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Political disillusionment is widespread in contemporary society. In Japan, the search for the 'outside' of a stagnant reality sometimes leads marginalised young people to a disastrous image of social change. The Fukushima nuclear disaster was the realisation of such an image, triggering the largest wave of activism since the 1960s. The disaster revealed the interconnected nature of contemporary society. The protesters regretted that their past indifference to politics prefigured such a catastrophe and became motivated to protest in the streets. They did not share any totalising ideology or predetermined collective identity. Instead, the activism provided a space for each body to encounter others who forced them to feel and think, which also introduced an ethical dimension to their politics.

What makes radical world views so attractive? And how can the revival of extremism be explained from the perspective of cultural and social studies? If major narratives were supposed to be found on the dump of history, they have lately found their way back into the discourse with the return of fundamentalism. The contributions in this book introduce mental figures and forms of rhetoric, symbolism and forms of behavior contained in various major narratives of extremes, and they discuss how the Western world embeds them in its own tale. - Was macht radikale Weltbilder so attraktiv? Und wie lässt sich die Renaissance des Extremismus kultur- und sozialwissenschaftlich erklären? Sprach man bis vor Kurzem noch davon, dass Großerzählungen auf dem Schrottplatz der Geschichte liegen, finden sie neuerdings mit der Wiederkehr des Fundamentalismus den Weg zurück in den Diskurs. Die Beiträge des Bandes stellen verschiedene Großerzählungen des Extremen vor und diskutieren, wie sie sich in Denkfiguren, Rhetoriken, Symboliken und Handlungsweisen niederschlagen. Mit Beiträgen u.a. von Claus Leggewie und Susanne Schröter.

The literature on the political context of the environmental movement entertains the competing hypotheses that environmentalism either transcends or embodies the traditional left-right cleavages in American society. Findings from a statewide survey in Wisconsin indicate substantial relationships between sociopolitical ideologies and support for environmental reform. These relationships were most pronounced among the college-educated stratum. Liberalism vis-h-vis laissez-faire politics was the political ideology variable most closely related to environmental concern. This reflects the obvious empirical reality that the environmental movement has been primarily concerned with controlling private natural resource decision-making. Nevertheless, there is a substantial correlation between welfare-state liberalism and environmental concern which seems important due to the tendency of environmental reforms to have inegalitarian consequences. In spite of major associations between political ideology and environmental attitudes, Republicans and Democrats did not differ greatly in environmental concern. Implications of the findings for the future politics of environmental policy quality In the United States are discussed.

How does leadership's desire for political survival in ethnically heterogeneous democracies affect the probability of states exchanging nationalist foreign policy? I define nationalist foreign policy as foreign policy that aims to fulfill national self-governance using a civic or ethnic frame. I argue that civic-nationalist policy disputing the territoriality of one's own state is more likely, while ethno-nationalist policy favoring the leadership's foreign co-ethnics is less likely, when the size of the leadership's ethnic group is small and the level of democracy is relatively high. This is because the leadership, under such domestic conditions, has to mobilize support from other ethnic groups in order to stay in power. Civic-nationalist policy allows the leadership to increase domestic solidarity across ethnic lines and mobilize support from other ethnic groups, whereas ethno-nationalist policy would risk other ethnic groups criticizing the leadership of being ethno-centrist. These hypotheses are supported by quantitative analysis using an original dataset.

Abbreviations; Note on Nomenclature; Introduction; CHAPTER ONE: Those That Be in Bondage; CHAPTER TWO: The Private Thoughts of a Political Man: The Making of A.R.F. Webber, 1917-19; CHAPTER THREE: Webber's Entrance to the Political Arena, 1919-21; CHAPTER FOUR: Webber's Political Ascendancy, 1921-25; CHAPTER FIVE: The Constitutional Crisis: The Bullet or the Ballot; CHAPTER SIX: Webber's Leadership, the Popular Party, and the Constitutional Crisis, 1926-27; CHAPTER SEVEN: Webber: A Traveling Man; CHAPTER EIGHT: The Quest for Self-Government

