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First Volume of the work "Spheres of Global Justice" (Springer, Dordrecht, 2013). Spheres of Global Justice is the collection of 63 lectures, which were given in the scope of the European Research and Training Network 'Applied Global Justice' (Framework Program of the European Commission, HPRN-CT-2002-0031). The Global Justice Network was a co-operation of 5 universities (Graz, Louvain, Saarbrücken, Tilburg, Zürich), two national research institutes (The French National Centre for Scientific Research - CNRS, the Spanish Centre for Scientific Research - CSIC), and the Peace Research Institute in Oslo (PRIO). The first volume Global Challeges to Liberal Democracy: Political Participation, Minorities and Migrations deals with global democracy, minority rights and cultural rights, and right to migration. ; European Commission (5th Framework Program) ; Peer reviewed

The integration problems faced by new nations should be viewed as part of an historical process of political de velopment through which Western political systems have gone as well. It is during the transitional phase of political develop ment, as governments begin to assume or attempt to assume more functions, that integration problems become most acute. The most common integration problems involve problems of na tional identity, territorial control, the establishment of norms for the handling of public conflict, the relationship between gov ernors and the governed, and the problems of organizing indi viduals for the achievement of common purposes. The major options available to governments faced with integration prob lems are explored.

Most people believe that large corporations wield enormous political power when they lobby for policies as a cohesive bloc. With this controversial book, Mark A. Smith sets conventional wisdom on its head. In a systematic analysis of postwar lawmaking, Smith reveals that business loses in legislative battles unless it has public backing. This surprising conclusion holds because the types of issues that lead businesses to band together-such as tax rates, air pollution, and product liability-also receive the most media attention. The ensuing debates give citizens the information they need t

We provide a justification for political liberalism's Reciprocity Principle, which states that political decisions must be justified exclusively on the basis of considerations that all reasonable citizens can reasonably be expected to accept. The standard argument for the Reciprocity Principle grounds it in a requirement of respect for persons. We argue for a different, but compatible, justification: the Reciprocity Principle is justified because it makes possible a desirable kind of political community. The general endorsement of the Reciprocity Principle, we will argue, helps realize joint political rule and relationships of civic friendship. The main obstacle to the realization of these values is the presence of reasonable disagreement about religious, moral, and philosophical issues characteristic of liberal societies. We show the Reciprocity Principle helps to overcome this obstacle.

Address before the Midwest political scientists, Pokagan State Park, Ind., May 16, 1941.

This article takes as starting point the understanding that liberal democracy is in crisis. The article draws upon a systematic review of the literature to examine alternative democratic discourses, including radical democracy as conceived by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Following their work, it is understood that political education should facilitate opportunities for students to open, expand and change our existing democratic arrangements. Political education framed in these terms could follow three types of pedagogies: pedagogies of difference, pedagogies of articulation and pedagogies of equivalence. The article concludes by drawing upon existing qualitative research by author Edda Sant to consider examples of what these pedagogies could look like in practice. ; Este artículo parte del argumento, la democracia liberal está en crisis. Partiendo de un análisis sistemático de la literatura, se identifican modelos alternativos que podrían remplazar este tipo de democracia hasta ahora hegemónico. A continuación, se hace una propuesta para una educación política alineada con la democracia radical que plantean Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe. Se entiende que el objetivo de la educación democrática radical y política debe facilitar que el alumnado pueda abrir, expandir y cambiar el proyecto democrático. Para ello, se propone tres pedagogías: pedagogías para la diferencia, para la articulación y para la equivalencia que, desde este punto de vista, pueden contribuir a este objetivo. Se termina el artículo presentando ejemplos de cómo estas pedagogías se podrían llevar a la práctica basados en las investigaciones cualitativas recientes de la autora Edda Sant.

This article examines the process of rural democratisation in Colombia. The peasants' struggles are interpreted as a challenge to clientelism and as a bias for the extension of political citizenship. Their democratic potential, however, is restricted

Die Grenzen und Zwänge, auf die nationalstaatliche Politik im Kontext der Corona-Pandemie stößt, sind Ausdruck einer »multiplen Krisenkonstellation«. Sie können aber ebenso als Anstoß für lokale wie globale Richtungsentscheidungen kreativ gewendet werden. In scharfsichtigen und einfühlsamen Essays, herausgegeben von Hans Karl Peterlini, wirft Werner Wintersteiner nicht nur zentrale Fragen des Lebens und Überlebens auf, sondern zeichnet auch Entwürfe für Auswege aus den globalen Krisen. Aus der Kritik an der imperialen Lebensweise der Gegenwart entwickelt er die konkrete Utopie einer Wende hin zu Frieden, Solidarität, Gerechtigkeit und einem sanften Umgang mit der Natur: Ein Plädoyer für eine planetare Politik.

The paper critiques the manner by which political science is practiced in the Philippines. Despite changes in the discipline, Philippine political science remains fixated on statist interpretations of politics. It is against this backdrop that a Filipino political ecology is imagined, as a discipline that seeks to combine political economy with cultural ecology. As the author argues, there is much to be done to open, reproduce and nurture spaces for a Filipino political ecology. And this will require changes in the manner by which we theorize and practice political as well as environmental sciences.