Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Note on Further Reading and Sources -- About the Companion Website -- 1: A Tricky, High-Stakes Game -- 1.1 Where We Are Today -- 1.2 What We Need to Do Better -- 1.3 How Can We Do Better? -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 2: When Nature Won -- 2.1 The Best-Laid Plans -- 2.2 Why Hazard Assessment Went Wrong -- 2.3 How Mitigation Fared -- 2.4 The Challenges Ahead -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 3: Nature Bats Last -- 3.1 Prediction Is Hard -- 3.2 Forecasts, Predictions, and Warnings -- 3.3 Earthquake Prediction -- 3.4 Chaos -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 4: Uncertainty and Probability -- 4.1 Basic Ideas -- 4.2 Compound Events -- 4.3 The Gaussian Distribution -- 4.4 Probability vs Statistics -- 4.5 Shallow and Deep Uncertainties -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 5: Communicating What We Know and What We Don't -- 5.1 Recognizing and Admitting Uncertainties -- 5.2 Precision and Accuracy -- 5.3 Testing Forecasts -- 5.4 Communicating Forecasts -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 6: Human Disasters -- 6.1 Assessing Hazards -- 6.2 Vulnerability and Interconnections -- 6.3 The 2008 US Financial Disaster -- 6.4 Pseudodisasters and Groupthink -- 6.5 Disaster Chic -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 7: How Much Is Enough? -- 7.1 Rational Policy Making -- 7.2 Lessons from National Defense -- 7.3 Making Choices -- 7.4 Uncertainty and Risk Aversion -- 7.5 Present and Future Value -- 7.6 Valuing Lives -- 7.7 Implications for Natural Hazard Mitigation -- Questions -- Further Reading and Sources -- References -- 8: Guessing the Odds -- 8.1 Big Events Are Rare -- 8.2 Time-Independent Probability Models.

There are several theoretical accounts of public sector outsourcing. We note that leading theories give different predictions of the influence of political variables and test the predictions on a Swedish data set in which outsourcing varies between municipalities and over time as well as between services. Our identification strategy focuses on two services with similar contracting problems and local market conditions: preschools and primary schools. We study a period in which Swedish municipalities had full discretion in the provision of preschools, while their influence on the provision of primary education was limited by a national voucher system. The comparison of preschools and primary schools in a difference-in-differences model suggests that the political color of the ruling majority matters for outsourcing, which is consistent with the citizen candidate model of representative democracy.

While Filipinos reclaimed their liberties after the downfall of Mr. Marcos in February 1986, scholars began wondering about the eventual success of political reforms in the archipelago, particularly because of sustained conflicts in the rebellion on Mindanao Island and potential military threats to the ruling government such as the one-day abortive coup on 27 July 2003. This article argues that the Philippines has changed the nature of its regime from an authoritarian one to an electoral democracy, but a liberal democracy has not yet matured in the archipelago. The key reason is that there are challenges ahead in the ongoing process of political transition in the archipelago, including the threat of military coup and secessionist movements, slow economic growth, and the need to evolve a time-tested democratic culture. (Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)

Tackling infectious disease, coping with climate change, boosting growth – the major challenges facing our society and economy demand sharp social science. This 2015 pre-election report from the Campaign for Social Science makes urgent recommendations – on research funding, social science capacity and use of expert advice by government – to maximise social science's contribution through the next Parliament and beyond.

The entanglement of Jihad, Political Violence, and Media has determined the lives of Muslims in Europe and the US over the past 20 years. This book unravels the nexus of these elements, to critically examine how their conjunction is perpetuated, reproduced, or disputed. In 16 case studies, the contributors critically reflect on the identification of jihad with political violence, address the academic, legal, political and broader public production of knowledge on this topic, examine the aesthetic formations involved in the mediation and reaffirmation of this narrow understanding, explore the experiential worlds of people whose ideas and actions are labelled as and affected by notions of violent jihad, and illuminate the institutional and media contexts (e.g. of archives) in which an entanglement of jihad and political violence takes effect, with profound consequences.

The results of some research by the authors, members of the faculty at New York University, are unpleasant to the many who believe political activity can be engendered by one or another method of pedagogy.

AbstractThis study focuses on the theoretical links between two important ingredients of individuals' fundamental political values (i.e. authoritarian ideology and national attachment) and their life satisfaction assessments in an authoritarian context. We employ data from a 2016 national public survey in China to empirically examine how these political values relate to Chinese citizens' life satisfaction. Our regression analyses demonstrate that Chinese citizens with stronger authoritarian ideology and national attachment are likely to report a higher level of life satisfaction. Our study contributes to the existing literature by highlighting the importance of the connections between political values and citizen life satisfaction. It also advances our understanding of the origins of social and political stability in authoritarian regimes, where citizen life satisfaction usually represents a major source of state legitimacy.

1 A Complicated Life: My Journey to Feminist Enlightenment -- 2 New Horizons: Women and Science in Academe, 1880-1920 -- 3 Academic Realities of Single Women, 1920-1980 -- 4 Complicated Lives I: Family Life and Science, 1920-1950 -- 5 Complicated Lives II: Family Life and Science after 1950

Several Muslim economists have tried the development of a so-called Islamic economy. Its emergence has been the subject of several criticisms since it is regarded as a resistance and renouncement of Islam against the influence of the West. Assuming that it is hardly a discipline in its own right in which scientific analysis is paramount, but an instrument of pronging and endorsing Muslim thought. This special status, in general with the scientific vision of the economy, explains the many national debates within the discipline itself. The objective of this work is to make a flashback to the conditions of birth and development of the concept of Islamic economy, to deal with its political dimensions before questioning the religious legitimacy of its Islamic financing.

Capitalism as we know it presents typical dialectical features that isolate it from nature, in which real oppositions make evolution revolutionary: A dialectical metaphysics replaces the free flow of events allowing capitalist relationships but preventing the practice of materialism. Some radically sceptical issues in Hume's Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding, Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion and A Treatise of Human Nature come useful here. A materialistic approach with complete (i.e., non-dialectical) ruptures in fact dovetails with Hume's argument on the unpredictability of nature and the predictability of human social activities. As a consequence, a thus renewed materialistic political economy concerned with the concrete must work out its own categories dynamically, to discard them once they have been proved metaphysical.

Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate states is morally desirable, and that obvious alternative conceptions of the value of legitimacy (notably epistemic and instrumental) are not without problems of their own. The intuitive triviality of establishing the value of normative legitimacy may mask a serious problem.

A group of writers have taken up Nietzsche's hammer against the constructions of contemporary international theory. Postmodern approaches problematize the dominant understanding of international relations as a world of sovereign states which demarcate inside from outside, order from anarchy, identity from difference. More generally, they challenge the notion of sovereignty as an ahistorical, universal, transcendent concept, be it applied to the sovereign state, the sovereign individual or a sovereign truth. Sovereignty and the dichotomies regulated by its power are mechanisms of domination and closure which limit the play of political practice. It is the aim of these writers to hammer away at these limitations, opening space for plural and diverse practices in world politics.

In the second half of the seventeenth century, European philosophers began to regard the enlightenment of ignorant and prejudiced people as a means of reducing persecution and of promoting just and reasonable government. In international affairs, the first dramatic application of this doctrine occurred during the wars of the French Revolution when diplomacy, the traditional form of elite communication, was supplemented by missionary appeals to the common man on the enemy side. Since that time, the technology of communication has greatly improved; ever larger literate masses of the population participate in politics and war; the social homogeneity of the political elites in various nations has been lost, and in the West the ideas of liberty and equality have been drained of their revolutionary power.