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What can the spectacle of gay nationalism tell us about the reality of our cosmopolitan dream? My suggestion in this paper is that it challenges the assumption that simply invoking cosmopolitanism, or indeed embodying it as a style and a politics, is enough to secure the rights and recognition that were previously obtained by means of territorial claims and independent flag waving. It teaches us in order to reach an end – that of cosmopolitanism - it may be necessary to recommence at the beginning. The Gay & Lesbian Kingdom (GLK) seceded from Australia in 2004. Emperor Dale Parker Anderson declared independence upon raising the rainbow pride flag on the Coral Sea Island of Cato. The decision to secede was made as a response to the Australian government's 2004 action in presenting the Amendment of the Marriage Act 1969. In giving my account I draw on a 2007 interview, correspondence with Emperor Dale and other ethnographic material concerning the GLK. Among other articulations, I consider its secessionist move in light of Linda Bishai's critique in Forgetting Ourselves (2004). This is that for all its liberationist motivation, secession is essentialist in its conception, and inherently anti-democratic; her prediction is that its preoccupation with state formation is making it irrelevant in the age of "rhizomatic" community networks. In its micronationalist "queering," however, I find secessionist politics more relevant in late modernity, not less, as the pluralising democratic politics of identity and representation are increasingly unable to contest key outcomes of "family values" and "national values" rhetoric in the 21st C. While Bishai calls for an end to secession, my suggestion is that it is precisely in the secessionist moves of contemporary micronationalism that the "new cosmopolitics," a politics aimed at the "renewal of international law" (Derrida, On Cosmopolitanism, 2002, p3) might be witnessed.

Master degree student Audrius Šipkauskas of Social works speciality of Vilnius University, Faculty of Philosophy made analysis, which aim is appoint display experience and problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania. Aim of task – display experience and problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania Goals of task: 1. Make analysis of Theory of problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania by making overlooks of Social politics of Lithuania and institutions realizing them, making overlooks of conceptions of theoretical aspects of struggle against beggary and social ignoring and by analysing statistical data. 2. Make analysis that could authorize problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania. Hypothesises for analysis: 1. Evaluating social politics depends on age, finances, place of living. 2. Evaluating problems of beggary depends on age, finances, and places of living. 3. Evaluating problems of social ignoring depend on age, finances, place of living. 4. Evaluating Social services depends on age, finances, place of living. Summing-up results of analysis we can predicable that: Evaluation of social politics depends on age, finances, place of living – social politics is being evaluated better by the people of younger age, having bigger finances and living in the city; Evaluation problems of beggary depends on age, finances, places of living - problems of beggary are more relevant to people of older age, having bigger finances, living in the countryside; Evaluation problems of social ignoring depend on age, finances, place of living. Problems of social ignoring are more relevant to people of older age and having bigger finances, living in countryside in Lithuania; Evaluating of social service depends on age, finance, place of living – respondents of young age living in the city, getting bigger finances social services appreciate partly positive.

Master degree student Audrius Šipkauskas of Social works speciality of Vilnius University, Faculty of Philosophy made analysis, which aim is appoint display experience and problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania. Aim of task – display experience and problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania Goals of task: 1. Make analysis of Theory of problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania by making overlooks of Social politics of Lithuania and institutions realizing them, making overlooks of conceptions of theoretical aspects of struggle against beggary and social ignoring and by analysing statistical data. 2. Make analysis that could authorize problems of struggle against beggary and social ignoring in Lithuania. Hypothesises for analysis: 1. Evaluating social politics depends on age, finances, place of living. 2. Evaluating problems of beggary depends on age, finances, and places of living. 3. Evaluating problems of social ignoring depend on age, finances, place of living. 4. Evaluating Social services depends on age, finances, place of living. Summing-up results of analysis we can predicable that: Evaluation of social politics depends on age, finances, place of living – social politics is being evaluated better by the people of younger age, having bigger finances and living in the city; Evaluation problems of beggary depends on age, finances, places of living - problems of beggary are more relevant to people of older age, having bigger finances, living in the countryside; Evaluation problems of social ignoring depend on age, finances, place of living. Problems of social ignoring are more relevant to people of older age and having bigger finances, living in countryside in Lithuania; Evaluating of social service depends on age, finance, place of living – respondents of young age living in the city, getting bigger finances social services appreciate partly positive.