How does political commitment develop when actors are confronted with authoritarian processes? Under a liberal authoritarian regime, even the creation of democratic institutions may mean authoritarian stabilization (contradicting classical transition theories) rather than open an arena for political protest. However, alternative contentious arenas may appear, where resourceful organizations can be partially transformed into a basis for protest with challenging frames of reference. In the Jordanian case, the professional associations (in contravention of corporatism theory) and the Islamist social movement have thus gained oppositional capacity. However, apart from repression, their own economic and social roles, and their integration in the regime frame and limit the kind of political commitment they can lead. Ambivalence arises between challenging and integrated positions and when alternative arenas become so integrated in the regime that they lose their contentious role, radicalizationprocesses appear. Both cases underline the versatility of political arenas and their relational characteristics. These political arenas are also the places where alternative ideologies are produced. At that level, the Islamist movement has a very specific position as a hegemonic ideological producer with no hegemonic power and position. The case thus supports an analytical separation between power position and ideology and confirms the need for less state-centred definition of ideology.

Más que una ideología política concreta, el nacionalismo ha sido una tendencia generaliza en el mundo político ruso. Sus relaciones con el poder han resultado siempre ambiguas. En los años de la autocracia zarista se alió con el imperialismo ruso, aunque siempre hubo un sector crítico entre algunos eslavófilos. Desde la instauración de la Unión Soviética, la ambigüedad del nacionalismo ruso con el poder central se hizo aún más notoria, desde un inicial enfrentamiento hasta la alianza en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Con el fin de la URSS, el nacionalismo ruso ha mostrado de nuevo su oposición a las influencias del capitalismo y de occidente y ha aparecido como una opción política con una enorme fuerza en la actualidad.Nationalism has been a general tendency in Russian politics. It has had ambiguous relationships with power. In zarist autocracy years, it formed an alliance with Russian imperalism, although there was a group of critics amongst the slavophiles. The ambiguity of Russian nationalism with the central power became more evident in soviet years: struggle in Revolution times and approach in Second World War. Since 1991, Russian nationalism has been against the capitalist and western influences in Russia. Nowadays, it is a political option that becomes stronger.

Das German Internet Panel (GIP) ist ein Infrastrukturprojekt. Das GIP dient der Erhebung von Daten über individuelle Einstellungen und Präferenzen, die für politische und ökonomische Entscheidungsprozesse relevant sind.

Der Fragebogen enthält zahlreiche experimentelle Variationen in den Erhebungsinstrumenten sowie ein fragebogenübergreifendes Experiment. Weitere Informationen finden Sie in der Studiendokumentation.

Themen: Meinung zu einer Reform des Gesundheitssystems; Befürwortung verschiedener Maßnahmen zur Finanzierung der Gesundheitsversorgung; Präferenz für Hausarztmodell oder freie Arztwahl; Meinung zu einer Reform der sozialen Sicherung von Arbeitslosen; Bedingungen für den Bezug von Arbeitslosengeld II (Hartz IV); präferierter Umfang der Regeln für den deutschen Arbeitsmarkt; Meinung zu einer Reform des Rentensystems; am meisten und am wenigsten präferierte Vorschläge zur Finanzierung der gesetzlichen Renten; Meinung zu einer Reform des Bildungssystems; präferierter Umfang der Ausgaben für das Bildungssystem; wichtigster Bildungsbereich, für den die Bundesregierung mehr Geld ausgeben sollte und Bildungsbereich, für den insbesondere weniger Geld ausgegeben werden sollte; Meinung zu einer Reform des Steuersystems; Forderung nach staatlichen Maßnahmen zur Verringerung der Einkommensunterschiede; Meinung zur Steuergerechtigkeit; Meinung zu Reformen der Arbeitsmarkt- und Sozialsysteme in den Mitgliedsstaaten der Euro-Zone; Präferenz für mehr oder weniger Entscheidungsbefugnis der Europäischen Union hinsichtlich dieser Reformen; Politikbereiche, in denen die Europäische Union mehr bzw. weniger Entscheidungsbefugnis haben sollte als derzeit; Politikbereich, in dem am ehesten Leistungen ausgebaut und abgebaut werden sollten.

