Suchergebnisse

ÖZET Cumhuriyet'in ilan edilmesi ile gerçekleşmeye başlayan siyasal reform programları demokrasinin işlerliğinin kazanılması adına çok partili siyasal hayatı zorunlu kılmıştır. Ancak demokrasi için zorunlu olan bu durum toplumsal ve siyasal ortamda yenileşme hareketlerine elverişli ortamın oluşmaması yüzünden ertelenmiştir. II. Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından otoriter ve totaliter rejimlerin arka planda kalması ve buna bağlı olarak demokrasi kavramının öneminin artması birçok devlet gibi Türkiye Cumhuriyeti siyasal hayatı içinde büyük bir değişime neden olmuştur. Dünya siyasetindeki değişen bu konjonktür ile daha önce çok partili siyaseti Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası ve Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası ile iki kez tecrübe eden ancak olumsuz bir sonuç ile karşılaşan Türk siyasetinde yeni adımların atılmasına neden olmuştur. Üçüncü çok partili siyasal hayat tecrübesi 1945 senesinde kurulan Milli Kalkınma Partisi ile olmuştur. Ancak dönem şartları ile tam mana ile ülke çapında örgütlenemeyen bu parti, Türk siyasetindeki muhalefet boşluğunu kapatamamıştır. Bu süreçte muhalefet boşluğunu 1946 senesinde kurulacak olan Demokrat Parti doldurmuştur. Kuruluşundan dört sene sonra 14 Mayıs 1950 günü genel seçimlerinde muhalefet koltuğundan iktidar koltuğuna geçen Demokrat Parti bu bağlamda Türk siyaseti adına önemli bir dönüm noktasını teşkil etmektedir. 1950 seçimleri ile "Beyaz Devrim'i" gerçekleştiren ve on yıl süre ile iktidar partisi olan Demokrat Parti, 1945-1960 arası dönemde yapılmış olan genel seçimlerinin tahlilinde de ayrı bir öneme sahip olmuştur. Demokrat Parti'nin kuruluşu, çok partili siyasal hayatın fiili olarak başlaması, 1945-1960 arası dönemde yapılan genel seçimler, bu seçimlerde uygulanan seçim sistemi ve bu süreçte yürürlükte olan Milletvekili Seçim Kanunu, Türk siyasal hayatında demokrasinin konumu, işlevi ve devamlılığı açısından büyük bir alt yapı oluşturmaktadır. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın merkezi odak noktası olarak 1945-1960 yılları arasında yapılan seçimler ve bu seçimlerde uygulanmakta olan seçim sistemleri ele alınmıştır. Bu süreçte geçerli olan çoğunlukçu seçim sistemi verileri ile nispi temsil seçim sistemi analizi yapılarak karşılaştırılmış ve bu sonuçların siyasal partilere etkisi ele alınmıştır. --- ABSTRACT The political reform programs, which started with the proclamation of the Republic, necessitated the multi-party-political life in order to gain the functioning of democracy. However, this situation, which is necessary for democracy, has been postponed due to the lack of an environment conducive to social and Political Renewal movements. After World War II, the authoritarian and totalitarian regimes remained in the background and consequently the importance of the concept of democracy has led to a major change in the political life of the Republic of Turkey, like many other states. With this changing conjuncture in world politics, Turkish politics, which had been experienced twice with the progressive Republican Party and the Free Republican Party but faced with a negative result, had led to the new steps taken in. The third multi-party-political life experience was with the National Development Party established in 1945. However, this party, which could not be fully organized because of the conditions of the period, could not have closed the gap of opposition in Turkish politics. During this period, the Democratic Party, established in 1946, filled the gap of the opposition. Four years after its foundation, the Democratic Party, which was elected from the seat of the opposition in the general elections on May 14, 1950, became an important turning point in the name of Turkish politics in this context. The Democratic Party, which carried out the "White Revolution" with the 1950 elections and which was the ruling party for ten years, had also been a separate factor in the analysis of the general elections held between 1945 and 1960. The establishment of the Democratic Party, the actual start of multi-party-political life, the general elections held between 1945 and 1960, the electoral system applied in these elections, and the parliamentary election law in force in this period constitute a major infrastructure in terms of the position, function and continuity of democracy in Turkish political life. In this context, the central focus of the study was the elections held between 1945 and 1960 and the election systems that are being implemented in these elections. In this process, the majority voting system data and proportional representation election system analysis were compared and the impact of these results on political parties were discussed.

The city as a business center is an organization that includes lower-level organizations along with the Internet as well as the necessary techniques and technologies, as well as an attitude towards changes in relations with clients and placed in the natural and social environment.The purpose of the work is to justify that there is still current theorem from Rykla (2006), that The collapse of the world communist system (Second World) at the turn of the seventies and nineties of the twentieth century caused the breakdown of the political and ideological division of the world, which enabled return to the classical model of the core and periphery in the global economy system. The division is perceived in relation to the countries of Western, Central and Eastern Europe. The global economic and political system of the world has also led to the shifting of the center of gravity of development and the pace of the emergence of new cities as business centers to Asian countries (Lipińska 2018). The utilitarian purpose of the work is to initiate work on the cities' compliance with the semi-periphery and periphery of the civilization challenge of countries (and even global cities themselves) that are currently more developed. This view was expressed by Z. Rykiel (2006) claiming that the basis for meeting the civilizational challenge should be to understand that the functions constituting the core of the world system are knowledge, innovation production and management of Z. Rykla (2006). Observing the changes in the global economic and political system, it seems that one should seek an answer to the question: Is the return of the world economic and political system to small cities a form of deep ecology, i.e. a holistic view of the trend and progress in the growth of sustainable urban development seeing man as an individual in a global state? A feature of the research is their repeatability and comparability, which means that the result of the research depends on the assumptions made.Key words: big and small cities; ecological economics; environmental economics; sustainable development; the core of the global economic and political system; semi-periphery of the global economic and political system; the periphery of the global economic and political system; background of the global economic and political system. ; Miasto jako centrum biznesu jest organizacją obejmującą organizacje niższego rzędu wraz z internetem oraz potrzebne techniki i technologie, a także nastawienie na zmiany w relacjach z klientami i umieszczoną w środowisku przyrodniczym i społecznym. Celem pracy jest uzasadnienie, że wciąż jest aktualne twierdzenie Z Rykla (2006 s. 228), iż Upadek światowego systemu komunistycznego (Drugiego Świata) na przełomie lat siedemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. spowodował załamanie się polityczno-ideologicznego podziału świata, co umożliwiło powrót do klasycznego modelu rdzenia i peryferii w systemie gospodarki światowej. Obserwuje się utrwalenie się tego podziału w stosunku do państw Zachodniej, Środowej i Wschodniej Europy. Światowy system ekonomiczno-polityczny świata doprowadził również do przesunięcia się obecnie punktu ciężkości rozwoju oraz tempa powstawania nowych miast jako centrów biznesu do krajów azjatyckich (Lipińska 2018). Celem utylitarnym pracy jest spowodowanie podjęcia prac nad sprostaniem przez miasta semiperyferii i peryferii wyzwaniu cywilizacyjnemu krajów (a nawet już samych miast globalnych) obecnie wyżej rozwiniętych. Podgląd ten wyraził Z. Rykiel (2006), twierdząc, że podstawą sprostania wyzwaniu cywilizacyjnemu powinno być zrozumienie, że funkcjami konstytuującymi rdzeń systemu światowego są wiedza, wytwarzanie innowacji i zarządzanie Z. Rykla (2006). Obserwując dokonujące się zmiany w światowym systemie ekonomiczno-politycznym wydaje się, że należy poszukiwać odpowiedzi na pytanie: Czy powrót światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego świata do miast małych jest formą głębokiej ekologii, tj. nurtem holistycznego ujęcia i postępem we wzroście zrównoważonego rozwoju miast z punktu widzenia człowieka jako jednostki w państwie globalnym? Cechą badań jest ich powtarzalność i porównywalność, a to oznacza, że wynik badań zależy od przyjętych założeń.Słowa kluczowe: wielkie i małe miasta; ekonomia ekologiczna; ekonomia środowiska; zrównoważony rozwój; rdzeń światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; semiperyferie światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; peryferie światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; tło światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego.

