Suchergebnisse

Die internationale Klimapolitik strebt an, den Temperaturanstieg auf 1,5 bis 2 Grad Celsius im Vergleich zum vorindustriellen Niveau zu begrenzen. Dem steht nach wie vor ein steigender Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen gegenüber. In den Szenarien des Weltklimarats (IPCC) spielen deshalb neben der klassischen Emissionsreduktion zunehmend auch Ansätze eine Rolle, mit denen der Atmosphäre Kohlendioxid (CO2) entzogen werden kann. Hingegen wird die Option einer gezielten Beeinflussung der Sonneneinstrahlung in solchen Szenarien bislang nicht berücksichtigt, vor allem wegen geophysikalischer wie geopolitischer Risiken. Für 2020 ist ein Feldexperiment zur Einbringung reflektierender Partikel in die Stratosphäre geplant - es könnte die Frage nach angemessenen Normen, Prinzipien, Institutionen und Regularien für Solares Strahlungsmanagement auf die politische Agenda bringen. Weil diese Technologie sich noch in einer frühen Entwicklungsphase befindet und die Präferenzen der meisten Regierungen noch unklar sind, sollten Governance-Bemühungen einem vorausschauenden Ansatz folgen, der auf künftige Entwicklungen flexibel reagieren kann. Dabei liegt es im Interesse der Europäischen Union (EU), eine solche Debatte im Umwelt- und Klimaregime der Vereinten Nationen (VN) zu verankern.

The aim of this research is to examine the sustainability of international trade flows of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the rest of the world. The data sample consists of quarterly data from the first quarter of 2008 to the last quarter of 2016. Johansen tests of cointegration indicated that exports and imports are cointegrated in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) is estimated and tested. Research results revealed a bidirectional weakly sustainable relationship between exports and imports pointing out the need to improve external competitiveness of Bosnia and Herzegovina's economy.

1. Introduction -- 2. Territoriality and Territorial Politics in Constitutional Law -- 3. Secession in Law: a Revolutionary or a Conservative Concept? -- 4. Revolution and devolution in contemporary European territoriality – political orders and moral borders in Exit-ing -- 5. Territorial Disputes and State Sovereignty: International Law and Politics -- 6. Humanitarian intervention and its impact on state sovereignty and human rights -- 7. Framing revolutions through international law? Self-determination referendums beyond post-colonial situations -- 8. Federalism and Secession -- 9. Brexit and the secessionist challenges in the UK -- 10. Territorial Politics of Regionalism in Italy between Integration and Disintegration -- 11. The limits of ambiguity: Success and Failure of the Spanish Constitutional Model of Territorial Politics -- 12. The Catalan Secessionists' Challenge: Reconciling their Quest for Independence and Constitution -- 13. Territorial Politics and Sub-National Constitutionalism. Lessons from Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 14. Internal secession: The Ethiopian experience in comparative perspective.

Abstract The 'Copenhagen Accord' fails to deliver the political framework for a fair, ambitious and legally-binding international climate agreement beyond 2012. The current climate policy regime dynamics are insufficient to reflect the realities of topical complexity, actor coalitions, as well as financial, legal and institutional challenges in the light of extreme time constraints to avoid 'dangerous' climate change of more than 2°C. In this paper we analyze these stumbling blocks for international climate policy and discuss alternatives in order to regain momentum for future negotiations.

The policy brief is dedicated to the theorization of current international relations in the post-Soviet area.1 The author comes to the conclusion that international order in the region can be characterized as a "Non-hegemonic cooperation" model, developed by the American political scientist Robert Keohane. The model refers to a system which does not need to be maintained by any hegemon. Instead of being controlled by only one actor, it is regulated by a framework of institutions and cooperation regimes. This model is the best characterization of the region, as currently there is no hegemon in the area able to control its international order. Instead of this, there are five important regime-making actors in the region that create the rules of cooperation. The author finds that the situation of the "Non-hegemonic cooperation" is convenient to all former Soviet states because it is in line with their foreign policy priorities, and further maintenance of this system is beneficial for all members.

Après avoir affirmé que l'intervention américaine en Afghanistan s'inscrivait dans une perspective dépassant largement les attentats du 11 septembre, l'auteur explore l'ensemble des remaniements stratégiques que les États-Unis veulent imposer à l'ensemble du monde.

This article goes beyond describing media content and places it in a broader theoretical framework by examining some determinants that have been considered important in the study of international news flow. The article attempts to identify the factors that best differentiate those international events that are covered in the U.S. news media from events that are not. The dependent variable was media coverage of international events. Based on previous studies, seven variables were selected as predictors to separate the two groups: potential for social change, normative deviance, relevance to the United States, geographical distance, language affinity, press freedom, and economic system. A stepwise discriminant analysis was used to distinguish between the covered events and not-covered events, emphasizing identification of the most powerful discriminators. Results show that four variables contribute significantly to the discriminant function in distinguishing between covered events and not-covered events: normative deviance of an event, relevance to the United States, potential for social change, and geographical distance.