Suchergebnisse

Discursive identities/identity discourses and political power / Richard Mole -- A discourse theory of ethnic identity / Don Ellis -- The tale-end of history : literary form, historiography and the (post)-national imagination in Denmark / C. Claire Thomson -- "Doing Europe" : the discursive construction of European identities / Ruth Wodak -- Shifting discourses : banal nationalism and cultural intimacy in Greek television news and everyday life / Mirca Madianou -- The power of metaphor : consent, dissent and revolution / Erik Ringmar -- Post-liberal anxieties and discourses of peoplehood in Europe : nationalism, xenophobia and racism / Gerard Delanty and Peter Millward -- Talking security? The discourse of European identity in the Baltic states / Richard Mole -- It's about time-is Europe old or new? / Jan Ifversen -- Narratives of security : strategy and identity in the European context / Felix Ciut -- Conclusion : revisiting discourse, identity and "Europe" / Richard Mole and Felix Ciut

Explores the response of European trade unions to the 1990s steel crisis; view that union response has been highly traditional and unsuited to the new challenges; Western Europe, chiefly.

Studying Elite Cohesion in Six European Democracies5 Inter-Sectoral Cohesion in Political Communication; Measures of Inter-Sectoral Cohesion; Inter-Sectoral Cohesion from North to South; Principles, Patterns and Stances of Inter-Sectoral Elite Cohesion; Summary: Cohesion between Media and Political Elites; 6 Intra-Sectoral Cohesion of Media and Political Elites; Measures of Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; Attitudinal Congruence on the Sectoral Level; Patterns of Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; Role Specialization; Summary: Intra-Sectoral Cohesion; 7 Elite Cohesion as an Explanatory Factor. - The first comprehensive analysis of the political communication elite - high-ranking journalists, editors, politicians and their communication advisors - that shapes the content and form of political messages, news, debate and decisions in modern democracies

The European Union's discourse as a security actor evolved after 2003 most spectacularly in its spatial dimension, determined by both internal developments of the EU and external ones of the security environment. As a security actor consecrated in the first decade of the years 2000 by means of the European Security and Defense Policy and as a pacifying force on the European continent through the process of enlargement, the EU gradually aimed further and further, in order to stabilise states and regions, to promote a comprehensive concept of security and to protect its citizens, according to the dicton that "the first line of defense starts abroad". Hence the continuous expansion of the geographical scope of both the EU's representation as a security actor and of its actions This paper aims at exploring the discursive construction of the EU's security identity, with a special focus on the geographical boundaries of the EU's self-representation as an international security actor.

AbstractThe notion that the EU is a trade power is central to studies of the Union's international presence. Credible threats to withhold access to Europe's markets are said to provide the Union with leverage in respect of other trade partners. This article queries the continuing ability of the European Union to act effectively this way. The current Doha malaise is a symptom of deeper changes in the international trade system. As emerging markets become more affluent and participate in foreign direct investment, their interest in market access per se become less important relative to other areas of regulation.

Background Cancer centers are pressured to deliver high-quality services that can be measured and improved, which has led to an increase of assessments in many countries. A critical area of quality improvement is to improve patient outcome. An overview of existing assessments can help stakeholders (e.g., healthcare professionals, managers and policy makers) improve the quality of cancer research and care and lead to patient benefits. This paper presents key aspects of assessments undertaken by European cancer centers, such as: are assessments mandatory or voluntary? Do they focus on evaluating research, care or both? And are they international or national? Methods A survey was sent to 33 cancer centers in 28 European Union member states. Participants were asked to score the specifics for each assessment that they listed. Results Based on the responses from 19 cancer centers from 18 member states, we found 109 assessments. The numbers have steadily increased from 1990's till 2015. Although, a majority of assessments are on patient-care aspects (n = 45), it is unclear how many of those include assessing patient benefits. Only few assessments cover basic research. There is an increasing trend towards mixed assessments (i.e., combining research and patient-care aspects) Conclusions The need for assessments in cancer centers is increasing. To improve efforts in the quality of research and patient care and to prevent new assessments that "reinvent the wheel", it is advised to start comparative research into the assessments that are likely to bring patient benefits and improve patient outcome. Do assessments provide consistent and reliable information that create added value for all key stakeholders?

Executive summary Reader's guide Chapter 1. Inclusive entrepreneurship policy in the European Union Part I. Inclusive entrepreneurship in Europe - activity rates and barriers Chapter 2. Self-employment and entrepreneurship by women Chapter 3. Self-employment and entrepreneurship by youth Chapter 4. Self-employment and entrepreneurship by seniors Chapter 5. Self-employment and entrepreneurship by the unemployed Chapter 6. Self-employment and entrepreneurship by the foreign-born Part II. Policies for inclusive entrepreneurship Chapter 7. Supporting business growth among entrepreneurs from under-represented and disadvantaged groups Chapter 8. Effective coaching and mentoring for entrepreneurs from under-represented and disadvantaged groups Part III. Country profiles: policy examples and key inclusive entrepreneurship data.

Award date: 30 November 2015 ; Supervisor: Prof. Claire Kilpatrick, EUI ; This paper draws on findings from a broad research project that employed a constructionist approach in analysing policy-discourse in the EU. It uses sources produced by the European Commission between 1958 and 2015 for this purpose. The research is used as the basis from which to analyse how the EU's conception of social justice has changed over time. The paper analyses two periods in detail, namely 1958 – 1979 and 2010 – 2015 to illustrate the nature of the change that has taken place. The purpose of the paper is to provide the groundwork for further study into the reasons behind the growing dissatisfaction that European citizens feel towards the EU, and to help to reveal the possible ways this problem can be addressed. It intends to do this by using discourse-analysis to gain a better understanding of the relationship between discourse, legal measures, and social outcomes, and to provide a benchmark against which the effectiveness of legal and policy-measures can be assessed. It attempts to shed light on the institutionally embedded ideas and understandings that underpin the law and the legal process, how these change over time, and how they influence and shape the nature of the contribution that the EU makes to society.

Abstract: "Security constellations in East Asia are often reduced to bilateral competition and territorial or maritime disputes. In this vein, the focus generally lies on the perceived military rise of China and the assumed unavoidable assertive turn in its foreign strategy. This article argues that neorealist interpretations of security issues in East Asia and the role of China that start from the level of bilateral relations tend to overlook the complexity of contemporary multi-player interactions. The European Union (EU) is often excluded from the cartographic mapping of the island disputes in the East and the South China Sea. This, and the modification of China's security strategy under the fifth generation of Chinese leaders, might allow Europe to position itself as a 'new' mediator. A European diplomatic intervention would be the only way for the EU to avoid being trapped in the security spirals evolving in East Asia as a passive 'follower'."