Suchergebnisse

The paper aims to contribute to the clarification of several aspects of the minorities' right to participate in public life on local level. It considers the following elements: analysis of the Macedonian legal and constitutional framework; analysis of relevant provision of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Union's treatment of the issue in the framework of its foreign policy of 'Regional Approach' (1996-1999). The analysis relies on two comparisons. Firstly, it contrasts the content of the EU conditionality in the field of minority rights developed during the 1990's in the framework of the eastern enlargement with the content of conditionality in the same field developed in the framework of the 'Regional Approach'. Secondly, the study encompasses a brief comparison with the later development of the relevant standards within the framework of the subsequently developed EU enlargement policy of Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). Considering that the EU relies on the standards developed in the system of Council of Europe in the field of minority rights, the analysis in particular attempts to contribute to the understanding of the dynamics of this "borrowing", during which the Council and the Commission rely on certain aspects of the body of rules of the Council of Europe, while omitting others. Adapted from the source document.

Zahlreiche Forschungsarbeiten im In- und Ausland sowie vielfältige, private, zivilgesellschaftliche und staatliche Initiativen zeigen, dass der Generationenfrage und mit ihr dem Verhältnis zwischen den Generationen gegenwärtig hohe Aufmerksamkeit zuteil wird. Die Gründe für dieses Interesse sind bekannt: Aufgrund des demographischen Wandels wird das Zusammenleben von drei bis vier Generationen zur Regel. In dieser neuen Konstellation werden Risiken und Chancen erkannt: So wird einerseits die Sorge geäussert, dass sich die verschiedenen Generationen wegen des beschleunigten sozialen Wandels auseinanderleben und unterschiedliche Interessenslagen im politischen Bereich in Generationenkonflikte münden könnten. Andererseits wird auf die Chancen und Potenziale hingewiesen, die sich aus dem Zusamenleben mehrerer Generationen ergeben und die sich mittels generationenübergreifender Projekte nutzen liessen. ; Cite as: Zürcher, Markus & Stoffel, Martine (2014): Kontextualisierung und Positionierung von Generationenprojekten. Ergebnisse des ersten trinationalen Workshops Generationenprojekte vom 30./31. Mai 2013 in Zürich. Zenodo. http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1064726

This Working Paper is a background paper delivered to frame the workshop 'Global Governance by Indicators: Measuring corruption and corruption indicators' convened by the Global Governance Programme of the European University Institute in Florence on 17 and 18 October 2013. Successively it was developed further in EUI RSCAS WP 2014/37 - http://hdl.handle.net/1814/30582 ; The development of more sophisticated corruption measures has been stimulated by consistent and compelling demands for more effective action against corruption. However, the production of these indicators has rarely been addressed as a 'technique of governance' (Davis et al., 2012), or an instrument of 'governance without government' (Rosenau & Czempiel, 1992). The first section (1) reviews the major existing measures of corruption, by focusing on different categories of indices and indicators. The second part (2) pays particular attention to the major ontological and methodological criticisms, constraints and pitfalls, connected with these indicators. The third part (3) presents a comparative analysis of two of the most widely used indicators of corruption: the World Bank's Control of Corruption indicator (CC) and Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (CPI). The fourth section (4) evaluates the policy implications embedded in the construction and employment of indicators, while the last part of the paper (5) concludes by summarizing the most important questions raised by this analysis.

Статья посвящена проблеме социально-экономического развития Республики Молдова (РМ) и непризнанной Приднестровской Молдавской Республики в контексте ожидающегося подписания Соглашения об ассоциации Республики Молдова с Европейским союзом. На основе анализа экспертных оценок характеризуются возможные экономические и политические последствия подписания уже парафированного руководством Молдовы Соглашения. Так, приведенными в статье данными подтверждается возможность возникновения ряда негативных эффектов в экспортоориентированной экономике региона. Большое внимание автор уделяет политическим последствиям окончательного перехода Молдовы в зону экономического влияния Европейского союза. Автор приходит к выводу, что в случае подписания Соглашения об ассоциации РМ ЕС, экономический кризис в Молдове будет усугубляться, причем наиболее негативные эффекты в экономике будут наблюдаться в социально-экономической сфере непризнанной Приднестровской Молдавской Республики. ; This article looks at the socioeconomic development of the Republic of Moldova and the unrecognized Transnistrian Moldovan Republic in the context of the anticipated European Union Moldova Association Agreement. Based on analysis of expert opinion, the author outlines the economic and political consequences that could result from the signing of this agreement, which has already been initiated by the Moldovan government. The data presented in the article confirms that there could be a number of negative consequences for the region's export-oriented economy. The author pays particular attention to the political consequences of Moldova ultimately moving into the EU's zone of economic influence. The author concludes that an EU Moldova Association Agreement would exacerbate the economic crisis in Moldova and would have considerable negative impact on the affect the socioeconomic development of the unrecognized Transnistrian Moldovan Republic.

"Dieser Aufsatz ist ein Vorschlag zur Thematisierung von 'Pathologien der Arbeit' vor dem Hintergrund einer historisch-normativen Rekonstruktion von Arbeit als sozialem Kooperationsverhältnis. Ein solches Kooperationsverhältnis skizzieren wir, angelehnt an einen hegelschen Terminus, als Teilhabe am 'gesellschaftlichen Vermögen', d. h. an dem, was eine Gesellschaft hat, und dem, was sie kann. Pathologien der Arbeit lassen sich dann umgekehrt als unterschiedliche Weisen des Misslingens oder der Verweigerung einer solchen Teilhabe auffassen. Der Umweg über die Pathologien der Arbeit soll es erlauben, dem positiven Gehalt dessen näherzukommen, was den Wert von Arbeit in modernen Gesellschaften ausmacht. Er ist zugleich der Schlüssel zu der Frage, welche Bedeutung der Arbeit unter Bedingungen einer Postwachstumsgesellschaft zukommen sollte." (Autorenreferat, IAB-Doku)

This article calls for a critical revaluation of the case for asset-based welfare as a progressive strategy for greater social inclusion. Whilst there is a strong case for helping low-income households to build a financial cushion, the idea that there is a stronger 'asset-effect' – with positive benefits beyond financial stability and access to goods and services – is unsupported by current evidence. Recent interpretations of that evidence have tended to claim a unique asset-effect that could in fact be achieved by other means. The idea of an asset-effect is also normatively opaque in the current debate, with little clarity on the deeper issue of the individual behaviours that the 'effect' is intended to create. This leaves an ambiguity in the relationship between asset-based welfare and the rights and duties of citizenship; a lacuna that is easily exploited by ideologies of self-sufficiency at the expense of more egalitarian accounts of social inclusion.