Defence date: 31 October 2008 ; Examining Board: Professor Chris Brown, LSE Professor Jan Klabbers, University of Helsinki Professor Friedrich Kratochwil (Supervisor) Professor Martin Scheinin, EUI ; First available online on 13 November 2018 ; The traditional debate concerning humanitarian intervention has changed since the publication of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) report. This thesis addresses both the debate before the publication of the R2P report and the report itself by examining in-depth the international responsibility, which the international community shares in relation to such grave humanitarian crises as genocide. It is argued that the debate before the R2P report made implicit assumptions about international responsibility. Moreover, international collective responsibility is examined both at a conceptual level and at a practical level, thus contributing to the discussion after the publication of the R2P report. It is argued that especially the conceptualization of international responsibility is lacking in the report, and this thesis suggests a conceptualization of international collective responsibility, which is then modeled in the second half of this thesis. Furthermore, the responsibility model and its functioning are illustrated first with the help of a thought experiment and then by examining the Rwandan genocide in 1994 and some of the international responses to the tragedy. The responsibility model serves also as a tool for evaluating the international responses, and thus the justifications of non-intervention are assessed. On a higher level this thesis contributes to an understanding of the functioning of international politics. For example, the thesis argues for a particular understanding of the international community as well as state practice within the community. Moreover, the thesis addresses some of the roles that states have and some of the expectations that we have of states at the international level. Finally, the use of discretion in practicing international politics is an underlying theme of this thesis, thus addressing both what is the politics in international politics and how it is or should be conducted.

The following essay tries to explore from the third of the Kant's Critiques, the ethical-political implications of the aesthetical judgments. Standing on the aesthetical horizon of the transcendental philosophy, I'll try to discover, starting with the cognitively character of the taste judgment, the different ways in which intuitivist and ludic nature participates in the redefinition of the concept of "politics" as in its symbolical reference to the moral goods. Finding communicative vessels between aesthetical judgment and the need of comprehension claimed by the definition of "politics" and of symbolic mediation between the moral goods and beauty, I try to integrate ethics and politics starting from aesthetical judgments. This "third" moment (E.Trias and M. Beuchot), opens new possibilities for philosophical reflection on politics and values from a methodological, discursive and symbolic wider scope. ; El siguiente ensayo explora al hilo de la última crítica kantiana, las implicaciones ético-políticas de los juicios estéticos. En el horizonte estético de la filosofía trascendental pretendo descubrir, desde eltalante cognitivo del juicio de gusto, las distintas maneras en las que participa la naturaleza lúdica e intuitiva de la capacidad del juicio en la redefinición del concepto de política y en su referencia simbólica hacia el bien moral. Al encontrar los vasos comunicantes que conectanal juicio estético con la necesidad de comprensión que reclama la definición de política y de mediación simbólica entre el bien moral y la belleza, exploro la posibilidad de integrar ética y política a partir de un tercer elemento, que es el juicio estético. Este momento de la terceridad (E. Trías y M. Beuchot), abre el espectro de posibilidades para abordaral trasluz del juicio estético, los alcances metodológicos, discursivos y simbólicos de la reflexión filosófica sobre la política y la moral.

This essay asks how one can understand the radicalisation of Danish politics in a xenophobic direction, the ascendancy to power of the extreme right-wing party, Dansk Folkeparti (DF), its electoral successes and its collaboration with the conservative-liberal government that won the election, with support from DF, in 2001. In focus stands the hostile attitude towards immigrants and refugees in political discourse and in new legislation and the strong emphasis on the primacy, preservation and care for everything -Danish,- which the liberal-conservative Government and its allies have placed at the center of Danish politics. The question is raised, and the argument is made, that this xenophobic turn in politics can be understood as -fascism-, as it has been conceptualized in recent years. This entails a critical discussion also of a concept more commonly used, namely -populism-. I argue that if we instead of ideological content focus on populism, as Ernesto Laclau has suggested, as a style and logic of articulation, the power securing strategy comes into view and the closeness to fascism surface. Then we can see that many key-issues in danish politics today are rooted in classical fascist ideas such as organic nationalism, anti-elitism, racism and rebirth, but more importantly, that there is ground for such a strong charge considering the power-securing strategies: the mild forms of -cleansing- by silencing criticism and expelling foreigners, the popular -anti-elitist- rhetoric, the aggressive style and the intense work for changing all legislation dealing with immigrants and asylum in a restrictive direction. A conclusion is that one must look at the xenophobic and extremist political development as the result of a long-standing conscious and energetically forwarded pursuit, together with succesful alliances and tottering resistance and acquiescence rather than as mere political opportunism, an electoral -accident- or, as fascists have it, as the true voice of the people.