Relations aimed at obtaining of information and limiting access to it existed and exist in all public and state-political systems. Access to information has given rise to openness (transparency) of information. At the same time, the restrictions on access to information have created a secret of information.After all, the problem of effective regulation of these relationships is relevant to many spheres of public life (and especially in the context of openness of borders) for cross-border relations.Transparency English transparent from lat. trans transparent, through + pareo to be obvious. Clarity, honesty – this is the state of awareness (the presence of complete, sufficient and reliable knowledge) about one or another activity (its objects or results), which allows any interested subject to have a complete picture about them.The urgency of establishing a regime of border transparency is due to the very formulation of the problem of openness in society and the activation of the contact function of borders.Cross-border territories in which cultural and civilization codes, qualifications and competences are crossed, possess high industrial and socio-cultural potential. Relying on this, the very free, transparent interaction should be at the basis of economic exploitation of border and cross-border territories.For today in democratic society any form of cross-border cooperation (TBC) requires the establishment of a regime of transparency.Transparency in cross-border cooperation can be regarded as a legal institution and a legal regime created on the basis of it, consisting of a set of legal relationships regarding access to various subjects of information. Its unhindered curiosity to the completeness and reliability of information (of course, with the elements of accessibility to a certain extent and under certain conditions).Between the modes of secrecy of information and transparency are located legal regimes that representing a combination of compromises of elements of both, arranged in each case in different proportions. In some cases, the decisive factor is the moment of openness with the elements of limiting access to information, in other cases, on the contrary, the content of the closed-loop information regime is decisive.Attributive characteristics of trans-border transparency are next. Transparency is provided as a technological characteristic of transparency, openness as an institutional characteristic that involves the creation of opportunities (consolidation of norms, rules and principles), publicity as a focus of transparency, the availability of any information on various social actors, and accountability as a controlling property of transparency.Transparency is a relatively new object for scientific research, which at present has not received sufficient coverage in scientific works. A certain basis for its study is laid out in studies on publicity.Transparency as a social phenomenon is such state of awareness (the availability of complete, sufficient and reliable knowledge) about one or another activity (its objects or results), which allows any interested subject to have a complete picture of them.Transparency of borders is a principle that allows them to use their contact functions. Transparency in the broad sense should provide an understanding of the philosophy of cross-border cooperation between each of the parties, thereby ensuring the maintenance of adequate relations that must be formed between the two actors (cross-border regions).Key words: transparency policy; transparency of borders; border transparent zones; cross-border cooperation. ; Відносини, спрямовані на отримання інформації та обмеження доступу до неї, існували та існують у всіх громадських і державно-політичних системах. Отримання доступу до інформації породили відкритість (транспарентність), яка також слугує важливим елементом відкритості заходів державної влади, що дає змогу суспільству отримати інформацію про роботу механізму влади на прикордонних територіях, а також може сприяти економічному зростанню, підвищенню конкурентоспроможності прикордонних територій. Розглянуто особливості, переваги і проблеми проведення політики транспарентності, зокрема інформаційну відкритість прикордонних територій. Акцентовано увагу на одному із форматів прозорості у процесі транскордонного співробітництва – прикордонних транспарентних зонах. Розкрито зміст поняття транспарентності прикордонних територій, відокремлено деякі її форми та принципи.Ключові слова: транспарентність; відкритість прикордонних територій; прикордонні транспарентні зони; транскордонне співробітництво.