Wahrnehmung der Parteien CDU, CSU, SPD, FDP, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Die Linke, AfD als zerstritten oder geschlossen; Einschätzung des Größenverhältnisses von Parteien innerhalb einer hypothetischen Regierungskoalition (Anteil der Bundestagsabgeordneten in Prozent); Erwartung, wie viele Minister diese Parteien in der Regierung stellen werden (Anteil der Minister in Prozent); Partei, die in einer solchen hypothetischen Regierungskoalition den Bundeskanzler oder die Bundeskanzlerin stellt; Meinung zur Unterschiedlichkeit der politischen Standpunkte der Parteien in einer hypothetischen Regierung; Einschätzung zum Durchsetzungsvermögen der jeweiligen Koalitionsparteien bei gemeinsamen Entscheidungen in dieser hypothetischen Regierung.

Politik und Gesellschaft: Charakterisierung Deutschlands bzw. der EU als demokratisch; Wahrnehmung des Klimawandels als Bedrohung; Präferenz für die EU-Mitgliedschaft Deutschlands; Meinung zur Legitimität einer Volksbefragung zur EU-Mitgliedschaft Deutschlands; Meinung zu Möglichkeiten der politischen Einflussnahme in Deutschland bzw. in der EU; Zustimmung zur Anmietung des Bürgerzentrums vor Ort für Veranstaltungen durch ausgewählte Parteien, Gruppen und religiöse Gemeinden.

Vignetten-Experimente (Split Sample):
a) Vignetten-Experiment zu politischen Kandidaten mit verschiedenen Ausprägungen der Attribute Geschlecht, Alter, Bildungsabschluss, Religion und Hintergrund der Eltern hinsichtlich Übereinstimmung mit den eigenen politischen Ansichten sowie als politische Repräsentanten auf Bundesebene;
b) Vignetten-Experiment zu politischen Kandidaten mit verschiedenen Ausprägungen der Attribute Geschlecht, Alter, Bildungsabschluss, Hintergrund der Eltern, Hauptberuf, Erfahrung in einem politischen Amt, Wohn- und Arbeitsort der letzten fünf Jahre, kürzlich im Leitartikel einer seriösen Zeitung gelobt, kritisiert, verspottet, politische Ideologie, Einstellung zur Zuwanderung, Einstellung zu einer Volksbefragung zur EU-Mitgliedschaft hinsichtlich der persönlichen Wahlentscheidung bei der Bundestagswahl (Sonntagsfrage) sowie Kandidat, der am ehesten die Interessen der einfachen Leute vertritt.

Fragen zum Projekt Gesellschaft im Wandel: Seit der letzten Befragung besuchte Bereiche der Internetseite gesellschaft-im-wandel.de; Häufigkeit des Lesens der Forschungsergebnisse auf der vorgenannten Internetseite; Wichtigkeit der Informiertheit über die Forschungsergebnisse; präferierte Informationsquelle über Forschungsergebnisse zum Projekt;

Demographie (zugespielte Variablen): Geschlecht; Geburtsjahr (kategorisiert); höchster Schulabschluss; höchster Bildungsabschluss; Familienstand; Anzahl der Haushaltsmitglieder (Haushaltsgröße); Erwerbsstatus; Bundesland; Jahr der Rekrutierung; deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit; private Internetnutzung.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Eindeutige ID-Kennung; Haushalts-Kennung und Personen-Kennung innerhalb des Haushalts; Interviewdatum; derzeitiger Online-Status; Zuteilung zu den Experimentalgruppen; Fragebogenevaluation (interessant, abwechslungsreich, relevant, lang, schwierig, zu persönlich); Beurteilung der Befragung insgesamt.

