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This article discusses the identity politics of the Majelis Pengkajian Tauhid dan Tasawuf Indonesia (MPTTI) or the Indonesian Council for the Study of Tauhid and Tasawuf in nurturing piety among the Acehnese community. The MPTTI emphasizes the mystical realm of Islamic doctrines and has been considered to spread wujūdiyya or pantheistic ideas of God, which are regarded as deviant by the mainstream or fiqh-oriented groups. However, this organization was able to develop a Sufistic ideology in Aceh and introduced it to a broader audience at national and international levels. Viewed from the perspective of identity politics, this study argues that marginalization has led the MPTTI to fight for equality and challenge the mainstream groups. Meanwhile, the phenomenological approach was used by the study to highlight the identity politics of the MPTTI, which were also revealed to have been employed in religious, social, cultural, and political spheres. Consequently, the mainstream fiqh-oriented groups have gradually acknowledged the MPTTI's effort to pursue equality, and this council has also successfully established political alliances with the government and other organizations.

The Khilafah Institution is claimed to be a part of Islam teachings that is impeccable and certainly true, because Muslims are brethren and it is impossible among Muslims to fight over the position of Caliph. However khilafah is a political institution that is not always spotless and sacred from power struggle. Abdul Malik ibn Marwan began his political career in the Caliphate when he was appointed as governor of Medina by the Muawiyyah when he was only 16 years old. Before becoming a caliph, he was known as a 'zuhud' figure and was regarded as one of the ulama (scholars) of Medina. He was known as an expert on Islamic jurisprudence and a scientist who admire knowledge. Since childhood, he had memorized the Qur'an and studied directly from Usman. In addition to learning to memorize the Qur'an, he also studied hadith, fiqh, tafsir, and more. He was known for being a very intelligent person. He explored Islam from his acquaintances in depth and made Islamic laws well preserved. Unfortunately, when he became the caliph a change occurred in him. Therefore, no scientific discussion was referred from him during his caliph time.

One of the most important principles of EU administrative law is that of proportionality. The principle of proportionality is defined in Article 5 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), but the legal concept has been recognised by the European Court of Justice since the 1950s as one of the general principles of EU law. Proportionality regulates the exercise of authority in terms of adjudicating whether the actions undertaken by EU institutions are within set limits. According to this rule, the action of institutions should be limited to that which is necessary to achieve the objectives of the treaties. In other words, the degree of action by the institutions must be in line with the goal being pursued. This article starts with an analysis of the meaning of proportionality, drawn from the approaches in practice of EU judges, and proceeds to an examination of the three types of issues that can be detected from their judgments: cases involving discretionary political choice, or which are of a social, political or economic nature; those related to the violation of rights under EU law; and those involving a disproportionate fine or imposition.

The article discusses one of the most discussed and important problems of modern society, which formed the basis of many economic, social, political and cultural studies of philosophers and economists around the world, starting in the second half of the twentieth century. Despite the variety of approaches of scientists to this problem, estimates and forecasts of the information society, they turned out to be built mainly according to one scheme: modern means of communication and information technologies have created a completely new situation in society. On the one hand, there are ample opportunities for progress, and on the other, an even greater number of contradictions and aggravation of problems arise: political, cultural, economic, moral, social. The work focuses on the new paradigm, which is to combine the development of society for the benefit of progress in the context of the information war. Along with the formation of a new image of society, a person forms new axiological landmarks, transforms ideas about the way of life and develops an appropriate understanding of one's own place in the world.

Aux côtés du meurtre et de toute une gamme d'intimidations, le rapt fait partie de l'arsenal des coups de force dont la vie politique médiévale et moderne est ponctuée. L'enlèvement des femmes, consenti ou non, est un phénomène largement attesté dans ces sociétés. Mais sa dérivation politique inclut aussi les princes fragiles, jeunes ou déments, et les adversaires du souverain. Souvent improvisé par des acteurs en proie aux circonstances, le rapt est rarement qualifié pour ce qu'il est, mais constitue une préoccupation croissante des milieux curiaux, confirmant l'importance cruciale de l'incarnation du pouvoir. ; Along with murder and a whole range of intimidating acts, abduction used to belong to the arsenal of violence which punctuated medieval and early modern political life. The abduction of women, with or without their consent, was a widespread phenomenon in those societies. But its political adaptation also targeted frail, young or mad princes, as well as the monarch's ennemies. Very often, kidnappings were improvised and performed by actors in a rush. Although rarely named with proper words, those abductions became an increasingly absorbing concern among courtly environments, thus confirming the decisive importance of the embodiment of power.