Over the past decades, the interconnection of intergovernmental relations with ethno-territorial, separatist political processes has been growing. The urgency of the topic is determined by the transformation of the modern system of international relations and the increasing importance of settling both old and new conflicts and stabilizing the domestic political situation in certain regions of the world in shaping the agenda of world politics. One of the main sources of conflictuality is the South Caucasus region, where the issue of operational and preventive action of international organizations in the sphere of stabilization of political life in the southern Caucasian countries remains relevant.The scientific task was a comprehensive revision of occurrence, exacerbation and escalation processes in the South Caucasus to track common and different evolutionary conflict models in these countries, to find out the main obstacles to their long-term settlement in terms of their relevance for Ukraine in the conditions of aggression of the Russian Federation against our state, and to identify in this context possible ways and means for an effective counteraction against the aggressor in order to stabilize and achieve a long-term resolution of the conflict.This article analyses the systemic nature of military conflicts and political crises in the region of South Causasus, traces the main conflict factors and destabilization in the evolutional context of Georgian-Abkhazian, Georgian-South Ossetian and Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. It features occurrence, escalation, de-escalation and «freezing» of conflicts, traces their common evolutionary model, outlines the main problems of their settlement. This research is particularly urgent because of recent escalation in the Eastern Ukraine and necessary search for long-term and effective conflict-resolution mechanisms.The methodological background is formed by general scientific principles of objectivity, pluralism and systemicity in order to avoid excessive and unjustified criticism and to achieve a formulation of balanced and unbiased conclusions. A comprehensive approach is used for wide-ranging research for getting a general idea of the complex of relationships and processes that create a multilevel and complex conflict phenomenon in the South Caucasus region.Key words: South Caucasus; conflict potential; disintegration; destabilization; «frozen conflicts»; internationalization and resolution of conflicts. ; Протягом останніх десятиліть все більше зростає взаємозв'язок міждержавних відносин з етнонаціональними територіальними, сепаратистськими політичними процесами. Актуальність теми визначається трансформацією сучасної системи міжнародних відносин та зростанням значення врегулювання як старих, так нових конфліктів та стабілізації внутрішньополітичної ситуації в окремих регіонах світу при формуванні порядку денного світової політики. Одним з основним джерелом конфліктогенності виступають країни Південнокавказького регіону, актуальним залишається питання оперативної та превентивної діяльності міжнародних організацій у сфері стабілізації політичного життя у країнах Південного Кавказу.Науковими завданнями було комплексно дослідити процес виникнення, загострення та ескалації конфліктів на Південному Кавказі, відслідкувати їхні спільні та відмінні еволюційні моделі, з'ясувати основні перепони на шляху до їхнього довгострокового врегулювання з точки зору їхньої актуальності для України в умовах агресії Російської Федерації проти нашої держави, та визначити у цьому контексті можливі шляхи та способи ефективної протидії агресору задля стабілізації та мирного врегулювання конфлікту.Проаналізовано системний характер конфліктів і військово-політичних криз у регіоні Південного Кавказу, відстежено основні чинники конфліктогенності і дестабілізації у контексті генези грузино-абхазького, грузинсько-південноосетинського, вірменсько-азербайджанського конфліктів. Розглянуто особливості виникнення, ескалації, деескалації та «замороження» даних конфліктів, відслідкована їхня споріднена еволюційна модель, окреслені основні проблеми їхнього врегулювання. Дослідження особливо актуальне з огляду на загострення та ескалацію протистояння на Сході України та необхідність пошуку ефективних механізмів розв'язання аналогічних конфліктів.Методологічним підґрунтям стали загальнонаукові принципи об'єктивності, плюралізму та системності з метою уникнення надмірного і необґрунтованого критицизму та формулювання зважених і неупереджених висновків. У дослідженні поставленої проблеми застосовано комплексний підхід для її всебічного вивчення і формування загального уявлення про комплекс взаємовідносин і процесів, які творять багаторівневий і складний за природою феномен конфліктогенності Південнокавказького регіону.Ключові слова: Південний Кавказ; конфліктогенність; дезінтеграція; дестабілізація; «замороження»; інтернаціоналізація і врегулювання конфліктів.

Malnutrition and illnesses always accompanied a man of the medieval epoch. Some experts even suggested that the powerful pandemics put an end to, in fact, the Middle Ages era, because a new society, which originated in the wreckage of the feudal "organism", had already modern featuresThe main idea of the article is to analyze the outbreaks of natural disasters (famine and epidemics) in Halych-Volhynian state during the 13–14th centuries.It was found that, in general, historical sources reported little information about social crisis caused by the lack of food or deadly diseases. The problem, it should be noted, is almost not reflected in Ukrainian historiography. The only highly specialized research on this issue is belonging to Ivan Krypiakevych, who distinguished the largest floods in Halych land in the old and early modern times. So, the testimonies of narrative sights (first of all, the Polish and Prussian medieval chronicles) about the appearance of locusts in ancient Ukrainian lands must be investigated. As it was established, for the first time from a famishment Rus' (Halych-Volhynian principality) suffered in 1219–1220 years. This information is known from local sources and "Chronicle" of Helvetian writer Cono.The crop failures periodically repeated in 1257, 1279 and, perhaps, 1315 years. The excerpt about the hunger in 1257 (from "Rocznik Krasińskich") is very important, because it has no analogues in the chronicles of Rus'. But this Polish text captures original information on the medieval history. So, the mention of the unknown annalistic about the famine that struck Bohemia, Hungary, Rus', Poland and other lands in 1257 may also belong to true historical facts. The famine of 1279 is noted in Ipatiivskyi codex. A short report about the starvation of 1315 got into Prussian Chronicles. The horrible hunger that has shaken Europe was connected, apparently, with difficult climate changes. On the basis of laconic remembrance it is difficult to establish which lands were devastated by a disaster. Perhaps, the Prussian chroniclers wrote about Novgorod or Polots'k. At the same time, a famine in 1315 could strike Halych and Volhinian lands. This problem is still unexplored.The plague caused great damage to Rus' during 1285–1286 years. Polish chronicler Jan Długosz thought, that Tatars cased the disease. They poisoned the water in Rus', so locals died by using it. His version looks wrong. However, the force of plant or animal poison was clearly not enough to make flowing or standing water unsuitable for use. At the same time, the spread of a dangerous sickness could be a direct consequence of the difficult situation of the Galician-Volhynian state. The territory of principality became a battleground between Mongolian rulers. So, the disease that struck Rus' and the surrounding land could have been caused by the fall of a corpse poison (rotting and decaying of dead bodies) into rivers or lakes, which indeed can make the reservoir a cell of infectious danger. Significant military destruction and losses in humans have contributed this process. After that, all news about the pestilence have been absent until the middle of the 14th century, when not only the territory of Halych and Volhyn principalities, but the whole medieval Europe were struck by the devastating pandemic of "the Black Death". It is interesting, but the scale of the disaster was not great. We know about "the Black Death" only from the short note of the rewriter of Volhynian Psalter.So, the results of this investigation are important for the next research of the social history of medieval Ukrainian lands. ; У статті проаналізовано спалахи стихійних лих (голоду та епідемій) в Галицько-Волинській державі впродовж ХІІІ–XIV ст. Встановлено, що у джерелах загалом небагато повідомлень про соціальні кризи, спричинені браком продуктів харчування чи смертоносними хворобами. Як вдалося з'ясувати, вперше від нестачі їжі руське населення постраждало близько 1219–1220 рр. Недорід періодично повторювався – в 1257 р., 1279 р. й, напевно, 1315 р. Чума завдала великої шкоди у 1285–1286 рр. Після цього будь-які звістки про епідемії відсутні аж до середини XIV ст., коли руйнівна пандемія "Чорної смерті" вразила не тільки терени Галицького чи Волинського князівств, але й усю середньовічну Європу. Результати цього дослідження важливі для подальшого висвітлення соціальної історії давньоукраїнських земель.

