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Swiftly following World War Two, the Cold War between a Soviet-led alliance and an American-led one might appear to be a clearcut case of a continuity with Mackinder's 1904 perspective. In practice, there was the significant intervening stage of the earlier ideological political contest of 1918-41 between the Soviet Union and a British anti-Communist system.

Cold matters on a number of different levels. It has become a political instrument that helps to establish common ground for the cold regions of the globe. As a metaphor, it suggests an impassioned and controlled outlook on life. Physically, cold produces environments where people can freeze and starve to death. Psychologically, it may serve as the route to self-discovery, since it has the capacity to strip away everything except the most essential aspects of the self. Historically, cold has usually been surrounded by negative associations but more recently, it has become a theme to explore in words and pictures and exploit in marketing strategies. At the beginning of the twenty-first century there are signs that indicate that cold is becoming increasingly "cool." At such a juncture, it is vital to assess the cultural meaning of snow, ice and cold since conventional ideological and metaphorical connotations of the concepts are destabilised. Cold Matters launches the monograph series linked to The Journal of Northern Studies. This interdisciplinary journal concentrates on life in the northern parts of the globe, and is published by Umeå University and Sweden's northernmost Royal Academy, the Royal Skyttean Society.

This essay, composed for a first-year writing seminar on 20th century foreign policy, compares the biographies of Kissinger and Brzezinski as elite immigrant academics in the Cold War era. The author finds that both men's immigrant backgrounds played critical roles in informing their evaluation of the United States' political policy regarding Soviet communism. For additional context, listen to theauthor's reflection on the piece below.

No studies currently exist on consuls and consulates (often dismissed as lowly figures in the diplomatic process) in the Cold War. Research into the work of these overlooked 'poor relations' offers the chance of new perspectives in the field of Cold War studies, exploring their role in representing their country's interests in far flung and unexpected places and their support for particular communities of fellow nationals and itinerant travellers in difficulties. These unnoticed actors on the international stage played far more complicated roles than one generally imagines..Contributors are: Tina Tamman, David Schriffl, Ariane Knuesel , Lori Maguire, Laurent Cesari, Sue Onslow, Pedro Aires Oliveira, David Lee, and Marek Handerek

Coincident with the outbreak of the "cold war" the Soviet Union began a series of propagandistic attacks on the United States, its leaders and its policies, using every medium of communication for this purpose, but with special emphasis on radio propaganda. For some time the United States Government suffered these attacks to go unanswered, but in February, 1947, the "Voice of America" began to include among its other foreign programs regular broadcasts in Russian to the Soviet Union. At first these programs were confined almost entirely to music and straight news reports, but gradually more and more time was devoted to answering Soviet attacks considered hostile to the United States or harmful to its national interests.In retaliation Moscow, on April 24, 1949, embarked on a vast effort to jam the American programs, and is at present devoting over 1000 broadcasting stations to this single purpose. The American Government protested through diplomatic channels and to the International Telecommunications Union against this jamming campaign. Furthermore, jamming was condemned by the United Nations Sub-Commission on Freedom of Information and of the Press at its Montevideo meeting in May, 1950, as a violation of accepted principles of freedom of information. Also, the Economic and Social Council, at its eleventh session, held in Geneva during the summer of 1950, adopted a resolution recommending to the General Assembly that it call on all Members to refrain from jamming.

'Gemeinhin wird der 11. September als Stichtag und Begründung für zunehmenden Unilateralismus der USA genannt: ein Staat, der sich gegen weitere terroristische Angriffe schützen muss, kann sich nicht durch 'Zauderer' binden lassen, sondern muss sich seinen 'Handlungsspielraum' bewahren. Abkommen und Verträge zur Abrüstung und Rüstungskontrolle werden als Hindernis wahrgenommen, wenn es darum geht, sich gegen seine Feinde zu wappnen. Die Autoren stellen dagegen eine Abkehr vom Multilateralismus schon viel früher fest. Nach dem Ende des Kalten Kriegs war zu erwarten, dass der Wegfall der großen, totalitären Gefahr, die von der Sowjetunion ausging, die Strategie der Abschreckung überflüssig macht. Zumal in demokratischen Gesellschaften Nuklearwaffen als Mittel der Massenvernichtung auf breite Ablehnung stoßen müssten. Die tatsächliche Entwicklung der Nuklearpolitik wird durch die Amtszeiten der beiden Präsidenten namens Bush und Präsident Clintons nachgezeichnet und es zeigt sich, dass das Arsenal größer, einsatzbereiter und aufwuchsfähiger ist als je zuvor. Hierfür gibt es zwei Ursachen: zum einen verharrt die Politik in den im Ost-West-Konflikt entwickelten Denkkonzepten, zum anderen ist die begrenzte und abnehmende öffentliche Debatte im Untersuchungszeitraum auffallend. Eine kritische Öffentlichkeit ist jedoch unbedingt notwendig, um der Eigendynamik des nuklearen Sektors Schranken zu setzen.' (Autorenreferat)

On the trial of Edward Lansdale -- Confidences -- Selling America, selling Vietnam -- The power of secrets -- The perils of a usable past -- Gazing at the Third world -- Fictions of quiet and ugly Americans -- The half-life of celebrity -- Southeast Asia after Edward Lansdale