Suchergebnisse

El artículo presenta consideraciones sobre las ventajas que el régimen parlamentario tendría con respecto a los regímenes presidencial y semi-presidencial en lo concerniente a la preservación del Sistema democrático. No se señala que, en el caso concreto del Perú, lo más recomendable sea implementar un régimen parlamentario, ni que, de adoptarse por dicho régimen, se evitará nuevos golpes de Estado. Sugiere simplemente, que por sus características, el régimen parlamentario parece ser más flexible para la solución de las crisis políticas y, por ello, menos proclive a la ruptura del sistema democrático. ; The article presents considerations on the advantages of Parliamentary regimes over presidential and semi-presidential ones, in relation with the preservation of democratic systems. However, in the specific case of Peru, it does not seek to demonstrate that, if such a regime were adopted, it would constitute the most advisable option, nor that the forceful overthrowing of democratic governments will be avoided. Rather, it is claimed that parliamentary regimes provide a more flexible framework for resolving political crises, and therefore diminish the likelihood of the disruption of democracy.

The article presents considerations on the advantages of Parliamentary regimes over presidential and semi-presidential ones, in relation with the preservation of democratic systems. However, in the specific case of Peru, it does not seek to demonstrate that, if such a regime were adopted, it would constitute the most advisable option, nor that the forceful overthrowing of democratic governments will be avoided. Rather, it is claimed that parliamentary regimes provide a more flexible framework for resolving political crises, and therefore diminish the likelihood of the disruption of democracy. ; El artículo presenta consideraciones sobre las ventajas que el régimen parlamentario tendría con respecto a los regímenes presidencial y semi-presidencial en lo concerniente a la preservación del Sistema democrático. No se señala que, en el caso concreto del Perú, lo más recomendable sea implementar un régimen parlamentario, ni que, de adoptarse por dicho régimen, se evitará nuevos golpes de Estado. Sugiere simplemente, que por sus características, el régimen parlamentario parece ser más flexible para la solución de las crisis políticas y, por ello, menos proclive a la ruptura del sistema democrático.

A central theme in the literature of local government law is that local governments are powerless, incapable of initiating programs on behalf of their citizens or of resisting intrusions by the state. How can scholars make this claim when under state legislation and federal and state judicial decisions local autonomy plays a critical role in the law of school finance, land-use regulation and local government formation and preservation? As we have seen, a partial response turns on the varying assessments of the nature of power. But much of the answer also has to do with differing assumptions about the underlying political, economic and social characteristics of local governments. There are more than 82,000 local governments in the United States, but when most scholars write about local governments generally they are, I suspect, thinking about one particular category of localities: cities. For example, Professor Frug's analysis of local government law is styled "The City as a Legal Concept."' Professor Ellickson's contrast of public and private local organizations is titled "Cities and Homeowners Associations." And Professor Clark's study of local legal autonomy is called "Judges and the Cities."

Self-defense on the international level is generally regarded, at least by international lawyers, as a legal right defined and legitimated by international law. Governments, by and large, appear to agree. When they have used force, they have nearly always claimed self-defense as their legal justification. Governments disputing that claim have usually asserted that the legal conditions of self-defense were not met in the particular case. However, despite the apparent agreement that self-defense is governed by law, the meaning and validity of that proposition remain open to question. There are some who challenge the basic idea that the security of a state—its self-preservation—can and should be subjected to international law. Others question whether under present conditions the ideal of a rule of law can be applied on the international level to national security decisions. My aim in this essay is to explore some aspects of the problem raised by these challenges to the applicability of international law to claims of self-defense. It is not my intention, I should add, to consider specific interpretations of self-defense.

Muhammad Kurd 'Alī referred to his teacher and close friend, Sheikh Tāhir al-Jazā'irī, as the Muhammad 'Abduh of Syria. Kurd 'Alī, however, was not alone in remarking upon the impact that al-Jazā'irī had in Syria during the lete nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Albert Hourani also mentioned him in comparison to 'Abduh:Ideas such as those of 'Abduh were "in the air" in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. We find similar groups of reformers in all the more advanced Muslim countries, and perhaps it is too simple to explain them in terms of the influence of al-Afghānī and 'Abduh. It could be said…that al-'Urwa al-wuthqacould only have had its influence because there were already little groups of Muslims thinking on the lines which made it popular… In Syria similar men can be found in all the great centers of Muslim learning… Among those whom were roughly contemporary with 'Abduh and had some contact with him, was Tāhir al-Jazāir'ī,… a writer on literary and linguistic subjects, he had a wider importance through his work for the establishment of modern schools and the preservations of ancient books.