"POWER" REMAINS A CENTRAL, IF NOT INDISPENSABLE, CONCEPT IN THE SOCIAL sciences and humanities. In no discipline is this clearer than international relations (IR), where the distribution of power is believed to explain many outcomes in international politics, particularly the propensity for war and peace (Mearsheimer 2010; Friedberg 2011). The importance of the concept notwithstanding, academic and policy debates about international power have long occurred within overly restrictive conceptual boundaries, focusing on the distribution of power defined as tangible assets to explain international politics at the expense of other ways in which power is exercised. Even though this materialist theory of power has failed to help us understand some of the most conspicuous international developments of recent decades, it continues to permeate the literature about international politics. There are few places in the world where power is as crucial to shaping international dynamics as in East Asia. The critical question of whether a power shift is ongoing in the region, from Japan and the United States to China, is a central preoccupation of contemporary IR. Given the actors that are involved, the region is arguably the epicenter of a possible global power shift from the West to the East, and from the North to the South. In the East Asian region, a power shift has been seen as impending for more than two decades (Betts 1993; Friedberg 1993; Roy 1994). Today, the concept of a regional power shift is widely accepted both among scholars and observers outside of academia (Shambaugh 2005; Mearsheimer 2010; Layne 2018). A consensus has emerged that there has been a redistribution of capabilities among the major players in the region, although there are different opinions about the extent and outcome of such power shift (Li and Kemburi 2014; see also the Asian Perspective special issue "The East Asia Power Shift: A Critical Appraisal," vol. 38, no. 3, 2014; of particular interest is the introduction by Linus Hagström and Bjorn Jerden). This special issue goes beyond materialistic power theory to examine the role and impact of narratives themselves in the (apparent) power shift in East Asia. It investigates the extent to which the narratives produced and spread by key actors succeed in producing effects on third [End Page 215] parties, exploring if and how they succeed in shaping their preferences, interests, and identities regarding contested issues in East Asia. Its focus is on the narratives about China, Japan, and the United States. The underlying idea is that it is the narrative(s) that ultimately define(s) the dynamics of the East Asian security setting and IR more broadly, creating a framework for what actions are possible, when, and for whom. In short, it is ultimately the victorious/dominant narratives that themselves define what is seen as legitimate and illegitimate, what is normal and abnormal, and ultimately what is within the realm of possibility and what is not. Special emphasis is put on third parties, as it is they who are the audiences and ultimately the judges of what narrative to accept or is most attractive. For example, the fact that narratives about a more "assertive" and "threatening" China have received increased attention and acceptance is limiting China while at the same time opening new space for Japan and US foreign policy, as they are perceived as important to manage China's purported rise. This special issue starts with an article by Mikael Weissmann titled "Understanding Power (Shift) in East Asia: The Sino-US Narrative Battle about Leadership in the South China Sea." Weissmann analyzes competing US and Chinese narratives about the South China Sea. He argues that the practice of calculating power shifts in terms of changing distribution of material capabilities is inadequate. The article aims to complement existing literature by taking ideational and normative dimensions of power into account. The article asks what the Chinese narrative of power and leadership in the South China Sea looks like and how it is perceived by others in comparison with the dominant US narrative. Weissmann concludes that while a "hard" power transition is ongoing, China's preferred narrative has yet to become widely accepted and.

In this paper, the analysis and assessment of the effectiveness of the legal regulation of personal data circulation at the level of international law enforcement was carried out. The issues of the development and introduction of new mechanisms that can adequately regulate relations in the sphere of the circulation of confidential personal data are considered. This is primarily due to the fact that the human right to privacy, including respect for his personal data, is one of the fundamental principles that guarantee democratic, humane and fair interaction between the state, society and a specific individual. Ukrainian national legislation and judicial practice are still at the development stage, therefore, in the context of the implementation of the aspirations for European integration, the work addresses the very topical issue of careful study of European and world standards for protecting personal information about a person and adapting them to our legal system. The necessary measures have been studied for the further development of systemic legislation on the protection of personal data, which is a determining factor in civil society development, proper regulation in this area, both in terms of material and legal support, and in terms of developing stable and expected law enforcement practices.Analyzed the legal positions contained in international treaties, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950, and numerous national laws, where the protection of personal data is understood as an integral part of the human right to privacy. . The principles of activity in this area of the European Court of Human Rights are evaluated. The basic principles of dispute resolution, such as legality, timeliness of processing, proportionality of intervention, are studied. Concrete examples of decisions of the ECHR, including in cases against Ukraine, are given. It has been taken into account that this organization is entitled not only with regard to the issuance of a verdict in a particular case, but also through the adoption of a case-law that is obligatory for use on the territory of all Member States, it can exercise so-called judicial justice. This is done by interpreting, clarifying and specifying the content of the general provisions of the convention norms to the situations of a particular case.The case law of the ECtHR on the positive regulation of the private life of a person is noted by defining and establishing boundaries that, from the point of view of the moral foundations of society, are permissible and will not be regarded as undue interference by the legislator. The relevant criteria are assessed, formed on the basis of a judicial investigation of various interests in specific situations by the Court. The legal approaches of the European Court of Human Rights to regulating relations in the field of processing so-called "sensitive" personal data have been especially carefully studied. In particular, attention is paid to the principles of confidentiality, which is required when processing information about human health.The shortcomings of the national justice are indicated, which should be corrected in the light of the European Court's case law. It is concluded that the European judicial practice is an important benchmark to ensure proper protection of personal data in our country. This is very important because the Ukrainian legal system, in contrast to European national and international legislation (which began to pay attention to the special regulation of relations for the protection of personal data from the 80s of the last century) is only at the beginning of such a process. Therefore, it requires improving the quality of Ukrainian law and law enforcement in terms of their focus in the democratic direction of ensuring the right to respect for private life. ; У цій праці проведено аналіз та оцінено дієвість правового регулювання обороту персональних даних на рівні міжнародного правозастосування. Оцінені принципи діяльності у цій сфері Європейського суду з прав людини. Вивчені такі основні засади вирішення спорів, як законність, своєчасність обробки, пропорційність втручання. Наведені конкретні приклади рішень ЄСПЛ, у тому числі у справах проти України. Зазначені недоліки національного правосуддя, які мають бути виправлені у світлі прецедентних рішень Євросуду.

