Suchergebnisse

In this paper, two authors seize space as Muslim women feminist social work educators and researchers. We challenge and hopefully silence homogenizing, essentialist and Islamophobic constructions. The first author is a hijabi, Indo-Caribbean, able-bodied cis-heterosexual Muslim feminist; the second author is a disabled, queer Muslim of South Asian heritage. We identify as racialized and firmly rooted in intersectional critical feminist perspectives. Using an autoethnographic, conversation-based approach, we share our narratives (lived experiences) in social work academe. Navigating feminisms, Muslimness, strategic essentialism and Islamophobia while engaging in a critical praxis, we attempt to bring together contradictory discourses for critical examination. We engage with the following questions: How do Muslim women fit (or not fit!) in social work academe? How do Muslim women fit (or not fit!) in critical social work feminist spheres? And what do Muslim feminist futures look like in social work academe? Our lived experiences as racialized Muslim feminists are standpoint perspectives which offer situated knowledges that disempower dominant social work discourses. Social work can no longer be reactionary and preserve the status quo; it must move forward with foresight and be an active player in dismantling inequities.

The present article is focused on the constitutional-legal analysis of the need to organize and implement con-trol measures by social structures in relation to enterprises, institutions and organizations of public transport. As a research task the author identified an attempt to justify the position, according to which the activities of these legal entities, which, on the one hand, are, as a rule, transport monopolies, and on the other hand, have the right to exercise certain public powers (for example, in terms of collecting fines from stowaways who have not paid for travel and do not belong to the privileged categories of citizens who have the right to free travel in pub-lic transport), should become an object of attention of the social control subjects on a mandatory basis and in a permanent mode. The article formalizes and explores the main problems that hinder the organization and im-plementation of public control measures in relation to enterprises, institutions and organizations of public transport. Thus, the author has developed and substantiated the system of proposals resolve the above-mentioned problems.

Four post-socialist countries of Eastern Europe (Poland, Hungary, Romania and Russia) were comparatively analyzed in terms of the relative position and dynamics of different types of territories over a ten-year period from 2010 to 2020. The author develops methodological ideas about the usage of individual typology to create a socio-economic profile of a territory in order to identify spatial inequality of the countries under study upon socio-demographic, economic and infrastructural indicators. The results of the analysis allowed concluding about dominant trends of socio-economic differentiation between rural, urban and periurban zones. It was found that the intraregional spatial convergence is not an obligatory consequence of the socio-economic development of a country. The transformation processes which accompany the post-socialist transition led to the formation of different models of spatial socio-economic differentiation in each country, i. e. relatively balanced development in Poland, zonal development in Hungary and differentiated development in Romania and European Russia. The author suggests a concept of main stages and directions of the socio-economic differentiation of territories, which helps to systematize statistically-obtained conclusions.

The theme of gender inequality of character for many countries of the world. Particularly acute is the issue of inequality in the labor market in countries with a problem of low levels of natural reproduction of the population. One of the countries with this demographic problem is Russia. The purpose of this work is to identify the most relevant measures to combat gender inequality in the labor market of the Russian Federation. The author analyzed the works on this topic by domestic authors, for example, N.V. Zubarevich, A.S. Budyakova. In addition, in retrospect, the measures taken by the PRC government to combat inequality in the labor market were considered. Learning from China's experience in fighting inequality in the labor market can be useful for Russia and other countries, as China is one of the largest economies in the world and has already made significant progress in this area. The theoretical analysis carried out made it possible to identify a number of measures that can be adopted from the PRC, for example, the promotion of entrepreneurial activity among women. The author also proposed some measures derived from the work of domestic researchers.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of women-ascetics as described by Jerome of Strydon, whose epistolary heritage together contains the greatest number of letters addressed to women. It is established that the main means of influence are financial resources, the use of which allows the nuns — Fabiola, Paula, Lea — to realize their power in various aspects. The author concludes that in addition to maintaining the material well-being of the monastic communities as a whole, the influence of individual nuns is manifested in their ability to influence the gender composition of monasticism: by creating male and female monasteries in the Holy Land, women ensured that their sisters in faith had access to Christian shrines on an equal footing with men. The work also points out that by patronizing the monasteries, the centers of intellectual activity, and individual church writers, nuns had some influence on theological life. In addition, the author emphasizes that in founding a monastery a woman vested some authority in herself, allowing her to regulate both the relationships within the community and the external interactions.