ANY CONSIDERATION OF THE PROCESS OF DECOLONISATION MUST BE PRIMARILY CONCERNED WITH THE QUESTION OF TO WHOM POWER WAS TRANSFERRED. WHO INHERITED THE COLONIAL STATE AND HOW DID THEY ESTABLISH THEIR CLAIM? THE BASIC THESIS OF THIS ARTICLE IS THAT IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE NATURE OF THE POST-COLONIAL STATE IN SWAZILAND IT IS NECESSARY TO LOOK BACK AT LEAST AS FAR AS THE 1930S, AND TO TRACE THE ROOTS OF SWAZI 'TRADITIONALISM', THE IDEOLOGY WHICH TRIUMPHED OVER COMPETING FORMS OF AFRICAN NATIONALISM DURING THE 1960S. IN ORDER TO COMPREHEND SWAZI 'TRADITIONALISM', IT IS ESSENTIAL TO DISTINGUISH IT FROM 'CONSERVATISM', RESISTANCE TO CHANGE, THE PRESERVATION OF OLD CUSTOMS AND WAYS OF DOING THINGS. OF COURSE, 'TRADITIONALISM' MAY AT TIMES BE CONSERVATIVE IN THE LATTER SENSE, BUT IT MAY ALSO BE, AND OFTEN IS, INNOVATIVE AND DYNAMIC. DURING THE 1920S AND 1930S 'TRADITIONALISM' BEGAN TO EMERGE IN SWAZILAND AS AN IDEOLOGY WHICH SOUGHT TO MAKE SENSE OUT OF DISLOCATION, WHILE AT THE SAME TIME LEGITIMATING THE POSITION OF AN ELITE WHICH WAS SEEKING TO PRESERVE - OR, RATHER, TO RESTORE - ITS POSITION IN VERY ADVERSE CIRCUMSTANCES.

Book Review in this ArticleDuncan Sim, Change in the City Centre.Naomi Black and Ann Baker Cottrell, eds., Women and World Change: Equity Issues in Development.Raymond C. Scheppach and Everett M. Ehrlich, eds., Energy‐Policy Analysis and Congressional ActionBrian Bayliss, Planning and Control in the Transport SectorRobert W. Lake, The New Suburbanites: Race and Housing in the SuburbsCarl H. Reidel, ed., New England Prospects: Critical Choices in a Time of ChangeJohn Cathie, The Political Economy of Food AidMichael N. Danielson and Jameson W. Doig, New York: The Politics of Urban Regional Development.Oran R. Young, Natural Resources and the State: The Political Economy of Resource Management.Albert O. Hirschman, Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and Public ActionDavid Listokin et al., Landmarks Preservation and the Property Tax: Assessing Landmark Buildings for Real Taxation Purposes.Richard H. Sabot, ed., Migration and the Labor Market in Developing CountriesDavid W. Countryman and Denise M. Sofranko, eds., Guiding Land Use Decisions: Planning and Management for Forests and RecreationJudith A. Martin and David A. Lanegran, Where We Live: The Residential Districts of Minneapolis and Saint Paul

Recent societal trends have led to simpler divorces, a growing acceptance of divorce, greater personal freedom, and increased gainful employment for women, as well as a general weakening of institutional norms. The occurrence of divorce at mid-life brings losses and adjustments. Divorce at older ages causes similar losses and adjustments, as well as others associated with old age. In addition, the elderly experience divorce indirectly through the divorces of their children. Beyond divorce or widowhood, there are problems associated with remarriage that arise from age, previous marital status, sex ratios, geographic residence, and kinship relationships. The success or failure of a second marriage depends on many factors and is affected by a lack of institutionalized norms fitting the situation. As expectations change regarding the permanency of marriage, and as the family adapts to changes in its structure, desirable goals will include the establishment of normative behavior patterns for the transitions from married, to divorced or widowed, to remarried; clarification of roles and relationships; ways of easing role transitions; and help in the preservation of long-term marital relationships.

Farmland preservation increasingly is becoming an area of public policy concern. A variety of policy options can be used to slow the conversion of farmland to Ur uses, including direct methods such as zoning, & indirect methods such as tax incentives. The potential of the latter is examined in detail. The two principal objects of the tax incentive approach are: (1) to relieve the tax burden experienced by farmers, & (2) to maintain enough farmland to ensure needed food & fiber. Alternative tax incentive programs are evaluated, with the conclusion that many can achieve the first objective, but none the second. One method discussed is a conveyance tax, equal to the difference between market value for the best nonagricultural use & use value as farmland, but so strong a tax would nullify the land market & lead to a variety of undesirable side effects. Thus, while tax incentives can be used to reduce the tax burden on farmers that may force them to sell, this approach is not desirable as a means for countering the profitability of land conversion. 20 References. Modified AA.