AbstractPublic opinion on COVID‐19 provides new empirical evidence for the debate on the ideological contours of conspiracy theories. I report findings from a web survey in Greece where participants were recruited via paid advertising on Facebook and the study sample was adjusted for age, gender, education, domicile, and region of residence using a nationally representative reference sample. I find that beliefs about conspiracy theories are more correlated than the values associated with established political ideologies, and that conspiracy beliefs and scepticism about the pandemic are best explained by belief in unrelated political and medical conspiracy theories. No other demographic or attitudinal variable has such a strong influence, and the results are robust to different statistical specifications. In comparison, the effect of ideology measured by left‐right self‐placement is rather negligible and further moderated by trust in government. The results have implications for the strategies aimed at fighting disinformation during public health emergencies.

All nations make themselves up as they go along, but not all make themselves up in the same way. In this study, Alon Confino explores how Germans turned national and argues that they imagined the nation as an extension of their local place. In 1871, the work of political unification had been completed, but Germany remained a patchwork of regions with different histories and traditions. Germans had to construct a national memory to reconcile the peculiarities of the region and the totality of the nation. This identity project, examined by Confino as it evolved in the southwestern state of Wurttemberg, oscillated between failure and success. The national holiday of Sedan Day failed in the 1870s and 1880s to symbolically commingle localness and nationhood. Later, the idea of the Heimat, or homeland, did prove capable of representing interchangeably the locality, the region, and the nation in a distinct national narrative and in visual images. The German nationhood project was successful, argues Confino, because Germans made the nation into an everyday, local experience through a variety of cultural forms, including museums, school textbooks, popular poems, travel guides, posters, and postcards. But it was not unique. Confino situates German nationhood within the larger context of modernity, and in doing so he raises broader questions about how people in the modern world use the past in the construction of identity.

This article explores the political context of the early nineteenth century in New Granada and the publication of the Brevísima Relacion de la Destruccion de Indias, printed by José María Ríos in 1813, considering that this book is a perfect element to understand and describe the structure of the political ideologies that were configured in the propaganda discourse that the elites promoted to base their claim to the independence of the Spanish metropolis ; El presente artículo explora el contexto político de principios del siglo XIX en la Nueva Granada y la publicación de la Brevísima Relación de la Destrucción de Indias, impresa por José María Ríos en 1813, considerando que este libro es un perfecto elemento para entender y describir la estructura de las ideologías políticas que se configuraron en el discurso propagandístico que las elites impulsaron para fundamentar su pretensión a la independencia de la metrópoli española.

Political theorist Laurie M. Johnson deals with Jung's analysis of the effects of modern scientific rationalism on the development of communism, fascism and Nazism in the 20th century and applies this analysis to the rise of the New Right in the 21st century. Jung's thought provides much needed insight into contemporary ideologies such as neoliberalism, Identitarianism and the Alt-Right. Johnson explains Jungian analytical psychology as it relates to these topics, with a chapter devoted to Jung's views of Friedrich Nietzsche, who exemplifies the modern problem with his proclamation that God is dead, and an in-depth discussion of Jung's views on truth and the psychological function of religion as a safeguard against deadly mass movements. She then turns to Jung's treatment of anti-Semitism and the Nazi movement, and his views on race and racism. Johnson applies these historical insights to the current manifestations of mass psychological disruption in the clash between neoliberals and the right-wing populist and Identitarian movements on the rise in North America and Europe. She concludes by discussing the search for an authentic and meaningful life in a West that rejects extremism and is open to authentic spiritual experiences as a counterbalance to mass mindedness. Ideological Possession and the Rise of the New Right will appeal to both undergraduate and graduate students of psychology and intellectual history. The book will also be of interest to those wishing to understand the new nationalist, nativist and Identarian movements.