As is well known, in order for the preliminary reference procedure to function properly, national courts must have both the cognitive and the political ability to engage in a judicial dialogue with the Court of Justice. The Court of Justice itself must be able to – at least sufficiently – understand the factual background and the legal issues (and possible the broader legal and political background) of the question posed. In this Article, we discuss a case study, which shows that a number of procedural variables – often outside the control of the referring court – can come in the way of a fully functional preliminary reference mechanism. The Article examines two preliminary questions (from Italy and the Netherlands), by focusing specifically on the reasoning of both national referring courts, and the answers given to both courts by the Court of Justice, in order to assess whether and to which extent the Italian court has grounds to consider that its questions have not been properly answered. Ultimately, the contribution will attempt at teasing out, from this case study, a number of challenges posed to the correct functioning of the preliminary ruling procedure.

This paper contributes to the debate on the causes of unemployment in interwar Germany. It applies the Layard-Nickell model of the labour market to interwar Germany, using a new quarterly data set. The basic model is extended to capture the effects of the tariff wage under the Weimar Republic and the Nazis. The estimated equations suggest that demand shocks, combined with nominal inertia in the labour market, were important in explaining unemployment. In addition real wage pressures due to the political processes of wage determination were a major influence on unemployment. Negative demand shocks appear to have been initially domestic and to have started before the impact of the World Depression. Both negative developments on the demand side of the economy and pressures coming from the supply side raised unemployment in the slump. In the recovery the wage policies of the Nazis and the revival of demand both contributed to the fall in unemployment. The mutual reinforcement of these factors may help to explain the severity of the interwar cycle in Germany. It also serves to emphasize the close connection between political and economic processes in this important episode in macroeconomic history.

The paper contains comments made on the Financial Stability Board's (FSB) Consultation Report concerning the success of regulatory reforms since the global financial crisis of 2007-2009. According to these comments, the FSB's assessment of the role of equity is too narrow, being phrased in terms of bankruptcy avoidance and risk taking incentives, without attention to debt overhang creating distortions in funding choices, as well as the systemic impact of ample equity reducing deleveraging needs after losses and equity contributing to smoothing of lending and asset purchases over time. The FSB's treatment of systemic risk pays too little attention to mutual interdependence of different parts of the system that is not well captured by linear causal relationships. Finally, the comments point out that bank resolution of systemically important institutions is still not viable, for lack of political acceptance of single-point-of-entry procedures, for lack of funding of banks in resolution (in the EI), for lack of fiscal backstops (in the EU), and for lack of political acceptance of bank resolution with bail-in.

Purpose: There is widely recognition of the need to effectively consume the energy, particularly in energy deficient countries. The effective use of energy requires that one must know the current efficiency level, so appropriate measures may be taken to make the efficient use of energy. Present study in an attempt to measure the energy efficiency and determinants of energy efficiency in fourteen selected developing economies of Asia for the time period 2007 to 2013. DEA double bootstrap technique has been used for estimation purposes. The results of bias corrected energy efficiency indicate that there is not even a single economy that is fully energy efficient over the period under consideration. After measuring the energy efficiency, truncated regression analysis is utilized to find the determinants of energy efficiency. The results indicate that industrial share and per capita income have positive effect on energy efficiency, while corruption, political instability and voice and accountability have negative impact on energy efficiency. So there is dire need to control corruption, political stability needs to be resorted and voice and accountability system needs to be redefined.

The article analyses contexts in which the category of hope appears in the texts of Mikhail Gorbachev's speeches and writings. His main programmatic texts and political manifestoes, in which the creator of the perestroika policy explained and justified its main assumptions, have been taken into account. Although "hope" does not belong among words with which Gorbachev's reader is confronted on every page his writings, considered against the background of the Soviet authorities' discourse, the last leader of the USSR uses this term in an extraordinary, courageous manner, testifying to a qualitative change in the manner of the formulation of political messages in the Soviet Union. ; W artykule analizowane są konteksty, w których kategoria nadziei pojawia się w tekstach przemówień i pism Michaiła Gorbaczowa. Uwzględniono główne teksty programowe i manifesty polityczne ostatniego sekretarza generalnego KPZR – teksty, w których twórca polityki pierestrojki wyjaśnia i uzasadnia jej główne założenia. "Nadzieja" nie należy przy tym do słów, z którymi czytelnik Gorbaczowa styka się na każdej stronie jego pism. Na tle dyskursu władz radzieckich ostatni przywódca ZSRR wykorzystuje jednak ten termin w sposób niezwykły, odważny, świadczący o jakościowej zmianie sposobu formułowania przekazów politycznych.