The article discusses the application of modern digital software technologies in leading national metrological institutes (NMI). Practical examples of the use of calculation systems for solving individual tasks of measuring systems and addressing everyday scientific problems are given. Based on the NIST final report on the destruction of the World Trade Center towers in New York on September 11, 2001, the practical use of modern computer simulation packages is shown. Model solutions of individual components (building structure, aircraft model, factor of mechanical and gravitational effects, temperature environment) made it possible to reconstruct and explain the processes of their destruction. The experience of using software packages for engineering analysis in PTB is presented by the example of calculating gas pressure in order to determine the Boltzmann constant. In addition, the finite element method is the main method used in the EURAMET and EMPIR projects. The above studies suggest a number of calculations to solve problems arising in the leading metrological organizations of the world. The aim of the work is to analyze and justify the principles of using computer modeling in the construction and improvement of elements of the national measurement standards. The relevance of the topic of work is determined by the Concept for the Development of the Digital Economy and Society of Ukraine for 2018–2020 and the Plan of Measures for its Implementation (the Order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 67-r dated January 17, 2018) approved by the Government of Ukraine. The main goal of the Concept is to implement an action plan to remove barriers to the di-gital transformation of Ukraine in the most promising areas. The Concept for the Development of the Digital Economy of Ukraine is in the use of digital technologies in industrial sectors in order to provide their effectiveness, competitiveness and stable development, growth in the production of high-tech products and the well-being of the population. ; В статье рассмотрены вопросы применения современных цифровых программных технологий в ведущих национальных метрологических институтах (NМІ). Приведены практические примеры использования расчетных комплексов для решения отдельных задач измерительных систем и повседневных научных задач.На основе финального отчета NIST о разрушении башен Всемирного торгового центра в Нью-Йорке 11 сентября 2001 года показано практическое использование современных пакетов компьютерного моделирования. Модельные решения отдельных составляющих (конструкция зданий, модель самолетов, фактор механического и гравитационного воздействия, температурное окружение) позволили реконструировать и объяснить процессы их разрушения. Опыт использования программных пакетов инженерного анализа в РТВ представлен примером расчета давления в газе с целью определения постоянной Больцмана. Кроме того, метод конечных элементов ‒ основной метод, который используется в проектах EURAMET и EMPIR. Указанные выше исследования предполагают выполнение ряда расчетов для решения задач, возникающих в ведущих метрологических организациях мира.Целью работы является анализ и обоснование принципов использования компьютерного моделирования при построении и совершенствовании элементов национальных эталонов. ; Розглянуто питання застосування сучасних цифрових програмних технологій у провідних національних метрологічних інститутах (NМІ). Наведено практичні приклади використання розрахункових комплексів для вирішення окремих завдань вимірювальних систем і розв'язання повсякденних наукових задач. На основі фінального звіту NIST про руйнування веж Всесвітнього торгового центру в Нью-Йорку 11 вересня 2001 року наведено практичне використання сучасних пакетів комп'ютерного моделювання. Модельні рішення окремих складових (конструкція будівель, модель літаків, фактор механічного та гравітаційного впливу, температурне оточення) дозволили реконструювати і пояснити процеси їх руйнування. Досвід використання програмних пакетів інженерного аналізу в РТВ відображено прикладом розрахунку тис-ку в газі з метою визначення сталої Больцмана. Крім того, метод скінченних елементів є основним методом, що використовується в проєктах EURAMET та EMPIR. Зазначені вище дослідження забезпечують виконання ряду розрахунків для вирішення завдань, що виникають у провідних метрологічних організаціях світу.Метою роботи є аналіз і обґрунтування принципів використання комп'ютерного моделювання при побудові та вдосконаленні елементів національних еталонів. Актуальність теми роботи визначається схваленою урядом Кон-цепцією розвитку цифрової економіки і суспільства України на 2018–2020 рр. та планом заходів щодо її реалізації (розпорядження Кабінету Міністрів України від 17 січня 2018 № 67-р). Концепція розвитку цифрової економіки України полягає у використанні цифрових технологій у секторах промисловості для їх ефективності, конкурентоспроможності та сталого розвитку, зростання обсягів виробництва високотехнологічної продукції та добробуту населення.

Problem setting. For many years, international and internal experts have stressed that since Independence, Ukraine has been heavily influenced by corruption both in the public administration and in the private sector. Accordingly, a considerable demand for active action of the state in the sphere of combating corruption as the mass phenomenon has formed in our society. For the sake of effectiveness, it is necessary to have the clear understanding of the strategy and directions of the state anti-corruption policy.Recent research and publications analysis. Recent research and publications analysis testifies to the popularity of researches into the problems of forming and implementing public policies in the field of corruption prevention. Various aspects of anti-corruption policy were investigated by Z. Zhivak, S. Kondratyuk, and I. Revak (in terms of managing economic processes in society); V. Vasilevich, T. Vasilevska, V. Nestyrovich, Y. Kovbasyuk and others. (formation and implementation of the state anti-corruption policy), O. Bereza (as a factor in the implementation of socio-economic reforms). The separate block of sources on anti-corruption activities of the state are laws and accompanying documents, as well as reports of international organizations and experts. On the other hand, during 2019 a number of significant state-political changes took place in Ukraine. That mainly influenced the visions and strategic decisions in various spheres of social and political life, including in the sphere of combating corruption.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. There are new visions to the development of anti-corruption policy in Ukraine based on the needs of society and the tendencies of administrative decisions, which are embodied in normative legal acts.Paper main body. In the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), which is compiled by Transparency International's global anti-corruption organization and based on estimates from entrepreneurs and analysts, our country ranked 120th in the 2018 list of 180 countries in the world.The article analyzes the Laws of Ukraine:– "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Ensuring the Effectiveness of the Institutional Mechanism for Corruption Prevention";– "On Amendments to the Law of Ukraine" On Corruption Prevention "for Corruptors";– "On Prevention of Corruption" state anti-corruption policy in Ukraine (Anti-corruption strategy) for 2014 – 2017";– Draft Law of Ukraine "On Anti-Corruption Strategy 2018 – 2020";– Program Provisions of the Government of Ukraine Plan on Combating Corruption;– Survey Report on Entrepreneurs, Experts and the Population as a whole "Corruption in Ukraine: Understanding, Perception, Prevalence" 2018.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The analysis of the program documents showed the existence of certain main directions of the state policy in the sphere of prevention of corruption, implementation of which is necessary for overcoming (maximum reduction) of this phenomenon. From the point of view of the modern Ukrainian politicum the following areas are:– improvement of legal regulation of issues of prevention, detection and counteraction of corruption;– formation in society of intolerant corruption in all spheres of public life and in the private sector;– information interaction with the society and communication support for reforms, access to information;– creation of a virtuous public service (special attention is needed by the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, employees of state-owned enterprises, representatives of political parties);– the introduction of effective mechanisms for identifying, preventing conflicts of interest, as well as declaring property, income, expenses and liabilities of the financial nature of public authorities, which provides for cross-checking by means of all available registers and electronic accounting systems;– effective activity of the entire law enforcement system, which carries out anti-corruption measures;– counteracting corruption in the process of privatization and management of public resources, eliminating corruption preconditions for doing business, forming a favorable climate for corrupting the business climate and intolerant business attitude to corruption. ; Проаналізовано стратегічні напрями запобігання корупції в Україні. Визначено причини їх зміни та суспільний запит на такі дії керівництва держави. Охарактеризовано базові нормативно-правові документи, які регламентують діяльність держави у напрямі запобігання корупції. Базуючись на аналізі останніх змін, визначено тенденції розвитку процесів запобігання корупції, властиві розвитку нашого суспільства на сучасному етапі.

