Suchergebnisse

International audience ; What does it mean for a corporation to be transparent in terms of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)? The search for transparency is presented as a key driver of a sustainability policies (Gray, 1992; Milne, Kearins, & Walton, 2006). Yet, transparency in practice – as it is materialized through standards – is far from transparency in principle. The gap between the ostensive and performative aspects of transparency have to be analyzed (Latour, 1984). In this paper, we propose to study practices and processes, i.e. the way in which transparency is materialized into specific instruments and technologies that currently govern corporate conducts: private CSR reporting standards. For that purpose, we analyze two widely diffused CSR corporate standards (the GRI and the CDP), stressing the shiftings between the original discourses on transparency of their promoters to their implementation into a set of tools and technologies. We highlight and discuss a risk of capture of transparency principles by the auditing profession who is at the forefront of such standards.

В статье представлен анализ различных аспектов обеспечения социально-политической стабильности, содержащихся в документах стратегического планирования в области национальной безопасности России. В них уделяется серьезное внимание вопросам предупреждения, выявления и пресечения действий экстремистских, сепаратистских и террористических структур, массовых беспорядков, повышения устойчивости государства к деструктивному информационному воздействию и военному ослаблению. Однако вопросы противодействия политической дестабилизации рассматриваются в разных доктринальных документах и изолированно друг от друга, без взаимной увязки в рамках единой стратегии или концепции.The article presents an analysis of different aspects of security of social and political stability as reflected in the documents of strategic planning of Russia's national security. In the documents the main attention focuses on the prevention, detection and suppression of acts of extremist, separatist and terrorist organizations, riots, state's increasing sustainability to the destructive impact of the information influence and military weakening. However, the issues of counteracting the political destabilization are considered separately from each other, without integrating them in a single strategy or conception.

As the cold war ends there appears to be less a rising of capitalist market economies or of newly invigorated enlightenment than of angry ethnonationalism & parochial chauvinism. In the US, the toppling of the white republic's institutionalized racism -- legislatively established segregation, "Jim Crow" laws, & juridically enforced race discrimination -- has made its second line of defense -- the walls built against job opportunities & occupational advancement -- both more visible & less vulnerable to assault. It should be seen in terms of the desire to enlarge on a more humane enlightenment & a more comprehensive civil rights policy -- in effect, to extend the principles of the Declaration of Independence to the performance required by the US Constitution. One aspect of such an extension would be a renewed understanding of the principle of equality as expressed through the Thirteenth & Fourteenth Amendments. Much of the present difficulty can be credited to the failure of so many to see that the protection of the life, liberty, & property of all persons sometimes required the enactment of laws that benefit some of those persons -- eg, the minority whose rights have been violated, neglected, abrogated, or never before recognized. African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, Native Americans, & women belong among the beneficiaries of laws, programs, & policies that seek to provide affirmative action in behalf of jobs, education, training, & professionalization. Such laws, programs, & policies are not rightly considered to be instances of reverse discrimination; rather, they apply precisely to those to whom they ought to apply & work in behalf of a legitimate public purpose -- the mandate of the Thirteenth Amendment. However, even if it should be agreed that the cluster of peoples designated supra are appropriately classified with respect to the fulfillment of the aims of the Civil War amendments, there still would remain the question of how to determine whether an individual, if challenged as to his or her ancestry, is in fact a member of the ethnoracial group that is benefited. Here, the review of several naturalization cases provides a preview of what might occur, & a warning about the difficulties to be overcome. AA

There can be no doubt about the enduring significance and the immense historical impact of the national question, yet its economic dimension has been little examined. This volume deals with the national question in the light of specifically economic change against a changing social and political background

"This text discusses the use of participatory methodologies and, especially,
action-research, in the context of continued university education at
Brazilian universities. Guided by these methodologies, the continued
education projects present investigative and formative aspects, and may
take on participatory, critical, reflexive and emancipatory dimensions.
This orientation is considered in the current framework of crises and
changes in society and universities." (author's abstract)

Co-published with the Waterloo Centre for German Studies For centuries, large numbers of German-speaking people have emigrated from settlements in Europe to other countries and continents. In German Diasporic Experiences: Identity, Migration, and Loss, more than forty international contributors describe and discuss aspects of the history, language, and culture of these migrant groups, individuals, and their descendants. Part I focuses on identity, with essays exploring the connections among language, politics, and the construction of histories--national, familial, and personal--in German-spea

