered Western tuning. I have investigated the unfinished debate over the so-called 'equidistance' of tones in the Thai scale because of the uncertainty about Thai tuning that complicates attempts to understand the role of tuning in fusion music. My research shows that those who play fixed-pitch percussion instruments on the one hand, and singers and other families of instruments on the other, adhere to different concept and practices of intonation. These varied approaches to tuning cannot be defined by a single universal theory. Thus it is incorrect to describe Thai tuning as equidistant as defined by the ideal interval of 171.429 cents. The second factor relates to the adaptation of disparate idiomatic and stylist concepts. Thai musicians who aim to preserve the 'essence' of Thai music must ensure that certain important idiomatic characteristics are not lost in the fusion process. I have described musical processes involved in the interpretation, embellishment, and transformation of Thai melodies and have shown that musicians can adapt their personal style and the stylistic idioms of their instrument to accommodate the Western textures that accompany them. The third factor involves the historical and cultural meanings associated with Thai music, including beliefs that certain repertoire is sacred. These beliefs influence the extent to which changes can be made to certain songs. In discussing these issues I have delineated two categories of fusion that are distinguished by the way in which musicians interpret the essence of Thai music and the approach that they take to its representation. The musicians in one category follow traditional principles that underpin Thai music that the bands in the other category consider dispensable.

Автор анализирует идиомы, включающие в состав члены поля «Одежда», в газетных массмедиа начала XXI века. Цель работы выявить принципы концептуализации когнитивно и культурологически значимой семантической сферы в процессе идиоматизации в применении к современному политическому дискурсу. Используя методику семантического, лингвокогнитивного, лингвокультурного и статистического анализа, автор характеризует внутреннюю форму фразеологизмов, частотность их употребления и основные функции в газетных общественно-политических текстах. В результате анализа делается вывод, что данные идиомы регулярно используются для характеристики экономического положения человека в современном российском обществе и его отношения к собственности (бережливость расточительность; жадность щедрость). Основной концептуально значимой функцией фразеологизмов становится экспрессивная оценка кризисных явлений в отечественной экономике, бедственного положения практически всех социальных слоев россиян (за исключением олигархов и чиновников разного ранга). Использование идиом для характеристики благополучного экономическое положения граждан и улучшения такого положения регулярно совмещается с актуализацией признака 'незаконный характер обретения собственности'. С помощью идиоматики современные политические реалии оцениваются с позиции традиционных ценностей народа, в основе которых лежит представление о социальной справедливости: стремление к финансовому благополучию естественно и должно находиться в прямой зависимости от трудовых затрат лица, тогда как желание жить за чужой счет и кичиться богатством недопустимо. Основные выводы и материал работы могут быть использованы при анализе идиоматики как средства репрезентации языковой картины мира, в курсах по политической лингвистике. ; The article analyzes idioms that include members of the field "Clothes" in newspaper mass media of early 21st century. The goal of the article is to bring out the principles of conceptualization of cognitively and culturologically meaningful semantic sphere in the process of idiomatization in reference to modern political discourse. By using the methods of semantic, linguo-cognitive, linguo-cultural and statistical analysis, the author characterizes the intrinsic form of the idioms, frequency of their usage and basic functions in newspaper socio-political texts. The analysis leads to the conclusion that these idioms are regularly used to characterize the economic status of a person in the modern Russian society and its relationship to property (thrift extravagance; greed generosity). The expressive assessment of the domestic economy crisis, the plight of almost all social layers of Russians (except oligarchs and officials of different ranks) becomes the main conceptually significant feature of phraseological units. The use of idioms for the characteristics of wellbeing of the citizens and of its improvement is regularly combined with the actualization of the property 'illegal character of gaining ownership of'. Modern political realities are often evaluated with the help of idioms from the point of view of traditional values of the people, which are based on the idea of social justice: aspiration to high financial well-being is natural and must be directly dependent on the amount of labor of a person, whereas the desire to live at the expense of others and to boast wealth is unacceptable. The main conclusions and the material can be used in the analysis of idiomatic corpus as a means of representation of the linguistic worldview and in the course ofpolitical linguistics.

