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"Marxs Wager explores the interconnections between the various classical sociological thinkers by focusing on their relations (direct and indirect) to the work of Karl Marx. In the process we are offered fascinating new insights into Marx, together with new ways of looking at figures as various as Herbert Spencer, Auguste Comte, Harriet Martineau, Emile Durkheim, Georg Simmel, Max Weber, Thorstein Veblen, W.E.B. Du Bois, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and Sigmund Freud. The result is an intellectual feast for sociologists." John Bellamy Foster, author, The Return of Nature: Socialism and Ecology Marxs masterpiece Capital (Das Kapital) was ignored and misread, or selectively and creatively interpreted by the generation of social scientists that came after him. With a focus on how Durkheim, Weber, and Simmel attempt to supplement what they call historical materialism or to engage in debates about socialism, this book details the significance of their references to Marxs Capital and other writings. Although the classical sociologists did not have access to most of Marxs published and unpublished works as we do today, they share his concern with how empirically detailed and scientifically valid knowledge of the social world may inform historical struggles for a more human world. This commitment can be called Faustian, after the title character of the poet J. W. von Goethes tragic epic of modernity, insofar as Marx and the classical sociologists hope to translate theory into practice while making a pact or wager with the diabolical social, political, and economic forces of the modern world. 'What I call "Marxs wager" in the title of this book is a more severe version of Fausts, since it entails both patient understanding and vigorous action. Like Goethes resolve in dedicating his life to the completion of his masterpiece as the supreme expression of his life, Marx never wavers in his commitment to produce a work that maps the possible directions for human history and that also calls for social change. For Marx, the scholarly aspect of this wager lies in the risk of miscommunication and misunderstanding, while the political aspect lies in the danger of defeat and discontent' (from the Preface). Thomas Kemple is Professor of Sociology at the University of British Columbia, Canada. His articles appear in Theory, Culture & Society, Journal of Classical Sociology, and Rethinking Marxism. He is the author of Reading Marx Writing: Melodrama, the Market, and the Grundrisse (1995), Intellectual Work and the Spirit of Capitalism: Webers Calling (2014), and Simmel (2018). .

This paper provides an overview and critical review of the question of whether and to what extent has the coronavirus pandemic affected the economic situation of women. The case study in Bosnia and Herzegovina identified the key concepts that will guide our analysis and interpretation. Based on our experiences, we examine and investigate the economic and social status of women in general, and then monitor economic and social parameters during the coronavirus pandemic, to answer the key question- whether the pandemic caused more damage to men or women in economic terms, did it emphasize and deepen the existing gender gap in economic and social terms, or did it improve the position of women, which we consider less likely. This is a predominantly quantitative approach, given that we collected, compared, and analyzed various statistical data from the census, statistics from labor and employment agencies on the labor market, and similar. Using the compilation method we collected all relevant statistical data for research, and then relied on content analysis and comparison to draw key conclusions. Also, using the compilation method we collected various media reports related to the topic. Where there was a need for additional sources we used the interview as a qualitative method, where we relied on the experience of employment agencies, as well as non-governmental organizations dealing with gender equality issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even though numerous studies have shown that the Covid-19 pandemic had a disproportionate impact on women, our research confirms that official statistics in Bosnia and Herzegovina do not reveal that women are significantly more economically affected than men. The expressiveness of women affected by the coronavirus pandemic and the impact on their economic status was also given through regression analysis and its results. Taking into account only R Square and its indicator of 48%, which is not negligible, it shows the economic position of women before the coronavirus, but certainly during the pandemic. However, given that the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic risk improving existing gender inequalities, we also seek to remind the relevant institutions of their commitment to addressing gender inequalities in all aspects of society and achieving these goals more quickly through a gender-sensitive approach. This, therefore, further opens up opportunities for gender equality, the effectiveness of sustainable development goals, and the empowerment of women in all aspects of social, political, cultural, and economic life.