In the actual conditions of modernity, the complex, tense and intrinsically contradictory process of the social globalization is developed in the educative field in peculiar way, configuring the public education of masses as a field of constraints and possibilities, in some levels. The tension between the constraints and the possibilities is inherent to the ruled or emancipatory orientation promoted by the hegemonic globalization or by the anti hegemonic globalization, respectively. The inherent contradictions to the structuration of the educative public space express in "long term" e in the construction of the concrete educative politics. The expansion of the public school of masses, its extension and widening and the construction of a universal model of configuration of the educative institutions, curricula pertaining to school and practical and dynamic the pedagogical ones constitute the essential aspect of the globalization in "long term". The promotion of educational rights and its universalization, the generalization of the access to education, without restrictions of classes, race, gender, ethnic, geographic space or "disability", still that not total carried through, it suffered progresses you designated. Furthermore, the educative field constitutes a space of permanent tension enters the reproduction of the social inequalities and the promotion of expansion politics, for saw educative, of the social rights. The contradictions are expressed in the interior of the regulating space of the agencies of control and educational examination and in the internal tensions of the national educative systems in the peripheral and half-peripherals countries. In the plan of the construction of the concrete educative politics, the tensions have expression in the generalization of the neoliberal politics, with the fast expansion of the privatized orientations and the imposition of the market logic, through measures of evaluation of schools, pupils and teachers, guided for the competition and the efficiency of results, ...

To take God's name in vane – that is the definition of blasphemy. The same could be said of politics – to take the name of politics in vane. Today political language games (and also word-play) involve blasphemy, euphemism (Émile Benveniste), zombie concepts (Ulrich Beck), parodies (Judith Butler) and irony (Richard Rorty). This article deals with misuses of the term politics, uses that are prohibited by the discourse police (Michel Foucault) –political philosophy, political theory, political sciencebecause of their vacuity, that is, their enunciation in a vacuum. In this respect I argue that far from being a useless employment of the word politics, certain social actors reappropriate the term in novel use-contexts and resignify it either through saturation, when a type of panpoliticism is proposed (everything is political), or by declaring that it is not a functional term. ; Usar el nombre de Dios en vano. Así se define la blasfemia. Lo mismo puede decirse de la política. Usar el nombre de la política en vano. Entre blasfemias, "eufemias" (Émile Benveniste), conceptos zombi (Ulrich Beck), parodias (Judith Butler) e ironías (Richard Rorty) se debate en la actualidad el juego de lenguaje (y, subsidiariamente, los juegos de palabras) de la política. En este artículo se abordan los "malos usos" del término política, aquellos usos que en tanto que "vanos" (dichos en vano) o "vacuos" (enunciados en el vacío) son proscritos por las policías del discurso (Michel Foucault), esto es, por los marcos disciplinarios y disciplinantes de la ciencia, la teoría y la filosofía política. Se defenderá, en este sentido, que, lejos de emplear la palabra política inútilmente, determinadas instancias sociales se reapropian del término en contextos de uso novedosos y lo resignifican, bien sea por saturación, cuando se propone una suerte de panpoliticismo ("todo es político"), bien por defecto, cuando se decreta su inoperancia.

To take God's name in vane – that is the definition of blasphemy. The same could be said of politics – to take the name of politics in vane. Today political language games (and also word-play) involve blasphemy, euphemism (Émile Benveniste), zombie concepts (Ulrich Beck), parodies (Judith Butler) and irony (Richard Rorty). This article deals with misuses of the term politics, uses that are prohibited by the discourse police (Michel Foucault) –political philosophy, political theory, political sciencebecause of their vacuity, that is, their enunciation in a vacuum. In this respect I argue that far from being a useless employment of the word politics, certain social actors reappropriate the term in novel use-contexts and resignify it either through saturation, when a type of panpoliticism is proposed (everything is political), or by declaring that it is not a functional term. ; Usar el nombre de Dios en vano. Así se define la blasfemia. Lo mismo puede decirse de la política. Usar el nombre de la política en vano. Entre blasfemias, "eufemias" (Émile Benveniste), conceptos zombi (Ulrich Beck), parodias (Judith Butler) e ironías (Richard Rorty) se debate en la actualidad el juego de lenguaje (y, subsidiariamente, los juegos de palabras) de la política. En este artículo se abordan los "malos usos" del término política, aquellos usos que en tanto que "vanos" (dichos en vano) o "vacuos" (enunciados en el vacío) son proscritos por las policías del discurso (Michel Foucault), esto es, por los marcos disciplinarios y disciplinantes de la ciencia, la teoría y la filosofía política. Se defenderá, en este sentido, que, lejos de emplear la palabra política inútilmente, determinadas instancias sociales se reapropian del término en contextos de uso novedosos y lo resignifican, bien sea por saturación, cuando se propone una suerte de panpoliticismo ("todo es político"), bien por defecto, cuando se decreta su inoperancia.