This paper examines the international cooperation as a complementary instrument for promoting development it presents a reflection on the management process of cooperation projects that can be regarded as a intervention for development, which inherently requires the systematic incorporation of political, community-based, technical and management components. From Social Work, this approach proposes aspects for achieving the results and the objectives formulated in the project. It also leads to get a positive impact for the development of the beneficiaries ; Este artículo aborda el tema de la cooperación internacional como un instrumento complementario de promoción al desarrollo y presenta una reflexión sobre el proceso de gestión de los proyectos de cooperación, leídos como una intervención para el desarrollo en la que se requiere incorporar de manera sistemática un componente político, comunitario, técnico y administrativo. Se proponen aspectos que, desde la perspectiva del Trabajo Social, posibilitan, además del logro de los resultados y objetivos formulados en los proyectos, un impacto positivo sobre el desarrollo de los sujetos implicados

The "fiscal discipline" as a problem, is gaining force in the academic debate, political theorist and many countries, both developed and developing, since the rule of "fiscal balance" which is equal to zero fiscal deficit, was established as part central to achieving macroeconomic stability of the country, however, the idea of achieving fiscal balance, hidden aspects that highlight the remarkable economic fragility of Mexico. Under this idea is to describe some effects that restrict fiscal policy framed in fiscal restraint, which has an adverse effect on the demand and supply effectively. ; La "disciplina fiscal" como problema, está cobrando vigencia en el debate académico, teórico y político de muchos países, tanto desarrollados como en desarrollo; dado que la regla de "equilibrio fiscal" que es igual a déficit fiscal cero, se estableció como pieza central para lograr la estabilidad macroeconómica del país; no obstante, esa idea de alcanzar el equilibrio fiscal, oculta aspectos que ponen en evidencia la notable fragilidad económica de México. Bajo esta idea es que exponemos algunos efectos que restringen las finanzas públicas enmarcadas en la política de restricción del gasto público, la cual tiene un efecto adverso sobre la demanda y la oferta efectiva. Fiscal discipline: Fiscal policy limits for encourage development in Mexico Abstract The "fiscal discipline" as a problem, is gaining force in the academic debate, political theorist and many countries, both developed and developing, since the rule of "fiscal balance" which is equal to zero fiscal deficit, was established as part central to achieving macroeconomic stability of the country, however, the idea of achieving fiscal balance, hidden aspects that highlight the remarkable economic fragility of Mexico. Under this idea is to describe some effects that restrict fiscal policy framed in fiscal restraint, which has an adverse effect on the demand and supply effectively. Keywords: Fiscal Discipline, Fiscal Policy, Employment Development.

pp. 95-118 ; International audience ; The analysis of the migratory policies that point at the installation of rural colonies of European populations elaborated by the Mexican authorities in the 19th century allows an approach of the question of the nationalism that limits itself not at least to the speeches - that generated these policies - but it takes in consideration also the implementation of policies taken on a large scale big in order to construct to the wished nation. One of the essential aspects of the Mexican nationalism revealed by this approach is the importance of the territorial present puttings in all the projects of settling. These regames, which we can classify under three groups - strategic regames linked essentially to Tehuantepec's isthmus, economic regames due to the influence of the physiocrats and political regames linked to the model at the time proposed of citizenship, are omnipresent in the select region and the one who uses us as laboratory: the State of Veracruz, region that was also the laboratory of experimentation of the Mexican nation. The implementation of the politics of settling also allows to study the functioning of called federalism and centralism affirmed in the constitutions, topic that we study in the moment of two periods: the Reform and during Maximiliano's Empire. ; L'analyse des politiques migratoires visant à l'installation de colonies rurales de populations européennes élaborées et mises en oeuvre par les autorités mexicaines au XIXème siècle permet une approche de la question du nationalisme qui ne se limite pas seulement aux discours construits - qui ont d'ailleurs généré ces politiques - mais qui prend en compte aussi les moyens mobilisés pour la construction de la nation désirée, les obstacles rencontrés et les adaptations qui ont été nécessaires. L'un des aspects essentiels du nationalisme mexicain révélé par cette approche est l'importance des enjeux territoriaux présents tant dans la phase d'élaboration des projets de colonisation que dans celle de leur mise ...

Finding appropriate mechanisms for the state to adequately confront certain criminal offenses is manifested through the prescription of various special investigative actions. This paper deals with the institute of an agent provocateur as a person acting under the alias in a criminal environment and whose knowledge of relevant facts from that area has a significant place in bringing to justice the perpetrators of criminal offenses later in the proceedings. After the introductory part, the author will present the national regulation of this institute in the Republic of Serbia, with an overview of the specifics of the Anglo-Saxon and Continental legal system. Comparing legislations will provide an overview of normative regulation, basic legal requirements and practical application of this institute, with an interpretation of the problem of committing crimes by an agent provocateur. The paper will examine both criminal material and process aspect of the institute of agent provocateur, through the framework for its engagement, the type of criminal acts for which it can be engaged, the principle of subsidiarity, and other issues that may arise as controversial in its engagement. Special attention was devoted to the objectives of determining this particular special investigative action and examining the agent provocateur as a witness. Finally, concluding observations are made, with a comparative approach.