The article deals with investigating into the conditions of the critical attitude spread among scientists and academicians during the period of 1960s–1990s towards some aspects of domestic and foreign state policy of that time. At the same time, the motives for such a criticism seem not to be obvious, since the social status and well-being of the scientific and academic intelligentsia, as well as its public prestige, was one of the highest among the socio-professional groups of Soviet society. To perceive criticism of Soviet scientists as a form of struggle against the regime does not seem entirely correct, since the critically thinking Soviet scientists did not seek to popularize their socio-political ideas and attract supporters from other social groups. On the contrary, the discussion on "complex" political and socio-economic aspects of the Soviet society took place within closed communities. In addition, the Soviet scientific intelligentsia of that time, unlike the pre-revolutionary intellectuals, did not idealize people; they did not have a sense of "guilt" towards it, as well as the idea of selfless "serving the people". Soviet scientists perceived themselves as an elite, even aristocratic group, and this idea found expression in the science-fiction novel "Hard to Be a God" by the Soviet writers Arkady and Boris Strugatsky. The main character of the novel is the historian Anton, who was sent to the Arkanar Kingdom on an alien planet and assumed the role of an aristocrat named Don Rumata. He masterfully uses a sword, enjoys phenomenal success with women and contributes to the progress of local humanity. The Soviet intellectuals of that time constructed their own elite professional and social identity using the practices of prestigious consumption and behavior and pursuing specific socialization strategies that were alternative to the official Soviet norms and rules of behavior. The self-identification of scientists as an elite group within the Soviet society was based on the social conditions for the development of science in the USSR in the 1950s–1960s such as a high level of prestige of scientific and academic activities, high expectations from science as well as creating relatively autonomous scientific centers ("Academic Town" or ZATO ('closed administrative-territorial formation') – closed towns with secret research installations). Such settlements were quite independent from the local and regional authorities being subordinated directly to Moscow. Besides, secrecy of closed cities or facilities limited the possibilities of the direct control and interference from regional party and state authorities in the activities of scientific institutions and scientists.

Das Thema Nachhaltigkeit hat sich im Laufe der Zeit zu einem Megatrend entwickelt und rückt Unternehmen angesichts ihrer gesellschaftlichen Verantwortung zunehmend in den Mittelpunkt von Diskussionen. Dabei erreichen Unternehmen die gesellschaftliche Legitimation ihrer Aktivitäten nur, wenn sie diese klar und transparent kommunizieren. Nachhaltigkeitsberichterstattung kann den ökonomischen, ökologischen und sozialen Informationsansprüchen verschiedener Stakeholder gerecht werden und findet im Rahmen entsprechender Gesetze und Verordnungen weltweiten Eingang. In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden die OECD-Leitsätze für multinationale Unternehmen, als der umfassendste multilaterale Verhaltenskodex für verantwortungsvolle Unternehmensführung, aufgegriffen und näher betrachtet. Zudem wird das Hauptaugenmerk auf das Nachhaltigkeitsdiversitätsverbesserungsgesetz (NaDiVeG) als nationales, verpflichtendes Rahmenwerk zur Berichtslegung nichtfinanzieller Informationen österreichischer Unternehmen gelegt. Mithilfe einer empirischen Untersuchung wird die Frage geklärt, inwiefern die inhaltlichen Anforderungen der OECD-Leitsätze in den Nachhaltigkeitspublikationen zehn börsennotierter Unternehmen erfüllt werden. Während z.B. in den Kategorien Umwelt, Verbraucherinteressen oder Wettbewerb ausreichend Informationen bereitgestellt werden, fällt die Berichtslegung zum Bereich Besteuerung sehr gering aus. Eine weiterführende Untersuchung, inwiefern die OECD-Leitsätze als Berichtstandard zur Umsetzung des NaDiVeG, das in Form der NFI-Richtlinie Informationen zu den vier Themen Umwelt-, Sozial- & Arbeitnehmerbelange, Menschenrechte sowie Korruption & Bestechung fordert, verwendet werden können, ergibt kontroverse Ergebnisse. Zwar sind zu den vier geforderten Bereichen allgemeine Empfehlungen vorhanden, die Angabe konkreter nichtfinanzieller Leistungsindikatoren allerdings fehlt, womit zusätzlich auf einen zweiten Berichtstandard wie die GRI-Leitlinien zurückgegriffen werden sollte. ; Recently, sustainability has become a major quality feature for companies, which are increasingly assessed based on their attitude towards social responsibility. Experience has shown that corporations will only obtain social acceptance when acting transparently. The coverage of sustainability aspects established by law helps to meet the stakeholders call for economic, ecological and social information. The thesis at hand examines the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, the most comprehensive multilateral code of conduct for responsible corporate management. A further focus will be laid on the so-called "Nachhaltigkeitsdiversitätsverbesserungsgesetz" (NaDiVeG), a binding national framework regarding the compilation of reports dealing with non-financial information of Austrian businesses. An empirical analysis will examine to what extent the findings of sustainability-publications of ten quoted corporations meet the OECD Guidelines. While aspects such as environment, consumer interests or competition are covered sufficiently, the compilation of reports concerning taxation appears to be deficient. A further investigation, dealing with whether the OECD Guidelines can work as a basis of reporting in the implementation of the NaDiVeG, has revealed controversial results. In the form of the NFI Guideline, the NaDiVeG claims information on four topics, namely environmental, social & workplace-related issues, human rights, corruption & bribery. Even though the OECD Guidelines contain recommendations concerning these four topics, they lack concrete non-financial performance indicators. Thus, they should only be used alongside other reporting standards such as the GRI Guidelines. ; Claudia Maria Reiterer, BSc ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2581625