Probabilistic risk assessment (PRA) is an effective methodology that could be used to improve the safety of nuclear power plants in a reasonable manner. Dynamic PRA, as an advanced PRA, allows for more realistic and detailed analyses by handling time-dependent information. However, the applications of this method to practical problems are limited because it remains in the research and development stage. This study aimed to investigate the possibility of utilizing dynamic PRA in risk-informeddecision-making. Specifically, the author performed an accident sequence precursor (ASP) analysis on the failure of emergency diesel generators that occurred at Unit 1 of the Tomari Nuclear Power Plant in Japan using dynamic PRA. The results were evaluated by comparison with the results of simplified classical PRA. The findings indicated that dynamic PRA may estimate lower risks compared with those obtained from classical PRA by reasonable modeling of alternating current power recovery. The author also showed that dynamic PRA can provide detailed information that cannot be obtained with classical PRA, such as uncertainty distribution of core damage timing and importance measure considering the system failure timing.

The article is devoted to the creative heritage of Kokhanovskaya (Nadezhda Stepanovna Sokhanskaya (1823–1884)), an outstanding writer, a brilliant publicist, collaborator of all editions of I.S. Aksakov, the first female folklorist in Russia, and timed to coincide with her 200th anniversary. The author gives facts about the possible correspondence of this writer with Vl. Solovyov, it is reported on a documented exchange of letters between them, gives her review of Solovyov's article "On the True Case". The researcher highlights the main milestones of Kokhanovskaya's life path, notes her belonging to the so-called "positive direction" in Russian literature. The article attempts to determine the place of the writer in Russian culture and her inherent gifts – the creation of her own language and artistic world, the resurrection of antiquity and a lively response to modern events, the combination of active and contemplative Christianity and the ability to present moral lessons without didacticism and sentimentality. In conclusion, the author informs about the academic collection of works and letters of Kokhanovskaya published by the Pushkin House (Institute of Russian Literature) since 2023.

The article is an attempt to answer the question of how to write critical film narratives about films made by adolescents during professional workshops on animation. The author points out that such productions should be considered in two dimensions: the formal, including an analysis from an artistic point of view, and the educational, including a description of the production of a given work. Inspiring clues for answering the question concerning the content of such texts can be found in the works of Polish, English, and French researchers such as Bogusław Skowronek, Eliot Eisner, Cary Bazalgette, Ian Wall, and Alain Bergal, or in materials published on the platform Film Education: A User's Guide. On the basis of the analysis of these texts, the author creates her own educational model, intended for people dealing with film education, containing particular stages for individual work in the classroom. The starting point for constructing the model was three films: Winda, Dziura, and Reflection, awarded at the 10th National Animation Festival O!PLA in the category Fine Arts Secondary Schools and Animation Workshops (15–19 years).

BUKELISMO: THE REGRESSION OF DEMOCRACY IN EL SALVADOR DURING THE TERM OF NAYIB BUKELE
The aim of the article is to analyze the process of autocratization of the El Salvador's political system after 2019, as well as to show the specifics of the government of Nayib Bukele. The author, based on the systemic and institutional‑legal methods, and to a lesser extent empirical and comparative methods, verifies two research hypotheses, according to which (1) there was a violent and radical regression of the political system and a permanent transition from democracy to autocratic rule in El Salvador during the term of Nayib Bukele; (2) bukelismo is a classic combination of populism, militarism, and authoritarian behavior of the leader. The Salvadoran case of democratic regression has been presented in the broader context of anti‑democratic changes in the Latin American region. In the article, the author focuses on several key problems: systemic changes resulting in an imbalance and the separation of powers; mechanisms for controlling the executive power; populism and control of the information space by the president; and the militarization of politics.

This paper argues for the significance of employing visual sociology methods to study global threats. The central theme revolves around the human tendency to struggle with recognizing shared humanity, often resorting to negative stereotyping that contributes to dehumanization and social injustices. The author draws on decades of experience in using visual semiotics to confront the stigmatization of diverse communities, emphasizing the role of the visual in reshaping perceptions. Addressing the dehumanization inherent in conflicts, the author emphasizes the importance of recognizing the "Other" as part of the human family, advocating for a right to be seen and represented in diverse ways. The essay critiques historical and contemporary visual practices that exclude and denigrate minorities, citing examples from film history and modern media. It underscores the persistence of negative stereotypes and advocates for counter-narratives that portray the diversity and humanity of marginalized groups. The conclusion reaffirms the author's commitment to using visual technologies and emphasizes the integration of visual technology with traditional approaches as a means to foster a deeper understanding of our multicultural world.