Ng Hoi Lam. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-149). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ix ; Acknowledgments --- p.xi ; List of Abbreviations,Tables and Figures --- p.xii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Summit in Sino-American relations --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Magic Figure --- p.1 ; Chapter - --- 30th Anniversary of Rapprochement between the US and China ; Chapter 1.2 --- Puzzle --- p.3 ; Chapter - --- The Central question ; Chapter 1.3 --- Layout --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Argument --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Linking the internal politics to decision-making process of foreign policy Rational model VS Power model in High politics --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- What is a Summit? --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Who is/ are the person(s) in-charge of foreign policy making process? --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Foreign Policy decision making model(s) ; Chapter - --- Rationality model VS Power model --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Linking internal and external politics ; Chapter - --- Two-level game instead of realism --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Value of summitry --- p.25 ; Chapter - --- A photo-taking arena ; Chapter - --- Symbolism or substance? ; Chapter 2.6 --- Summitry in APEC --- p.32 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodology & Theoretical Framework: Summitry for settling legitimacy dilemma by two-level game --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Focusing the subject --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Method and Data --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Nature of Sino-American relations --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Summitry under two-level game --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.5 --- Pattern in APEC summits --- p.53 ; Chapter 3.6 --- "Modeling in 3 'I's´ؤInternational, internal and individual" --- p.55 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- A Year of Presidential Elections: The case of 1996 --- p.61 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Manila APEC --- p.61 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Jiang's Taiwan Policy ; Chapter - --- How did the 'Eight Points' work under internal politics --- p.62 ...

This paper addresses the relationship between the Mexican government and the organized Mexican immigrant community in the United States from a historical perspective and within a framework of transnational politics. We argue that transnational relations between the Mexican government and Mexican immigrants in the United States are not new; however, these relations vary across time depending on political and economic circumstances that involve U.S.-Mexico relations. These historical links have provided the basis for the existence of current organizations of Mexican immigrants in the United States as well as the recent creation and development of the Mexican government's institutions to manage this relationship. In recent years, we identify a change in Mexico's traditional approach to migration issues in the bilateral agenda, as well as a shift in the relationship between the Mexican immigrant communities and the government. The process of institutionalization of this new relation began with the Program for Mexican Communities Abroad (PCME, in Spanish) in 1990, and was strongly consolidated in 2003 with the creation of the Institute of Mexicans Abroad (IME, in Spanish). We argue that the IME is the first Mexican governmental transnational institution in the history of relations between the Mexican government and the Mexican community in the United States. As such, we explore some of the challenges it faces in order to achieve its objectives and exert influence in American ethnic politics. In the first part of the paper we present a theoretical overview about the historical perspective of transnational politics. The second part offers a historical account of the development of the transnational relations between the Mexican government and the organized Mexican immigrant community in the last 156 years. In the third part, we analyze the challenges faced by the IME and its potential influence in American ethnic politics. Finally, we conclude with a section of remarks from both theoretical and empirical standpoints.