Сельское хозяйство в качестве базовой сферы человеческой деятельности традиционно являлось отраслью, выполняющей, наряду с задачей обеспечения населения продовольственными ресурсами, важнейшие социальные функции, включая предоставление условий для занятости значительной доли населения всего мира. Сегодня сторонники концепции органического сельского хозяйства переключают основное внимание на экологические воздействия данного сектора, подчеркивая свойственные этой модели аграрной экономики преимущества. однако, как показывают авторы статьи, традиционное сельское хозяйство при его последовательной ориентации на принципы устойчивого развития проявляет высокую эффективность не только в обеспечении продовольственной безопасности населения всей планеты, но и в решении широкого круга социально-экологических проблем. Этим реализуется целостный взгляд на стоящие перед обществом экономические, экологические и социальные вызовы, а также вырабатываются сбалансированные цели и стратегии для всех заинтересованных сторон. Что касается приверженности ряда авторов либо традиционному, либо органическому сельскому хозяйству, то, как показано в статье, в немалой степени она обусловливается уровнем рассмотрения проблемы: национальным, международным или же охватывающим взаимоотношения внутри и между различными поколениями людей. В статье предложен вариант согласования указанных позиций на базе современных представлений об устойчивом развитии. В заключительной части обобщается опыт перехода на экологически ориентированные модели земледелия в ряде регионов России с выработкой рекомендаций по модернизации политики государства. Библиогр. 63 назв. ил. 5. Табл. 3. ; Agriculture as fundamental activity of people was traditionally considered as economic activity with social functions. It provides a significant part of the world population with jobs and income. today the so called organic conception оf agriculture concentrates its attention mainly at the ecological aspects and the problems of green gas emissions. In this paper the authors demonstrate, that with respect to social and certain ecological problems traditional agriculture has not negligible advantages compared to ecological agriculture, especially if the attention is drawn to the global task to supply the increasing world population with food. Contemporary conceptions of sustainable development provide a holistic view at the economic, ecological and social challenges to society and a balanced way of elaborating development goals and strategies at the national as well as at the international levels. Furthermore, it will be seen that the preferences to either traditional or to organic agriculture which can be found in the literature depend mainly on the perspective of the authors to the national, international, innergenerational and intergenerational aspects. Finally, the authors try to provide some overview on theoretical perception, on the plans and on the implementation of the ideas of sustainable agriculture in the Russian Federation and to give some recommendations for the modernization of social and environmental agricultural policy. Refs 63. Figs 5. tables 3.