This article proposes an inspection of the Latin-american cities at beginning of the XXI century from the conflict point of view. On one hand the cumulative conflicts that remain unsolved despite decades, which still require high-priority attention. Among others: the quality access to domiciliary public services, the opportune enjoyment of education and social programs and services, health, social welfare and housing, the exclusion, and social, economic, politic and physical-space segregation. Secondly the conflicts related to mobility forms, the political-administrative decentralization processes, hunger, misery and unemployment, new crimes style; the population's size of cities with high concentration volumes and functions, and the urban violence. As well, it is present the dilemma about globalization and the local issue, the social agents influence, and the discussion on urban form and town planning. The article ends with several reflections on the approached aspects. ; Aquí se plantea una mirada a las ciudades latinoamericanas de comienzos del siglo XXI desde los conflictos. Por una parte los conflictos acumulados, y que aun no han logrado ser resueltos a pesar del paso de los años, y que aun requieren atención prioritaria. Entre otros están: el acceso con calidad a los servicios públicos domiciliarios, el disfrute oportuno de programas y servicios sociales de educación, salud, bienestar social y vivienda, los problemas de exclusión y segregación social, económica, política y físico espacial. En segunda instancia están los conflictos del presente relacionados con las formas de movilidad, los procesos político administrativos de descentralización, el hambre, la miseria y el desempleo, las nuevas formas que asume el delito; el tamaño de las ciudades con altos volúmenes de concentración de la población y funciones, y la violencia urbana. Así mismo están presentes el dilema por lo global y lo local, el papel que cumplen los agentes sociales y las discusiones sobre la forma urbana y el modelo de ciudad. El artículo remata con un conjunto de reflexiones sobre los aspectos antes abordados.

This article proposes an inspection of the Latin-american cities at beginning of the XXI century from the conflict point of view. On one hand the cumulative conflicts that remain unsolved despite decades, which still require high-priority attention. Among others: the quality access to domiciliary public services, the opportune enjoyment of education and social programs and services, health, social welfare and housing, the exclusion, and social, economic, politic and physical-space segregation. Secondly the conflicts related to mobility forms, the political-administrative decentralization processes, hunger, misery and unemployment, new crimes style; the population's size of cities with high concentration volumes and functions, and the urban violence. As well, it is present the dilemma about globalization and the local issue, the social agents influence, and the discussion on urban form and town planning. The article ends with several reflections on the approached aspects. ; Aquí se plantea una mirada a las ciudades latinoamericanas de comienzos del siglo XXI desde los conflictos. Por una parte los conflictos acumulados, y que aun no han logrado ser resueltos a pesar del paso de los años, y que aun requieren atención prioritaria. Entre otros están: el acceso con calidad a los servicios públicos domiciliarios, el disfrute oportuno de programas y servicios sociales de educación, salud, bienestar social y vivienda, los problemas de exclusión y segregación social, económica, política y físico espacial. En segunda instancia están los conflictos del presente relacionados con las formas de movilidad, los procesos político administrativos de descentralización, el hambre, la miseria y el desempleo, las nuevas formas que asume el delito; el tamaño de las ciudades con altos volúmenes de concentración de la población y funciones, y la violencia urbana. Así mismo están presentes el dilema por lo global y lo local, el papel que cumplen los agentes sociales y las discusiones sobre la forma urbana y el modelo de ciudad. El artículo remata con un conjunto de reflexiones sobre los aspectos antes abordados.

M.A.EUR.LEGAL STUDIES ; The reconciliation of economic, social and environmental goals has been regarded as top priority on the European Union's agenda and this was possible through Sustainability. The concepts of Green Economy and Circular Economy are currently regarded as buzz phrases both by academics and policy-makers. Generally the Green Economy is regarded as an 'umbrella' concept including renewables, recycling, ecoefficiency, and the Circular Economy itself. The ultimate target is to set a sustainable economy with the adaptation and/or transformation of the current economy system. The concept of Circular Economy is not new; it goes back to the late 1970's and early 1980's when the world, especially Europe started rethinking of its industrial process, aiming to transform the once linear economy into something more reliable and sustainable. Through this new idea the production of waste is minimised as a result of minimal input, leading to redesigning the products' life cycle. In a recent European Commission press release, the Commission stated that the new rules on the Circular Economy Package are going to help in the prevention of waste. Where this is not viable, it will be pushing more on the recycling of both municipal and packaging waste. Landfills will be phased out while the use of economic instruments such as Extended Producer Responsibility schemes will be promoted. The aim of this dissertation is to provide an overview of the general system(s) adopted by the European Union and the transposition of laws by Member States to protect the environment while offering initiatives for a Circular Economy. In addition, it will analyse the underlying problems that the Union faces when coming to implementation and enforcement of environmental regulations, in order to create a Circular Economy that in practice works. ; N/A