As a political strategist, Kaufman was, in a sense, a more practical Mills--Mills chastened, Mills with a movement to look out for. Mills died in 1962, just as the student movement was roaring into a blaze. He was an electrifying pole for the movement, but he didn't live long enough to contend with its strategic quandaries. To paraphrase something Mills once said about Cuba, Kaufman worried about the movement but he also worried with it, within it. As early as 1955, Kaufman was arguing that political theorists had a particular responsibility to attend to the consequences of action. (To the consequences of thinking, too: he opposed the New Left romance with the Viet Cong on principle as well as on the ground of political calculation.) As Mattson puts it, by 1965 Kaufman was convinced that 'confrontational protests often did more to make protesters feel good about themselves than to change things for the better.' It was necessary, Kaufman thought, 'to show how proposals could be transformed into politics--that is, into effective change.' Like Williams at his populist best, Kaufman enjoined dialogue with ordinary Americans, but unlike Williams, he did not think that smaller was more beautiful. 'A politics of truth' had to be married to 'a politics of impact.' New Leftists, he insisted, were gravely mistaken if they forgot that they 'rely for support on the `finks' they abuse.' In an endless chain of articles and memos, Kaufman strove to 'keep the New Left in contact with America's political realities while it tried to push the country to the left ....forging an effective coalition politics, respecting the value of participatory democracy, accepting the limits of what radical liberals could accomplish while not becoming cynical, being tough-minded while not becoming interested in winning at all costs, arguing against American policies while not sounding anti-American, and facing one's enemies with respect and seriousness.' Not a bad agenda for next week, month, or year.

William Butler Yeats, Irish poet, dramatist and essayist, winner of the Nobel prize in 1923, was also widely known for the active part he played in Irish politics. Even though he was mostly involved culturally - he wro.te about Irish politics in his works, established several literary clubs, founded theatres - he also activated himself as a politician when he was a senator during the years 1923-1928. This article focuses on the mention of his political activities in different English and Slovene texts. It makes a presentation of the vast majority of the texts on Yeats that have appeared in Slovene. It also points out that while the majority of English encyclopaedias and literary histories openly write about Yeats's politics, Slovene texts about Yeats focus mostly on his literary opus and less on his involvement in politics. When they do mention it, however, they usually avoid the details. This article tries to determine some reasons for this fact. ; William Butler Yeats, irski pesnik, dramatik in esejist, dobitnik Nobelove nagrade za literaturo 1923, je bil tudi široko znan po vlogi, ki jo je igral virski politiki. Čeprav je politično večinoma deloval na kulturnem področju - o irski politiki je pisal v svojih delih, osnoval številne literarne klube, ustanovil gledališče - je posegel v politiko aktivno v letih 1923-1928, ko je bil senator irskega senata. Članek se osredotoča na omembe Yeatsovih političnih dejavnosti v različnih angleških in slovenskih tekstih. Podrobno predstavi veliko večino besedil o Yeatsu, ki so se pojavili v slovenskih publikacijah. obenem izpostavi dejstvo, da medtem ko angleške enciklopedije in literarne zgodovine odprto pišejo o Yeatsovem političnem udejstvovanju, se slovenski kritiki v glavnem osredotočajo zgolj na njegov literarni opus in dosti manj na njegovo politično delovanje. Ko pa ga že omenjajo, se ponavadi izognejo podrobnostim. Članek poskuša osvetliti nekatere razloge za to dejstvo.

How does one describe the Pacific's pasts? The easy confidence historians once had in writing about the region has disappeared in the turmoil surrounding today's politics of representation. Earlier narratives that focused on what happened when are now accused of encouraging myths of progress. Remembrance of Pacific Pasts takes a different course. It acknowledges history's multiplicity and selectivity, its inability to represent the past in its entirety "as it really was" and instead offers points of reference for thinking with and about the region's pasts. It encourages readers to participate in the historical process by constructing alternative histories that draw on the volume's chapters. The book's thirty-four contributions, written by a range of authors spanning a variety of styles and disciplines, are organized into four sections. The first presents frames of reference for analyzing the problems, poetics, and politics involved in addressing the region's pasts today. The second considers early Islander-Western contact focusing on how each side sought to physically and symbolically control the other. The third deals with the colonial dynamics of the region: the "tensions of empire" that permeated imperial rule in the Pacific. The fourth explores the region's postcolonial politics through a discussion of the varied ways independence and dependence overlap today. Remembrance of Pacific Pasts includes many of the region's most distinguished authors such as Albert Wendt, Greg Dening, Epeli Hau'ofa, Marshall Sahlins, Patricia Grace, and Nicholas Thomas. In addition, it features chapters by well-known writers from outside Pacific Studies -- Edward Said, James Clifford, Richard White,and Gyan Prakash -- which help place the region's dynamics in comparative perspective. By moving Pacific history beyond traditional, empirical narratives to new ways for conversing about history, by drawing on current debates surrounding the politics of representation to offer different ways for thinking about the region's pasts, this ...

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