This article attempts to understand the different political actions that the Asociación de Productores Agrícolas de Misiones (APAM) uses to visibilize their demands and solve the problems they must face. In a context of decapitalization of the middle class agricultural sector, which based its economy on the traditional cultivation of yerba mate, the leadership of APAM —that assumes their representation— uses diverse strategies as forms of political action. These actions are presented as disputes in the political and economical fields and this paper classifies, describes and discusses these strategies and resources. An ethnographic approach was used to study the practices and narratives of subjects in the reconstruction of their life trajectories. Two variables stand out in the analysis developed: media as tools used by actors for political action and aesthetics as part of a narrative that seeks to situate demands in the public scene. ; El siguiente artículo intenta comprender cuáles son las formas de acción política que asume la Asociación de Productores Agrícolas de Misiones (APAM) para visibilizar sus demandas y resolver los problemas que se presentan. En un contexto de descapitalización de los sectores medios de la agricultura de Misiones, cuya economía se basa principalmente en el cultivo tradicional de la yerba mate, la dirigencia de APAM que asume la representación del sector recurre a diferentes estrategias de acción política que se presentan como disputas en el campo de lo político y lo económico. Son esas estrategias y recursos las que aquí se van a clasificar, describir y desarrollar. El abordaje etnográfico se realizó con el objeto de estudiar las prácticas y las narrativas de los sujetos en la reconstrucción de sus trayectorias de vida. En el análisis, dos variables resultan de importancia: los medios de comunicación como herramientas que los actores recuperan para la acción política y la estética como parte de una narrativa que se dirige a situar demandas en la escena pública. ; O seguinte artigo tenta entender quais são as formas de ação política que assume a Associação dos Produtores Agrícolas de Misiones (APAM) para visualizar suas demandas e resolver os problemas que enfrentam. Em um contexto de capitalização em setores médios da agricultura de Misiones, cuja economia é baseada principalmente no cultivo tradicional da erva mate, a liderança da APAM que assumiu a representação do setor utiliza as diferentes estratégias como formas de ação política as quais se apresentam como brigas no campo da política e da economia. São essas estratégias e recursos as que irão classificar-se, descrever-se e desenvolver-se no texto a seguir. Usamos uma abordagem etnográfica, a fim de estudar as práticas e narrativas dos sujeitos na reconstrução das suas trajetórias de vida. Na análise, duas variáveis são de importância: os meios de comunicação como ferramentas dos atores para a ação política e a estética, como parte de uma narrativa que é direcionada para colocar exigências na cena pública. ; Para acceder al Artículo utilice el link: http://revistascientificas.filo.uba.ar/index.php/CAS/article/view/1596

Practically it exists a consensus in the recognition that in Chile has achieved be imposed a society model whose soundness in terms of its reproduction seems something unquestionable. However, there are fundamental questions that they have not been cleared. In presidential selection, technically a second return defines the result though it does not solve the narrowness of the differences; this can be considered an index of the difficulties incubated in the continuity itinerary. Either it can be disavowed the political impact of the social expectations accumulated to be proven that the concept of "equity" has not achieved be domiciled in the general development of the economy and the society neither in the feeling of the population. Thos society model, inheritance of the military regime much more than the previous one, seems to demand, as inherent phenomenon to its operation, the deepening of the social and political asymmetries that always existed. All this is not desirable, it is argued, to the time that orchestrates decisive proposals and resolutely mechanisms within a same matrix or political model that demands at the same time an increasingly opened economy, privatized, deregulated and globalized. But, by on the inertia of the model, its subsistence requires participation and consensus instruments. How to build consensus when the economy polarizes and segregates? Until where is possible to channel the policy such as perceived in the beginnings of the transition when the electoral system and parties does not achieve to guarantee the representation and participation of the whole society? ; Prácticamente existe un consenso en el reconocimiento de que en Chile ha logrado imponerse un modelo de sociedad cuya consistencia en términos de su reproducción parece algo indiscutible. Sin embargo, hay interrogantes fundamentales que no han logrado ser despejadas. En elecciones presidenciales, técnicamente una segunda vuelta dilucida el resultado aunque no resuelve la estrechez de las diferencias. Esto puede considerarse un índice de las dificultades incubadas en el itinerario de continuidad. Tampoco puede desconocerse el impacto político de las expectativas sociales acumuladas al comprobarse que el concepto de "equidad" no ha logrado domiciliarse en el desenvolvimiento general de la economía y la sociedad ni en el sentir de la población. Este modelo de sociedad, herencia del régimen militar, mucho más que el anterior, parece exigir, como fenómeno inherente a su funcionamiento, la profundización de las asimetrías sociales y políticas que siempre existieron. Todo esto no es deseable, se argumenta, al tiempo que se instrumentan propuestas y mecanismos resolutivos dentro de una misma matriz o modelo político que exige a su vez una economía cada vez más abierta, privatizada, desregulada y globalizada. Pero, por sobre la inercia del modelo, su mantenimiento requiere instrumentos de participación y consenso. ¿Cómo construir consensos cuando la economía polariza y segrega? ¿Hasta dónde es posible encauzar la política tal como se percibe en los inicios de la transición cuando el sistema electoral y el de partidos no garantizan la representatividad y participación del conjunto de la sociedad?