Suchergebnisse

Ben Soetendorp examines the extent to which individual member states - each with their own history, special interests and styles of foreign policy-making - still dominate the common foreign policy making process within the European Union. The first part of the book reviews the diverse foreign policy patterns of the individual member states towards European integration, describes the various styles of foreign policy and examines the institutional arrangements for joint foreign policy-making created by the member states at EU level. The second part looks more closely at the reality of foreign po

Dieser Sammelband widmet sich dem Solidaritätsprinzip. Er untersucht die Rolle der Solidarität als Rechtsprinzip und als Bestandteil der Politik in acht europäischen Ländern (Dänemark, Frankreich, Deutschland, Griechenland, Italien, Polen, Schweiz und Großbritannien) und innerhalb der Europäischen Union. Ein besonderer Schwerpunkt liegt auf Entwicklungen in drei Themenbereichen: Arbeitslosigkeit, Einwanderung und Asyl sowie Behinderung.Die Analysen zeigen, dass Solidarität ein Verfassungsprinzip in allen acht Ländern ist und somit eine legitime Quelle für Recht, Rechtsprechung und Gesetzgebung darstellt. In den Bereichen Arbeitslosigkeit, Migration und Behinderung wird Solidarität zwar nicht überall als verfassungsrechtliches Prinzipien explizit genannt, aber die Gesetzgebung ist ihr in den genannten Feldern dennoch verpflichtet. Allerdings zeigen die Analysen, dass die Rolle des Solidaritätsprinzips in Zeiten europäischer Krisen in allen untersuchten Ländern und Politikfeldern abnimmt.Mit Beiträgen vonChristian Lahusen, Veronica Federico, Deniz Neriman Duru, Thomas Spejlborg Sejersen, Hans-Jörg Trenz, Manlio Cinalli, Carlo de Nuzzo, Ulrike Zschache, Maria M. Mexi, Nicola Maggini, Janina Petelczyc, Eva Fernández G.G., Délia Girod, Tom Montgomery, Simone Baglioni, Ester di Napoli, Deborah Russo, und Tania Abbiate

AbstractWhen developing anti-poverty policies, policymakers need accurate data on the prevalence of poverty. In this paper, we focus on subjective poverty, a concept which has been largely neglected in the literature, though it remains a conceptually appealing way to define poverty. The primary goal of this study is to re-examine the concept of subjective poverty measurement and to estimate trends in subjective income poverty rates in the European Union. Our estimations are based on a Minimum Income Question using data from a representative survey, EU-SILC. We find robust empirical evidence of decreasing trends in subjective poverty in 16 of 28 EU countries. We conjecture that trends in subjective poverty may reflect changes in societies which are not captured by official poverty indicators, and our results thus enrich the existing data on general poverty trends in the EU.

The European Union, established after World War II, has strengthened the revival of Europe, which has suffered greatly due to the war in many areas, including economic, political and socio-cultural. At the same time, the European Union overtook the conflicts between states. The European Union, which has occasionally passed through major breaks since its foundation, has recently begun to evolve into a new structure called multispeed Europe. On the 60th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome, the member states, for the first time, have mentioned this new structure in an official publication. This structure has led to disagreements 13 among EU member states. On the other hand, it is also a matter of curiosity how the candidate countries will follow once this structure is created. This study assesses the potential effects of a a multi-speed European Union on Turkey-EU relations. In addition, it tries to evaluate whether the EU's new structure will be an advantage for Turkey or not. In other words, this study aims to explore the possibility of Turkey's EU full membership in the EU's new model.

The European Union and Interregionalism is the most comprehensive study of interregionalism to date, providing a vigorous analysis of its role and functions in the architecture of global governance and of the place of qualitative differences between regional actors in shaping interregional relationships. This book should be read by all those engaged in consideration of interregional structures.

1. The European Union humanitarian aid policy -- 2. Cooperation and delegation in the international context -- 3. Intervention strategies in crisis contexts -- 4. Data, measurement and method -- 5. Intervening in humanitarian crisis contexts : the choice between unilateralism, partial and total delegation.

"This is a book about contemporary European politics and the demographics of Muslim political candidacies."--Provided by publisher

AbstractIn this article, I explore the substance and operation of Article 16 of the European Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights, which recognises 'the freedom to conduct a business', in order to determine the extent to which the constitutionalisation of commercial interests as fundamental rights could pose a threat to the Union's worker-protectiveacquis. Having surveyed three important Directives which regulate employees' rights in transfers of undertakings, collective redundancies, and the organisation of working time, I argue that future challenges based on Article 16 CFR are unlikely to succeed: even in situations where the Directives limit employers' economic freedoms, such interference is justified and proportionate.

OBJECTIVES—To construct a computer assisted information system for the estimation of the numbers of workers exposed to established and suspected human carcinogens in the member states of the European Union (EU). METHODS—A database called CAREX (carcinogen exposure) was designed to provide selected exposure data and documented estimates of the number of workers exposed to carcinogens by country, carcinogen, and industry. CAREX includes data on agents evaluated by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) (all agents in groups 1 and 2A as of February 1995, and selected agents in group 2B) and on ionising radiation, displayed across the 55 industrial classes. The 1990-3 occupational exposure was estimated in two phases. Firstly, estimates were generated by the CAREX system on the basis of national labour force data and exposure prevalence estimates from two reference countries (Finland and the United States) which had the most comprehensive data available on exposures to these agents. For selected countries, these estimates were then refined by national experts in view of the perceived exposure patterns in their own countries compared with those of the reference countries. RESULTS—About 32 million workers (23% of those employed) in the EU were exposed to agents covered by CAREX. At least 22 million workers were exposed to IARC group 1 carcinogens. The exposed workers had altogether 42 million exposures (1.3 mean exposures for each exposed worker). The most common exposures were solar radiation (9.1 million workers exposed at least 75% of working time), environmental tobacco smoke (7.5 million workers exposed at least 75% of working time), crystalline silica (3.2 million exposed), diesel exhaust (3.0 million), radon (2.7 million), and wood dust (2.6 million). CONCLUSION—These preliminary estimates indicate that in the early 1990s, a substantial proportion of workers in the EU were exposed to carcinogens. Keywords: exposure; carcinogen; Europe

AbstractThere is much evidence that Corporate Social Responsibility has increasingly become embraced by industry in Europe. The transfer to Europe of what essentially is a concept embedded in American capitalism, however, results in some interesting contextualizations. One of the most interesting of these is the impact of CSR on one of the most powerful actors to determine the social responsibility of corporations in the European context, namely trade unions and their institutional infrastructure. In many cases unions perceive CSR as a threat, as it transfers yet more power and discretion to managers. By contrast, trade unions in countries with a strong corporatist tradition claim to be themselves drivers of CSR. An altogether different situation exists in Eastern Europe, where unions lack the legitimacy and influence to shape the emerging CSR agenda. Given such a spread of positions, what similarities and differences can be detected in union approaches to CSR? Which specific aspects of CSR are supported by European unions? How have European unions adapted their strategies in response to CSR? This article employs an institutional comparison perspective of selected European countries to explore the role unions play in CSR activities. It maps out the conceptual territory and provides one of the first overviews of the topic.Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.