Among the various facets of the new public history movement, applied history holds particular interest for social science historians. Public history generally involves the effort to use historical work for nonacademic audiences; it thus embraces historical museum work, aspects of archive preservation, and media presentations for general audiences. All these are admirable goals, not of course novel, but receiving new and explicit attention in a variety of recent programs, and in the Public History Association. Applied history, though part of public history in its broadest sense, has a more specific mission (one must note that some of the presentation training programs in public history are labeled "applied," a terminological confusion that one hopes can be remedied). Applied historians seek directly to integrate certain kinds of historical research with the process of policy research, in both public and private sectors. Applied historians do this research themselves, most typically on a contract basis from academic sanctuaries but potentially as policy researchers independent of a direct academic base. They are also involved in training graduate students in this research mode, and in several cases have also mounted undergraduate courses or programs in the genre.

The paper draws a contrast between contract and community in the organization of social life in the modern world. Liberal-corporate society, based on contract, has made human beings expendable, even to the point where academic liberals will defend the sacrifice of future generations (Beckerman), or 'undeserving' poor nations (Hardin), or many millions of lives in a nuclear war (Kahn), all for the convenience of the present First-World generation and for the preservation of the liberal-corporate world economic system. The paper discusses the new economic and political power of large multinational corporations, and the burden it imposes on Third World peoples, even to the point of genocide, as in the Amazon valley. Extended analysis is given to the issue of world hunger, in the context of artificial shortages of food. Also treated is the nuclear-power industry's recklessness with present and future human lives and health. The concluding sections discuss an alternative, communitarian vision of a world free from corporate oppression, as well as some basic strategies for getting away from our contract-based society toward a world order based on 'natural' communities.

One problem with Marx's claim to have defined a scientific, nonmoral argument for socialism is the weakness of his analysis of revolutionary motivation. Marx interprets revolutions as motivated by the self-interest, & specifically the interest in survival, of members of the revolting classes. This theory does not adequately account for nonproletarian socialists such as Marx & Engels themselves. Further, concerted revolutionary action is a public good for the proletariat; it is irrational for any private individual member of the proletariat to engage in revolutionary action, since his individual actions entail costs for him personally but do not significantly affect the revolution's chances of success. Further, while Marx assumes that the proletariat is capable of collective action, he assumes that the capitalists are not; indeed, he makes the public goods problem central to his argument for the inevitability of revolution. It appears necessary for Marxists to accept a role for normative ideas in proletarian revolution, while at the same time showing why such ideas cannot also be used by capitalists for self-preservation as a class. W. H. Stoddard.

When the social and cultural behaviour of Italian immigrants and their descendants to the Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) is studied, two features become immediately evident. On the one hand, the preservation of the original languages, customs and traditions, and on the other hand the total absence of an Italian national conscience.
Finding themselves transplanted to a world which lacked the cultural symbols or references which would have allowed them to relate their memories, the immigrant's major concern was to re-establish the cultural elements of the Italian villages, particularly on the basis of religious values. The Catholic Church with its rites and feast-days was for many years the only social manifestation of the Italian colonies in this area.
After examining religion as a psychological prop, the birth of the spontaneous communities of worship, the construction of the churches and the choice and role of the "lay priests", the A. concludes by emphasizing the analogy existing between the major aspects of the Italian colonization at the Rio Grande do Sul and those contained in the dossier of the Afro-Brazilian religions, studied by Roger Bastide.

British financial interests in China, since 1895, had been closely linked with political and strategic considerations. As the political and financial rivalry between the European powers intensified, the link tightened, becoming increasingly essential for mutual preservation. European finance meant railways, mineral rights, arms, and support for the ailing Manchu Dynasty; it was clear to successive British governments that British political supremacy in China could not survive the passing of such important financial concessions into foreign hands. In 1898, with the international scramble for concessions at its peak, the leading representatives of British finance in China co-operated fully with the Foreign Office to gain the bulk of Chinese railway contracts and concessions. Such respectable British enterprises as the British and Chinese Corporation and the Pekin Syndicate received active diplomatic support at Peking and the encouragement of the Foreign Office in London. Short of actually negotiating financial contracts on behalf of private companies British diplomacy could do little more to improve the competitive standing of these leading British firms vis-à-vis their foreign rivals.