Данная статья посвящена анализу двух моделей политической идентификации, которые были предложены Ч. Тейлором, представителем коммунитаристского направления политфилософии, и Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф, теоретиками постмарксизма. Сначала автор формулирует методологические предпосылки исследования: критический подход к самому собой разумеющемуся знанию; принятие во внимание исторической и культурной обусловленности любого знания; учет связи между знанием, социальными процессами и социальным поведением. Далее анализирует модель политической идентификации Ч. Тейлора, в результате чего отмечает как положительный, так и отрицательный аспекты модели канадского философа. К положительному аспекту автор относит первоначальную проблематизацию аффективного момента гражданской приверженности демократическим институтам. Отсюда проистекает идея культивирования патриотизма, предлагаемая Ч. Тейлором для решения проблемы эрозии демократии. Отрицательным аспектом модели является внутреннее противоречие между сильной идеей гражданского участия и индивидуальной свободой. Затем в статье рассматривается модель политической идентификации Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф. Разработка этой модели связана с осознанием слабости существующей демократической политики, из которой исключен ряд дискриминируемых и эксплуатируемых социальных групп. Согласно модели радикально-демократической идентификации проблему эрозии демократии позволят разрешить процесс постоянного оспаривания существующих отношений субординации и включение все новых социальных групп в демократическое движение. Две модели политической идентификации оцениваются с точки зрения потенциала в разрешении проблемы эрозии демократии. Наиболее оптимальной признается модель радикально-демократической идентификации, предложенная Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф. ; This article analyses two models of political identification: the model proposed by communitarianist political philosopher C. Taylor, and that suggested by post-Marxist theorists E. Laclau and C. Mouffe. First, the paper outlines the methodological basis for this research: criticism of the taken-for-granted knowledge; historical and cultural determination of any kind of knowledge; interconnection between knowledge, social processes and social action. Further, the author analyses C. Taylor's model of political identification and singles out both its positive and negative aspects. The positive aspect is the initial problematization of the affective side of civic commitment to democratic institutions. This originates the idea of patriotism cultivation proposed by C. Taylor to resolve the problem of democracy erosion. The negative aspect of this model is the internal contradiction between the strong idea of civic participation and individual freedom. Next, the author analyses E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's model of political identification. The development of this model stems from understanding the weakness of the current democratic politics, which excludes a number of discriminated against and exploited social groups. According to the model of radical democratic identification, the problem of democracy erosion can be eliminated by regularly challenging current hierarchies and including new social groups into the democratic movement. In addition, the two models of political identification were assessed in terms of their potential for solving the problem of democracy erosion. The author finds the model of radical democratic identification proposed by E. Laclau and C. Mouffe to be optimal.

A consideration of the ways in which pol'al participation is influenced by external soc pressures, by internal personality requirements, & by their interaction. Soc sci'ts have tended to think in terms of the soc norms that shape behavior & allow only a limited variability. Personality is treated frequently as an aspect of deviance but not of conformity. The soc deterministic theories do not make use of an explicit personality theory. They often posit psychol'al processes such as: imitation, conditioning, & self-interest as mediating between soc pressure & individual behavior; but have ignored the processes involved in selection, org, & creation of ideas & modes of participation: the role of reason & imagination. In the rationalistic self-interest theories, it is assumed that pol'al behavior is determined by a realistic appraisal of an individual's group or personal interests. These theories do not account for the behavior not in accord with or antithetical to immediate interests & the diff's within a large group in the interpretation of its proper interests. The first requirement for any socio-psychol'al theory of pol'al participation (PP) is a conception of personality within which the individual's preferred modes of participation can be seen as intrinsic, functional components: personalogical as well as sociol'al & historical. The author's preference is to start from psychoanalytic theory & to regard the general development of a general pol'al orientation & of specific pol'al preferences as an external function of the ego. The ways in which the ego carries out its internal functions influences the individuals's selection, creation, & synthesis of modes of participation. 2 postulates are required by this formulation: (1) receptivity, the individual is most receptive to those pol'al forms that have the greatest functional value in meeting the requirements of the personality as a system; & (2) immanence, many of the personality characteristics that influence the individual's PP are directly reflected within it. Pol'al choice is affected from within not by the Z personality, but primarily by the particular facets of personality that are engaged at a given period of time. The relation between internal dynamics & PP is a 2-way process. Pol'al ideas & actions play their role in individual personality as in soc structure. The gradual acceptance of a new pol'al orientation depends in part on the individual's dynamics when the change began, & it may have reequilibrating effects on the dynamics. One's pol'al preferences will be most stable & satisfying when they are congruent with both inner & external requirements. 2 conditions probably increase the importance of intra-personal determinants: (a) a wide range of available (socially provided) alternatives, & (b) a high degree of personal involvement in pol'al issues. J. D. Twi rht.