The article is devoted to a philosophical analysis of the fundamental ontological principles of the political world. The author pays attention to the three main manifestations of the political: (i) antagonistic, which is presented through relations between friend and enemy; (ii) agonistic, which demonstrantes politics as a competition between different ideologies and positions; and (iii) imaginary and symbolic, which appears as strong connection between politics and socio-cultural situation. These manifestations of the political are often intertwined and realized as a network of relationships and political actions that create a three-dimensional model of the political world. ; Straipsnyje pateikiama fundamentalių ontologinių politinio pasaulio principų filosofinė analizė. Autorius susitelkia į tris pagrindinius politiškumo raiškos būdus: (i) antagonistinį, kuris pateikiamas per draugo ir priešo santykius; (ii) agonistinį, kuriuo politika atsiskleidžia kaip varžybos tarp skirtingų ideologijų ir pozicijų; ir (iii) įsivaiduojamą ir simbolinį, kuris pasirodo kaip tvirtas politikos ir socialinių kultūrinių aplinkybių ryšys. Šie politiškumo pasireiškimai dažnai būna susipynę ir įkūnija trimatį politinio pasaulio modelį, grindžiantį santykių ir politinių veiksmų tinklą.

The Library-Parks of Medellín are pivotal in this city's project of 'urban and social upgrading'. They consist of a combination of cultural programmes and generous surrounding and indoor spaces for public use, built with the intention to produce a new sense of community and citizenship by means of architecture and its appropriation. This fact opens a series of questions regarding the instrumental use of architecture within the frame of wider projects of urban transformations. In particular, these urban projects intended to transform areas that were hitherto peripheral in this city's economy, culture and politics. This paper intends to address how the 'Library-Parks Project' materialises and produces ideologies of politics and culture in contexts of (cultural, economic and political) periphery. ; Los Parques-Biblioteca de Medellín son cruciales en el proyecto de 'mejoramiento urbano y social' de esta ciudad. Ellos consisten en una combinación de programas culturales y generosos espacios exteriores y interiores para uso público, construidos con la intención de producir un nuevo sentido de comunidad y ciudadanía mediante la arquitectura y su apropiación. Este hecho abre una serie de preguntas sobre el uso instrumental de la arquitectura dentro de proyectos más amplios de transformaciones urbanas. En particular, estos proyectos urbanos intentaron transformar áreas que hasta ahora eran periféricas en la economía, la cultura y la política de esta ciudad. Este artículo intenta abordar cómo el 'Proyecto de Parques-Biblioteca' materializa y produce ideologías de política y cultura en contextos de periferia (cultural, económica y política). ; Os Parques-Biblioteca de Medellín são fundamentais no projeto desta cidade de 'modernização urbana e social'. Estes edifícios consistem em uma combinação de programas culturais e espaços generosos para uso público, construídos com a intenção de produzir um novo senso de comunidade e cidadania por meio da arquitetura e sua apropriação. Este fato abre uma série de perguntas sobre o uso instrumental da arquitetura dentro de projetos mais amplos de transformação urbana. Em particular, esses projetos urbanos visavam transformar áreas que até então eram periféricas na economia, cultura e política desta cidade. Este artigo pretende abordar como o 'Projeto Parques-Biblioteca' materializa e produz idéias de política e cultura em contextos de periferia (cultural, econômica e política).

AbstractThis article analyses the role of political parties in policy accumulation. We study this relationship in the area of social policy. Our analysis builds on a large data set covering the size of policy portfolios (policy targets and instruments) in three subfields of social policy for 22 OECD countries over 30 years. We find that the probability of social policy accumulation is not affected by the government's ideological position. Left governments do not produce more extensive social policy portfolios than right ones. Yet, this striking result does not contradict governments' political ideologies, as left and right parties accumulate for different reasons. While left parties address new social policy targets to broaden the scope of the welfare state, right parties adopt new policy instruments to condition social benefits. These findings hold regardless of how we measure governments' ideological position and despite strong endogenous policy growth dynamics, that is, countries with greater policy portfolios also display higher levels of policy accumulation. Our findings indicate that party political considerations can explain the reasons for but not the level of policy accumulation. Changes in government are thus unlikely to stall or slow down the constant accumulation of public policies.