Abstract. The main aim of this study is to explain how institutional change, based on processes of democratization, governs the origin and diffusion of technological innovation across economies. This study suggests that institutional change, based on a progressive democratization of countries, is a driving force of inventions and adoption of usable innovations in society. Policy makers, considering the positive associations between institutional change, based on a process of democratization, and paths of technological innovation, can propose best practices directed to support a higher economic freedom in society, effective regulation, higher economic and political stability, good economic governance and higher level of education system. Overall, then, institutional change, based on democratization, is a precondition for sustaining fruitful paths of technological innovation to govern the development of economies in the presence of globalization and geographical expansion in world economic system.Keywords. Institutional change, Technological innovation, Patents, Technological change, Economic change, Social change, Regulatory quality, Rule of law, Political stability, Innovative outputs, Democracy, Democratization, Economic growth, Economic performances, Rich countries, Emerging economies.JEL. B52, F55, O17, O31, O33, O35, O43, P10, P14, P48.

In view of these considerations, when defining the lords of the south of the Lake of Maracaibo they are considered as the owners of haciendas, that established human networks, visible in their social, familiar, patronage or clientele relations; Also in its political relations with the cabildos; In its economic network appreciable in intra-regional and extra-regional links; And even in its notorious cultural network in its identification with its place of birth and residence, forming an endogamic group recognized as a "proprietary nobility" and a social elite that sustains on its agrarian heritage its political and commercial functions. ; Los señores del sur del Lago de Maracaibo fueron los propietarios de haciendas, que establecieron redes humanas, visibles en sus relaciones sociales, familiares, de patronazgo o de clientela; asimismo en sus relaciones políticas con los cabildos; en su red económica apreciable en los vínculos intrarregionales y extra regionales; e incluso en su red cultural notoria en su identificación con su lugar de nacimiento y residencia, conformando un grupo endogámico reconocido como una "nobleza propietaria" y una elite social que sustenta sobre su patrimonio agrario sus funciones políticas y comerciales.

Current developments of Spanish politics, such as the exponential growth of the Spanish extreme right –represented both by the recently formed radical party Vox and a radicalised Partido Popular–, have reinforced and stimulated the expansion of national-populist politics at both sides of the political spectrum. Well established left-wing nationalist parties such as EH Bildu in the Basque-speaking territories, as well as the until recently fast-growing progressive party Podemos in the rest of the Spanish State represent, on the other hand, the left-wing counterpart. This article offers new perspectives on the study of Spanish national-populism by the simultaneous analysis of its "lexical arsenals" and visual communication strategies in social media campaigns, posters and political performances. The chosen methodology aims to combine the notions of "palabras totem" –keywords with particular relevance in the discourse-building strategies of these parties–those of "purr" and "snarl" words –imbued with particularly positive-negative connotations – and that of "lexical arsenals" to face the study of the "special languages" of Spanish national-populism. ; DFG, 390608380, EXC 2020: Temporal Communities. Literatur als Praxis in globaler Perspektive

There are almost 1 million Rohingya refugees currently living in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh. The vast majority of these people are confined to government-run camps—they live in deplorable conditions, are unable to legally work or leave the camps, and are entirely supported by international aid. The Rohingya suffer from a distinct lack of access to durable solutions, in that safe return to Myanmar is not possible and the prospects of local integration or resettlement to a third country are extremely limited. While ending refugee crises invariably requires long-term political solutions, this article will argue that where repeated efforts to pressure Myanmar to address its human rights abuses and create the conditions for safe and voluntary repatriation have proven ineffective, more attention should be paid to shorter-term humanitarian solutions. Potential interim strategies designed to increase self-sufficiency, dignity and wellbeing will be assessed with a view to developing a holistic strategy that can provide short- and medium-term support, while a longer-term political solution to what is one of world's most severe humanitarian crises is sought.

Bringing political ecology's concern with the critical politics of nature and resource violence into dialogue with key debates in political geography, critical security studies and research on the geographies and phenomenology of violence and warfare, this paper explores strategies 'from above' in relation to the establishment and operation of the Rio Tinto QIT-Madagascar Minerals (QMM) ilmenite mine in southeast Madagascar. While QMM claims to be a responsible 'green' self-regulator and sustainable development actor, it has triggered serious social, environmental and legal conflicts since its inception, including allegations of a 'double land grab' to accommodate mining activities and compensatory biodiversity offsetting. We argue that 'pacification', theorised as a productive form of violence that works through the re-ordering of socio-nature, underwrites the forms of 'security', 'stability' and even 'sustainability' that facilitate multiple and overlapping strategies of value extraction in the territorial and extra-territorial spaces occupied by the QMM mine partnership. By situating these dynamics historically, we identify ways in which pacification draws upon sedimented and evolving logics of racialised violence to facilitate operations and silence opposition.