Здійснено аналіз специфіки взаємодії еліт у публічному просторі постмодерної держави. Ідентифіковано основні тенденції та фактори, які впливають на його деконструкцію, що стосується розширення можливостей доступу до кіл соціально-значимих осіб, посилення їх інституційного статусу та функціонального призначення щодо формування громадської думки та прийняття політичних рішень. Розкрито особливості співвідношення елітарних соціальних та політичних груп, наділених реальними повноваженнями управління суспільством. Описано ознаки формування органів державної влади в добу постмодерну й типи взаємовідносин державно-управлінської еліти та політичної еліти, що характеризується зростанням тенденцій обопільного контролю між ними, плюралізацією та монолітністю еліт, забезпеченням внутрішньоелітної єдності як єдиної умови досягнення функціонального консенсусу еліт, що з необхідністю позначається на технології прийняття політичних рішень. ; Problem setting. The identification of different methodological sections and constructs of the political and state-administrative elite in contemporary conditions of social development expresses the conceptual expediency of analyzing the specificity of the interaction of the elite within the postmodern state. Based on this profound reduction, it is necessary to analyze the specificity of the interaction of elites in the public space of the postmodern state, which is based on the identification of relevant tendencies and factors that affect its deconstruction.Recent research and publications analysis. T. Dai paid special attention to the new functional assignment of the elites, which is based not only on their ability to hold high positions in the state and exercise broad functions of public administration, but also to influence political events in the life of society.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. J. Corvetaris considered the elites as an opportunity to provide an influx of "fresh thoughts" into the sphere of public administration, thereby necessitating the expansion of a wide range of the elite's stratification line. R.-J. Schwartzberger eamined the elite as a "closed caste, which is a triangle of power, consisting of political scientists, higher administration and business community, who absolutely control the power, form the government, rule the state, run large corporations and banks."Paper main body. Analyzing the interaction of elites in the public space of the postmodern state, it is advisable to start from the definition of its functional potential. In this regard, K. Sixton proposes to understand the essence of the state-administrative elite because of its ability to act as a separate institutional structure that ensures the strategic development of the public administration system of the state, scientist also identified the main features of the formation of political bodies of state executive power in the postmodern era. D. Lain distinguished the main types of relations between the state-administrative elite and the political elite: formal-constitutional, bureaucratic, political-administrative, economic, which lead to the transformation of the state-administrative elite into "independent politically active bureaucracy". A. Boka characterized the main directions of participation of the state-administrative elite in political processes. Particular attention is paid to the classification of models of interaction of elites, elaborated by F. Hunter, within it the following models are distinguished: merger, corporatist, pluralistic, participative, which testifies to the close interaction of political and state administrative systems within the postmodern state.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Thus, our analysis of the specificity of the interaction of elites in the public space of the postmodern state allowed identifying trends and factors that influence its deconstruction, regarding the expansion of opportunities for access to circles of socially significant persons, strengthening their institutional status and functional purpose for forming public opinion and adoption of political decisions. On the basis of that, the peculiarities of the ratio of elite social and political groups, endowed with real powers of governing society, the features of the formation of state authorities in the postmodern era, and the types of relations between the state-administrative elite and the political elite werre revealed.

The combined effects of digital communication technologies, political upheavalsaround the world, waves of powerful activism and protests have injected a newurgency into communication research. How communication theory is able to respondto this challenge is a matter of discussion, including the question of the adequacy ofolder theories to the new circumstances. This paper, aims to add to this discussion byreturning to Habermas's pragmatics, one of the 20th century communication classics,to reflect on how communication and other forms of action interact in campaigns forsocial change in the context of the growing reach of strategic communication and thegrowing role of social media in activism.This article starts by posing theoretical disjuncture as a problem shared bya number of communication subfields, such as public communication, public relations,communication for social change, and my particular example, developmentcommunication. The more recent scholarship, however, has moved away fromthis state of knowledge. Instead, scholars highlight the need to embrace non-linearmodels of communication for social change, and appear to embrace hybridity to dealwith the theoretical confusion in the field.The analysis presented in this article aims to demonstrate that Habermas'scommunication pragmatics works well to explicate complex campaigning practicesin a consistent and yet theoretically expansive way. Re-reading Habermas makes itpossible also to respond to the call articulated by social movement scholars to movebeyond the limits of strategy and to recognize the importance of larger cultural conversationsand scripts. Conceptualizing public campaigning as chains of speech acts,defined here as both linguistic and nonlinguistic acts, offers an analytical tool thatworks across different levels, spaces, and actors involved in social change efforts andthat privileges communication as the explanatory mechanism for the contemporarysocial change praxis.Finally, returning to Habermas's work underscores the importance of a validposition, rather than a desirable identity, from which to engage with others in thesocial world. This invites a clear and consistent focus on action and its basis (moralposition) rather than on attributions ascribed to organizations and campaigners(identity). The key question thus shifts from 'Do you like me/trust me sufficientlyfollow me?' to a more substantial, 'Is this a good thing to do?'. ; Technologie komunikacji cyfrowej, światowe wstrząsy polityczne, fale silnego aktywizmui protesty spowodowały, że badania nad komunikacją znów stały się niezbędne.Można dyskutować, jak teoria komunikacji jest w stanie odpowiedzieć na to wyzwaniei czy stare teorie są adekwatne w stosunku do nowo zaistniałych warunków.Niniejszy artykuł jest w zamierzeniu częścią tej dyskusji i zwraca się ponownie dopragmatyki Habermasa, jednego z klasyków komunikacji XX w., aby podjąć refleksjęnad tym, jak komunikacja i inne formy aktywności oddziałują na siebie w kampaniachdotyczących zmian społecznych, w kontekście rosnącego zasięgu komunikacji strategicznejoraz rosnącej roli mediów społecznościowych w aktywizmie.Artykuł zaczyna się od przedstawienia teoretycznego rozłamu jako problemuwielu podobszarów komunikacji, takich jak komunikacja publiczna, PR, komunikacjadla zmiany społecznej oraz komunikacja rozwojowa, którą opisuję jako szczególnyprzykład. Nowsze badania odstąpiły od tej problematyki. W zamian badacze podkreślająpotrzebę przyjęcia nieliniowych modeli komunikacji dla zmiany społeczneji decydują się na przyjęcie hybrydowości jako rozwiązania teoretycznego zamętuw ramach tej dziedziny.Celem analizy przedstawionej w niniejszym artykule jest wykazanie, że pragmatykakomunikacji Habermasa dobrze objaśnia skomplikowane praktyki prowadzeniakampanii w sposób spójny, a także ekspansywny teoretycznie. Odczytanie Habermasana nowo umożliwia również udzielenie odpowiedzi na postulaty wysuwane przezbadaczy ruchów społecznych, aby wyjść poza granice strategii i uznać znaczenie szerszychkonwersacji i skryptów kulturowych. Konceptualizacja publicznych kampaniijako ciągów aktów mowy, zdefiniowanych tutaj jako akty językowe i pozajęzykowe,daje nam narzędzie analityczne do pracy na różnych poziomach, w różnych miejscachoraz z różnymi aktorami zaangażowanymi w działania promujące społeczną zmianę,a także uprzywilejowuje komunikację jako mechanizm wyjaśniający współczesnąpraktykę zmiany społecznej.I wreszcie, powrót do dzieł Habermasa podkreśla znaczenie uzasadnionejpozycji, z której wchodzimy w reakcję z innymi w świecie społecznym, stawiające jąponad pożądaną tożsamość. Zachęca to do poświęcenia uwagi działaniu i jegopodstawie (pozycji moralnej), a nie atrybutom przypisanym organizacji i działaczom(tożsamość). A zatem, nacisk przesuwa się z pytania "Czy lubisz mnie/ufasz miwystarczająco, aby za mną podążyć?" na ważniejsze pytanie "Czy to jest dobredziałanie?".