The issue of participation of political parties in the sociopolitical processes is one of the key aspect in modern domestic political science. Normally, parties are integral subject of political process not only at national level, but also of regional and local processes. District councils have the greatest interest for parties because only here parties are in closest position to their own social base. Here is located the main part of government agencies with regional administrative resources.In this context, the election campaign to district councils in 2002 has a special scientific interest. Local elections to district councils held simultaneously with elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. That was the first experience in history of independent Ukraine when elections held under the tested regulatory framework. Political parties have already had their own regional network and have ready way of working with voters. In some extent, trust to parties as to political institutions restored upon the full discrediting in the early 90's.The campaign to district councils in 2002 was the last campaign where political parties have intended to gain representation within councils without the use of proportional principle. The presence of certain parties in district councils often explained not by direct support of these political forces but by social status of a particular candidate. ; The issue of participation of political parties in the sociopolitical processes is one of the key aspect in modern domestic political science. Normally, parties are integral subject of political process not only at national level, but also of regional and local processes. District councils have the greatest interest for parties because only here parties are in closest position to their own social base. Here is located the main part of government agencies with regional administrative resources.In this context, the election campaign to district councils in 2002 has a special scientific interest. Local elections to district councils held simultaneously with elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. That was the first experience in history of independent Ukraine when elections held under the tested regulatory framework. Political parties have already had their own regional network and have ready way of working with voters. In some extent, trust to parties as to political institutions restored upon the full discrediting in the early 90's.The campaign to district councils in 2002 was the last campaign where political parties have intended to gain representation within councils without the use of proportional principle. The presence of certain parties in district councils often explained not by direct support of these political forces but by social status of a particular candidate.

The author scrutinizes the ritualization of political life in Russia in recent years connecting it with discrepancies between the power and the elites adjoining it, on the one hand, and the majority of population, the masses, on the other hand, with the gap between adaptive-pragmatic and integrative-symbolic aspects of mass life. In politics it leads to going up of symbolic shares of addressing "all as one", of appeals to "the overwhelming majority". The symbols of the Power demonstrated in a simulative way play the role of common property, integrative principle. Here one can speak of symbolization of non-alternativeness, of memorization of the Russians collective identity and, finally, about mediatization of politics. Frustration of the Russians collective consciousness is manifested in repressing the positive images of the Generalized other. At the same time the ritual policy of power regarding "everybody" or "the majority" is connected with repressive policy regarding separate social agents, various "minorities" and the forms of their social self-organization. These symptoms are described in the paper on the examples of official celebration of the victory in World War II and the attitude of the Russian power and population to the Ukraine. ; The author scrutinizes the ritualization of political life in Russia in recent years connecting it with discrepancies between the power and the elites adjoining it, on the one hand, and the majority of population, the masses, on the other hand, with the gap between adaptive-pragmatic and integrative-symbolic aspects of mass life. In politics it leads to going up of symbolic shares of addressing "all as one", of appeals to "the overwhelming majority". The symbols of the Power demonstrated in a simulative way play the role of common property, integrative principle. Here one can speak of symbolization of non-alternativeness, of memorization of the Russians collective identity and, finally, about mediatization of politics. Frustration of the Russians collective consciousness is manifested in repressing the positive images of the Generalized other. At the same time the ritual policy of power regarding "everybody" or "the majority" is connected with repressive policy regarding separate social agents, various "minorities" and the forms of their social self-organization. These symptoms are described in the paper on the examples of official celebration of the victory in World War II and the attitude of the Russian power and population to the Ukraine.

6. The article analyses data of VCIOM surveys related to the population's attitude toward some aspects of social protection. In particular, it demonstrates that paternalist orientations are not as wide-spread as it is assumed. A considerable part of the population thinks that in ordeFto secure life in the old age a person must have own sources of income (money, property, realty), although the government should not be relieved of the care about retired people. As regards privileges and allowances appropriated from the budget, poverty and economic vulnerability are recognised in the public opinion as a sufficient ground to receive them. Individual merits and official positions are not any more such a justifiable ground for getting privileges and allowances. As to housing and communal reform, low incomes and continuously delayed wage payments are a serious obstacle for more than two-thirds of the population to increase expenditure on accommodation from the family budgets. On the whole, there are prerequisites for reforming the system of social protection on the part of the population, but the method of "shock therapy" is hardly applicable in this area because of poor economic and psychological resources of the population. ; 6. The article analyses data of VCIOM surveys related to the population's attitude toward some aspects of social protection. In particular, it demonstrates that paternalist orientations are not as wide-spread as it is assumed. A considerable part of the population thinks that in ordeFto secure life in the old age a person must have own sources of income (money, property, realty), although the government should not be relieved of the care about retired people. As regards privileges and allowances appropriated from the budget, poverty and economic vulnerability are recognised in the public opinion as a sufficient ground to receive them. Individual merits and official positions are not any more such a justifiable ground for getting privileges and allowances. As to housing and communal reform, low incomes and continuously delayed wage payments are a serious obstacle for more than two-thirds of the population to increase expenditure on accommodation from the family budgets. On the whole, there are prerequisites for reforming the system of social protection on the part of the population, but the method of "shock therapy" is hardly applicable in this area because of poor economic and psychological resources of the population.