In the foreign policy and economy of the Russian Federation, the coordinate system is being turned to the East. This logic fits into the framework of the Eurasian ideology. It also correlates with China's desire to create a global center of confrontation with the United States. This problem is being actualized through a special military operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and a "hybrid war" with the countries of the collective West. The formation of new blocs, the "Eastern Entente" leads to a change in the geopolitics of Eurasia and the world as a whole. Within the framework of the research, the author uses the following methods: historical, geopolitical and civilizational approaches, concrete historical, observation and generalization, systemic socio-political and ethnic analysis, synthesis. In the conclusions, the author comes to the opinion about the need to reformat existing supranational integration projects in the post-Soviet space, transform the architecture of relations in the political, economic and military spheres with the countries of East and Southeast Asia, and apply the Eurasian ideology as a state-forming one.

This comparative analysis examines two instances of dystopian/utopian narratives and media – the film and script Submission: Part I (2004) by the Dutch-Somalian but naturalized American author Ayaan Hirsi Ali and the novel Submission (2015) by the French author Michel Houellebecq. These two works challenge the project of Europe as a bastion of liberal ideals and its various markers, including laïcité, universalism and human rights, through narratives informed by cultural pessimism and religious and racial dystopia. Fantasies of race, ethnicity and empire pervade the fictional Islamistan in Submission I as well as Houellebecq's narrative exploring the conversion of French society to Islam. Whereas Submission: Part I has been hailed for addressing Muslim abuse and Houellebecq's novel has been cited often as a trigger of Islamophobia, I argue that both works merit new interpretations when read in relation to historical fears of ethnic and religious Muslim Others in postcolonial presents: Submission: Part I as contributing to the Islamic problem it supposedly addressed, with Houellebecq offering a nuanced and sympathetic understanding of the Muslim 'Other' that acknowledges the significance of Arab/Muslim France to the French Republic.

China's bold Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a multilateral framework of international cooperation particularly across developing countries, has captured worldwide attention and seen varied responses from different countries. While developed economies have often critiqued the Initiative and have also endeavoured to encircle and counterbalance China's ambitions through multilateral alliances, most developing countries appear to welcome the Initiative. As recipients of the Initiative, how do Malaysians perceive China, especially since the BRI started in 2013? What are the factors that determine the popular perceptions of China in Malaysia? Comparing public opinion data from the third and fourth waves of the Asian Barometer Survey, the author conducts an intervention analysis, a difference-in-differences (DID) analysis, and a multiple regression analysis to assess the impact. These empirical exercises reveal that the popular perceptions of China in Malaysia significantly improved since the launch of the BRI, as the economic incentives through the BRI loom larger over time. In addition, the author also conducted in-depth interviews and assembled other independent sources of survey data to further corroborate the above findings with more nuances of the attitudinal change. (China/GIGA)

The article discusses the results of a study on the image of Boris Yeltsin as it was presented in the American weekly magazine Time in the period 1986 – 1991. Applying the methods of content analysis, quantitative analysis, and imagological analysis, the author focuses on the specific formation features of the image of the USSR and its leader in the foreign (American) culture. The author determines the peaks of interest in the personality of Yeltsin in the American press, draws historical parallels explaining this phenomenon, proposes thematic groups that reflect the focus of American journalists' interest. These groups are presented by the categories 'appearance', 'personality', 'politics', and 'relationships with Mikhail Gorbachev'. A frequency analysis of lexemes reveals that the image of Boris Yeltsin was mainly positive. American journalists emphasize his special strength, 'monumentality', and outstanding oratorical skills. The most frequent characteristics of Yeltsin in the Time magazine are 'oppositionist', 'maverick', 'reformist', 'populist'. The press also emphasizes such his qualities as 'energetic', 'impulsive'. An analysis of the empirical material in the diachronic perspective revealed the dynamics of the representation of Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev from 'close allies' to 'irreconcilable enemies'.

The article raises and examines the problem of the possibility of Russia's participation in one of the future regional international human rights courts, which has matured after the termination of the Russian Federation's membership in the European Court of Human Rights. The author considers the following options: the Court of Human Rights in the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Court of Human Rights of the Union State of Belarus – Russia, the Asian Court of Human Rights (on the legal platform of the Association of Asian Constitutional Courts and Equivalent Institutions), etc. Being sure that Russia cannot be a member of two or more international human rights courts at the same time, the author justifies the need for States intending to create an International Human Rights Court to develop and adopt an appropriate international human rights act. Only by focusing and relying on this act, the International Court of Human Rights will be able to determine whether the rights of a person who has applied to the Court have been violated and make an appropriate ruling.