Cities in the 16th century were a fertile ground for the propagation of all kinds of information. Whether conveyed by merchants or in private spheres, all news items were necessary to know about the situation of distant regions but could also prove to be dangerous when their content was uncertain. Urban powers endeavoured to control the circulation of information in order to turn them into a political tool. In a society where information was perceived as a token of power that allowed the elite to act on reality, a new method to manage and control it was implemented, on which urban powers built their political action thanks to the emergence of an increasingly specialised administration. This question of the command of information was all the more urgent as a civil war was challenging the unity of the city.Focusing on the city of Lyon, an economic capital and a border city of the French realm,my goal is to analyse the role played by the handling of information in the government of a city in the midst of Religion wars. The letters and official documents of lay authorities show all the different ways the urban elite appropriated the circulation of informat ion, its search and itselaboration into an official discourse meant to be communicated to other authorities and to the population. These questions shed light on the growing codification of "good information" which served the purpose of political decision-making. The circulation of all news controlled by the urban powers also unveils the many networks woven with the king, the court andnumerous cities, both near and far from Lyon.Thanks to messaging services that were increasingly institutionalised, the municipal authorities of Lyon created networks in order to defend the city's interests, to react to the conflicts unfolding and to the rumours spreading in order to remain in control. This organisation aimed to tighten the grip of the elites on the city and to justify their social status. ; La ville du XVIe siècle constitue un terreau favorable à la propagation d'informations en tous genres. Portées par des marchands ou des particuliers, ces nouvelles sont primordiales pour connaître la situation de régions éloignées, mais peuvent aussi se révéler dangereuses lorsque leur contenu n'est pas assuré. Les pouvoirs urbains ont donc cherché à encadrer les informations pour en faire un outil de bon gouvernement. Dans une société où l'information est perçue comme une marque de pouvoir pour agir sur le réel, les autorités des villes ont mis en oeuvre une méthodologie de gestion des nouvelles pour bâtir l'action politique grâce à l'émergence d'une administration de plus en plus spécialisée. Cette question de la maîtrise des nouvelles se pose avec d'autant plus d'urgence que la guerre civile remet en cause l'unité de la cité.En partant de la ville de Lyon, capitale économique et ville frontière du royaume de France, il s'agit d'analyser la place prise par l'information dans le gouvernement d'une ville soumise aux guerres de Religion. La correspondance et la documentation officielle des pouvoirs laïcs permet d'envisager toutes les étapes d'appropriation de la nouvelle, de la recherche du renseignement à l'élaboration d'un discours officiel destiné à être communiqué à d'autres pouvoirs ou à la population. Ces questionnements mettent en lumière des pratiques de codification de la bonne information qui doivent servir à construire la décision politique. La circulation des nouvelles encadrée par les pouvoirs urbains fait également apparaître de multiples réseaux élaborés avec le roi, la cour et de nombreuses villes proches et plus lointaines. Grâce aux systèmes de messageries de plus en plus institutionnalisés, les autorités lyonnaises ont bâti des espaces de communications destinés à protéger les intérêts de la cité, à réagir face aux troubles et aux rumeurs pour conserver le contrôle. Cette organisation a eu pour objectif d'affermir le pouvoir des élites et de justifier leur statut social.L'étude de l'information au XVIe siècle a pour effet d'intégrer les villes dans une trame beaucoup plus large que la seule histoire locale. Elle apporte également un tout autre regard sur les pratiques de gouvernement durant les guerres de Religion et, plus généralement, sur la société politique de la première modernité.

NIPO: 030-18-144-6 ; La evolución urbana y los nuevos hábitos de consumo y ocio han repercutido recientemente en amplios estratos de la población, con sus centros comerciales, grandes superficies, o polígonos industriales. Su localización periférica, aprovechando infraestructuras metropolitanas, ha supuesto una quiebra o amenaza para los espacios tradicionales del abastecimiento, incluyendo los modelos que renovaron los viejos mercados. La arquitectura del movimiento moderno se involucró en la creación de mercados de abastos, lonjas y mercados de mayoristas, como espacios de sociabilidad y de refuncionalización urbana. La aportación de este segmento al desarrollo de nuestra cultura material e inmaterial ha sido reconocida patrimonialmente. Mas no está exenta de incógnitas sobre su tratamiento. Es el caso de Andalucía y su experiencia racionalista, con relevantes maestros modernos, generalmente activos desde Madrid y arquitectos del panorama andaluz. La reflexión se centra en el valor patrimonial de la continuidad de uso en mercados como el de Algeciras (Torroja y Sánchez Arcas, 1933-35), Úbeda (Casanova Vila, 1933-36) y Andújar (Rivas Ruiz, 1940-49). Pero se contrapone la dispersa política de rehabilitación de otros ejemplos notables. Sus posibilidades como centros de reactivación ciudadana y cultural han generado fórmulas de intervención y utilización bien diversas, sin que toda su significación y valores hayan sido reivindicados en una necesaria plenitud. El caso del mercado de entradores de Málaga (Gutiérrez Soto y Esteve, 1937-44), ahora Centro de Arte Contemporáneo, la lonja del pescado de Barbate (Fernández-Shaw, 1940), reconstruida como sala para usos culturales inmersa en un tejido industrial en declive, o el pionero y expectante mercado de la Puerta de la Carne en Sevilla (Lupiáñez y Arévalo, 1926-29), sin uso claro en entorno complejo, nos permiten abordar las oscilaciones que en distinto grado sufren proyectos y dinámicas de gestión, para la recapitalización cultural, como activos urbanos de estos edificios, y su participación en una red que desborde su individualidad. ; Urban evolution and new habits of consumption and leisure have its recent consequence in wide strata of the population, with its commercial centres, big surfaces, or industrial estates. Their location on the outskirts, taking advantage of metropolitan infrastructures, has supposed a bankruptcy or threat for the traditional spaces of supply, including the models that renewed old markets. The architecture of the modern movement interfered in the creation of markets, auction markets and wholesalers' markets, as spaces of sociability and of urban refunction. The contribution of this segment to the development of our material and immaterial culture has been recognized patrimonially. However, is not exempt from mysteries on its treatment. It is the case of Andalusia and its racionalist experience, with relevant modern experts, generally active from Madrid and architects of the Andalusian panorama. The reflection is centred on the patrimonial value of the continuity of use at markets as the one of Algeciras (Torroja and Sánchez Arcas, 1933-35), Úbeda (Casanova Vila, 1933-36) and Andújar (Rivas Ruiz, 1940-49). But there is opposed to the dispersed politics of rehabilitation of other notable examples. Their possibilities as centers of civil and cultural reactivation have generated several responses of intervention and use, without all their significance and values have been claimed in a necessary fullness. The case of the market of entradores of Málaga (Gutiérrez Soto and Esteve, 1937-44), now Center of Contemporary Art, the auction fish market of Barbate (Fernandez-Shaw, 1940), reconstructed as showroom for cultural uses immersed in an declining industrial fabric, or the pioneer and expectant market of Puerta de la Carne in Seville (Lupiáñez and Arévalo, 1926-29). Without clear use in their complex environment, they allow us to approach the oscillations that in different degree suffer projects and dynamics of management, for cultural recapitalization, as urban assets of these buildings, and their participation in a network that exceeds their individuality.