Les arguments de cet article sont avant tout méthodologiques: que les caractéristiques distinctives d'un groupe peuvent être identifiees grâce à une analyse de ses activités de controle social; et qu'un examen des comportements de contrôle d'un groupe devrait commencer par l'étude de sa culture avec une attention particulière pour sa problématique centrale. Des éléments à l'intérieur de la culture d'un groupe contiennent des sources importantes de contrôle du comportement et contribuent à la nature de l'ordre social à l'intérieur de ce groupe. C'est dans la culture que des sanctions normales et des limitations de ces sanctions sont soit déduites, soit explicitement articulées. Le mode d'analyse est illustre par l'étude de la culture de la Ligue La Lèche, une organisation d'auto‐assistance pour les femmes qui souhaitent alaiter leurs bébés au sein. L'article conclut que le succès de la ligue à encourager ses membres à s'adapter à un style de vie substantiellement plus coûteux peut être attribuer à quelques caractéristiques importantes du contenu de son problème central et son articultation avec d'autres aspects de la culture. Les données analysées proviennent des publications de la Ligue La Lèche, d'observations de participants aux réunions de la Ligue et d'interviews avec des membres de la Ligue. Le site de recherche est Ottawa, en Ontario.The arguments of this paper are primarily methodological: that distinguishing characteristics of a group can be identified through an analysis of its social control activities; and that an examination of a group's control behaviours should begin with a study of its culture, with special attention to its central problematic. Elements within the culture of a group contain important sources of behavioural control and contribute to the nature of the social order within that group. It is within the culture that normal sanctions, and limitations upon sanctions are either inferred or are explicitly articulated. The mode of analysis is illustrated through the study of the culture of the La Leche League, a self‐help organization for women who want to breastfeed their babies. The paper concludes that the League's success in encouraging its members to adapt a lifestyle with substantial costs can be attributed to some important characteristics of the content of its central problem and its articulation with other aspects of the culture. The data analyzed come from La Leche League publications; participant observation at League meetings; and interviews with League members. The research site is Ottawa, Ontario.

Este trabajo aborda un aspecto de la variante eugénica latina que se desarrolló en Argentina durante gran parte del siglo XX, caracterizándose por el ejercicio de una coerción disimulada. Ella se sustentó principalmente en el control de la reproducción a través de mecanismos prescriptos por la Iglesia Católica y aceptados por elites liberales, consistentes en un disciplinamiento de la sexualidad que descartó las prácticas esterilizadoras fortaleciendo, en cambio, estrategias moralizadoras de raigambre filofascista en la convicción de que éstas serían el mejor reaseguro para conseguir una prole sana. Se analiza aquí la permeabilidad de esa Eugenesia en el ámbito académico, aún bastante después del Holocausto a través de la consolidación de estudios universitarios de Eugenesia legitimados por el Estado nacional, en coincidencia con el involucramiento de Argentina en la Guerra Fría. Así, las particularidades del proceso de construcción del reconocimiento social del título universitario de "eugenista" y las habilitaciones profesionales para su desempeño, integran una trama singular de ideologías y disputas políticas que aquí se buscan desentrañar. ; This paper approaches the Latin-Eugenic variant, particularly, in the aspect developed in Argentina during the 20th Century. That aspect was characterized by a "dissimulated coercion". That Eugenics was based in the control of reproduction though mechanisms supported by Catholic Church and accepted by Liberal elites, which consisted in the disciplining sexuality that rejected sterilizing practices but strengthened, instead, moralizing pro-fascistic strategies; considering them as the best decision to get healthy progeny. Then, we will analyse here the permeability of that Eugenics in the academic world, and its survival after Holocaust behind the consolidation of High Studies of Eugenics, which had its legitimacy from the national State, at the same time of Argentina's involvement in the Cold War. In this way, the particularities of the creation process of social recognition of the degree of Graduate in Eugenics (and its professional authorization) have integrated a singular plot of ideologies and politic disputes that this work expects to show. ; Fil: Vallejo, Gustavo Gabriel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Departamento de Ciencias Sociales. Centro de Estudios de Historia, Cultura y Memoria; Argentina ; Fil: Miranda, Marisa Adriana. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de la Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales. Instituto de Cultura Jurídica; Argentina

"The incapacity of the married woman in interwar Romanian law is analyzed in the general context of the legal system of that period, which raises the question of legislative unification. From the perspective of the Romanian legal tradition in this field, but also of positive law, the doctrine and case law have clarified several relevant aspects. An interesting 1920 debate concerned the possibility for women to practice the profession of lawyer. The arguments brought by one side or the other reconstruct, to a great extent, the general attitudes regarding the incapacity of women in private law. In the field of equal political rights, the Constitution of 1923 stipulated the need for special rules "voted by a two–thirds majority" to establish "the conditions under which women can exercise political rights". The ordinary legislature was to decide, sometime in the future, whether, at this level, it would establish a full equality of women and men, or whether it would grant women only in part a number of political rights which men had."

"The end of the 19th century, more precisely the year 1890, represented for the people of Craiova the opportunity to witness a new royal visit, this time a very special one, because for the first time the Crown Prince Ferdinand visited the city of Craiova with his uncle, King Carol I. The visit lasted 3 days, 1–3 October, being perhaps one of the most eventful visits, at least in terms of the very busy schedule. Many schools were visited, both girls' and boys' schools, as well as hospitals or prisons were among the objectives of the visit. The Craiova society was involved in the big event, with demonstrations taking place in which many people participated. There was also criticism in the anti-dynastic press of the time, many aspects of the organization of the visit being attacked. The visit remains one of reference for Craiova, the magnitude of the event echoing in the press and the documents of the time. "

"This book gives a voice to the women, mostly Malay Muslim, of the Deep South of Thailand who, in the face of state intimidation or the violence of militant insurgency resulting from ethno-religious conflict, have drawn on their religious faiths to sustain the well-being of their families in the face of losing fathers, husbands, sons or brothers to the violence"--

Frontmatter -- Content -- Foreword -- Foreword -- Introduction: Housing and Human Settlements in a World of Change -- Chapter 1: Indonesian Housing Policy in the Era of Globalization -- Chapter 2: Let's Get Down to Business – Private Influences in the Making of Affordable Housing Policies -- Chapter 3: Mutual Aid, Self-Management and Collective Ownership -- Chapter 4: Understanding the Housing Needs of Low-Skilled Bangladeshi Migrants in Oman -- Chapter 5: Between Need for Housing and Speculation -- Chapter 6: Influence of Migrants' Two-Directional Rural-Urban Linkages in Urban Villages in China -- Chapter 7: Urban Environmental Migrants -- Chapter 8: Heat-Stress-Related Climate-Change Adaptation in Informal Urban Communities -- Chapter 9: From the Hyper-ghetto to Statesubsidised Urban Sprawl -- Chapter 10: Learning From Co-Produced Landslide Risk Mitigation Strategies in Low-Income Settlements in Medellín (Colombia) and São Paulo (Brazil) -- Bio Notes

Steep socioeconomic hierarchy in post-industrial Western society threatens public health because of the physiological consequences of material and psychosocial insecurities and deprivations. Following on from their previous books, the authors continue their exploration of the geography of early mortality from age-related chronic conditions, of risk behaviors and their health outcomes, and of infant and child mortality, all due to rigid hierarchy. They divide the 50 states into those that gave their electoral college votes to Trump and those that gave theirs to Clinton in the 2016 presidential election and compare the two sets for socioeconomic and public health profiles. They deliberately apply only simple standard statistical methods in the public health analyses: t-test, Mann-Whitney test, bivariate regression, and backward stepwise multivariate regression. The book assumes familiarity with basic statistics. The authors argue that the unequal power relations that result in eroding public health in the nation and, in particular, in the Trump-voting states, largely cascade from the collapse of American industry, and they analyze the Cold War roots of that collapse. In two largely independent chapters on economics, they explore both the suppression of countervailing forces, such as organized labor, and the diversion of technical resources to the military as essential foundations to the population-level suffering that expressed itself in the 2016 presidential election.