The thesis investigates research data, as there is a growing demand for opening them. Research data are information that is collected by scientists in order to be used as evidence for theories. It is a complex, contextual notion. Since the 2000s, open access to scientific data has become a strategic axis of research policies. These policies has been relayed by third actors, who developed services dedicated to support researchers with data management and sharing.The thesis questions the relationship between the ideology of openness and the research practices. Which kinds of data management and sharing practices already exist in research communities? What drives them? Do scientists rely on research data services? Fifty-seven interviews were conducted with researchers from the University of Strasbourg in many disciplines. The survey identifies a myriad of different data management and sharing practices. It appears that data sharing is embedded in the researcher's strategy: his main goal is to protect his professional interests. Thus, research data are part of a credibility cycle, in which they get both use value (for new publications) and exchange value (as they are traded for other valuable resources). The survey also shows that researchers rarely use the services developed in a context of openness. Two explanations can be put forward. (1) The service offer comes too early to reach researchers' needs. Currently, data management and sharing are not within researchers' priorities. The priority is publishing, which is defined as source of reward and recognition of the scientific activities. (2) Data management services are offered by actors outside the research communities. But scientists seem to be more influenced by internal networks, close to their research topics (like journals, infrastructures…). These results prompt us to reconsider the mediation between scientific communities and open research data policies. ; Cette thèse s'intéresse aux données de la recherche, dans un contexte d'incitation croissante à leur ouverture. Les données de la recherche sont des informations collectées par les scientifiques dans la perspective d'être utilisées comme preuves d'une théorie scientifique. Il s'agit d'une notion complexe à définir, car contextuelle. Depuis les années 2000, le libre accès aux données occupe une place de plus en plus stratégique dans les politiques de recherche. Ces enjeux ont été relayés par des professions intermédiaires, qui ont développé des services dédiés, destinés à accompagner les chercheurs dans l'application des recommandations de gestion et d'ouverture. La thèse interroge le lien entre idéologie de l'ouverture et pratiques de recherche. Quelles formes de gestion et de partage des données existent dans les communautés de recherche et par quoi sont-elles motivées ? Quelle place les chercheurs accordent-ils à l'offre de services issue des politiques de gestion et d'ouverture des données ? Pour tenter d'y répondre, 57 entretiens ont été réalisés avec des chercheurs de l'Université de Strasbourg dans différentes disciplines. L'enquête révèle une très grande variété de pratiques de gestion et de partage de données. Un des points mis en évidence est que, dans la logique scientifique, le partage des données répond un besoin. Il fait partie intégrante de la stratégie du chercheur, dont l'objectif est avant tout de préserver ses intérêts professionnels. Les données s'inscrivent donc dans un cycle de crédibilité, qui leur confère à la fois une valeur d'usage (pour la production de nouvelles publications) et une valeur d'échange (en tant que monnaie d'échange dans le cadre de collaborations avec des partenaires). L'enquête montre également que les services développés dans un contexte d'ouverture des données correspondent pour une faible partie à ceux qu'utilisent les chercheurs. L'une des hypothèses émises est que l'offre de services arrive trop tôt pour rencontrer les besoins des chercheurs. L'évaluation et la reconnaissance des activités scientifiques étant principalement fondées sur la publication d'articles et d'ouvrages, la gestion et l'ouverture des données ne sont pas considérées comme prioritaires par les chercheurs. La seconde hypothèse avancée est que les services d'ouverture des données sont proposés par des acteurs relativement éloignés des communautés de recherche. Les chercheurs sont davantage influencés par des réseaux spécifiques à leurs champs de recherche (revues, infrastructures…). Ces résultats invitent finalement à reconsidérer la question de la médiation dans l'ouverture des données scientifiques.

The inclusive production rates of isolated, prompt photons in p Pb collisions at root s(NN) = 8.16 TeV are studied with the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider using a dataset with an integrated luminosity of 165 nb(-1) recorded in 2016. The cross-section and nuclear modification factor R-p pb are measured as a function of photon transverse energy from 20 GeV to 550 GeV and in three nucleon-nucleon centre-of-mass pseudorapidity regions, (-2.83, -2.02), (-1.84, 0.91), and (1.09, 1.90). The cross-section and R-p pb values are compared with the results of a next-to-leading-order perturbative QCD calculation, with and without nuclear parton distribution function modifications, and with expectations based on a model of the energy loss of partons prior to the hard scattering. The data disfavour a large amount of energy loss and provide new constraints on the parton densities in nuclei. (C) 2019 The Author. Published by Elsevier B.V. ; ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW, Austria; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPq, BrazilNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERC, CanadaNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRC, Canada; CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CERN; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CAS, ChinaChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST, ChinaMinistry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CR, Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; VSC CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF, Denmark; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRS, FranceCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF, Germany; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISF, IsraelIsrael Science Foundation; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, PolandMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalPortuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia, Russian FederationRussian Federation; NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS, SloveniaSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC, Sweden; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, Switzerland; SNSF, SwitzerlandSwiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Canton of Bern, Switzerland; Canton of Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE, United States of AmericaUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); Herakleitos programme - EU-ESF, Greece; Thales programme - EU-ESF, Greece; Aristeia programme - EU-ESF, Greece; Greek NSRF, Greece; BCKDF, Canada; Canarie, Canada; CRC, Canada; Compute Canada, Canada; COST, European Union; ERC, European UnionEuropean Union (EU)European Research Council (ERC); ERDF, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Horizon 2020, European Union; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d' Avenir Labex, ANR, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Investissements d' Avenir Idex, ANR, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); DFG, GermanyGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; BSFNSF, Israel; GIF, IsraelGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain; Royal Society, United KingdomRoyal Society of London; Leverhulme Trust, United KingdomLeverhulme Trust ; Open access journal ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.