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This article is composed of two parts. The first part presents a brief survey of cinematic and television melodramas in South Korea and describes how melodrama has unevenly reflected a range of socio-cultural transformations. It traces the ways melodrama has embodied the changing social and gender norms against the backdrop of highly compressed modernization and the persistent patriarchal authority in South Korea. The second part analyzes various textual strategies in Morae Sigye as a social melodrama by examining the generic specificity and radical differences seen in Morae Sigye versus mainstream television dramas. In particular, this article assesses Morae Sigye's representation of actual historical events and its pedagogical usefulness as a vehicle of cultural remembering. The article as a whole explores the potential of social melodrama as a useful televisual subgenre that can articulate melodramatic pathos with desire to summon popular memory surrounding the traumatic historical events in the past.

When do parties take over the media's issue attention in parliament? Scholarly work has shown that the mass media's influence over the political agenda is conditional, yet only recently scholars started to consider the active role of parties and their strategic incentives in responding to the media. This article argues that parties only respond to media attention if the issue is framed in the party's terms, as the right framing helps the party attain its policy goals. This argument is supported by pooled time-series analyses of the issue of European integration and the issue of immigration in Sweden and the Netherlands over the period 1995 to 2010. Altogether, the study contributes to our understanding of the strategic incentives and options parties have in responding to the media, as well as to our knowledge of the role of framing in political competition. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Inc.]

An analysis was made of popular US magazine (mag) fiction published in 1916, 1936 & 1956 to determine whether or not changes in fertility values expressed in the fiction paralleled changes in actual fertility rates. A (total - sum) of 225 short stories (75 from each of the 3 yrs) was analyzed. The stories were selected randomly from the 8 US mags which published short stories during each of the yrs & had a circulation of more than 2 million in 1956. Each was analyzed independently & then jointly by 3 diff investigators who sought to determine the size of fam of each married character. Reliability of the procedure was above 95%. The crude birth rate in the US was 24.9 in 1916, 16.7 in 1936 & 24.9 in 1956. The (mean - average) number of children of the married couples appearing in the stories was 1.39 in 1916, .74 in 1936 & 1.08 in 1956. A t test of signif of the diff between means indicated that the diff's between 1916 & 1936 & between 1936 & 1956 were signif beyond the .05 level. On the other hand, the diff between 1916 & 1956 was not signif. Thus the hypothesis that changes in fertility values expressed in mass fiction would parallel changes in fertility rates was supported by the study. The (mean - average) number of children of the characters in 1956 was, however, somewhat smaller than that of the characters in 1916, whereas the crude birth rates were identical, but the smaller mean in 1956 may reflect a smaller completed fam size for couples in 1956 than for couples in 1916. AA.

International media coverage in the 1960s and early 1970s represented the Biafran War, in which the state of Biafra attempted to secede from the Nigerian Federation, as a grand humanitarian disaster, characterised by sustained conflict, starvation and genocide. Using interviews and newly-released archival material, Michael Gould questions this depiction, examining the role of foreign parties in the conflict and the impact of propaganda upon its international reception both during and after the war. Envisaged initially by both sides as a short conflict, the war confounded all expectations, stretching on for four years. It was a 'brother's war', one which divided families, and was characterised overwhelmingly by both sides' reluctance to enter into hostilities. This book seeks to answer some of the most fundamental questions surrounding the conflict, including how this avoidable conflict came about, why the war became so drawn-out and how the leadership of the opposing Generals Ojukwu, who led the Biafran revolt and Gowon, who was President of the Nigerian Federation, defined the conflict

Similar to many modern languages Bosnian continues to borrow lexical material from English. Although this is by no means a new trend, the linguo-political situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina has dramatically changed in the past twenty years and with it the dynamics and patterns of lexical borrowing. Based on a special synchronic corpus compiled from opinion pieces and editorials from the contemporary Bosnian press, this study analyzes the collocational patterns of the most frequently occurring English loanwords and compares them to their original collocational patterns extracted from a comparable English-language corpus. The findings confirm a divergence in collocational patterning between the donor and borrowing languages (Kurtböke & Potter 2000), but also suggest the existence of a "washback" effect whereby some of the new collocational patterns from the borrowing language enter the donor language through media discourse. The new collocational patterns are shown to derive from the postwar constitutional arrangement in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

In this article the author examines the conformation, organization and function of what has been denominated the mediatic power at the beginning of the XIX century, power that would be added to the three divided and autonomous powers of the Mexican State (Executive, Legislative and Judicial). It maintains that the mediatic power has conquered enormous quota of power and influence that has converted it into the power of power that progressively subordinates and pressures the rest of the three constitutional ones to submit them to its executive- mediatic will and imposes its project of social construction, economic, political and human upon them. Finally, it is a call for the Congress of the Union to make a deep reform of the State that will place the actual mediatic powers under the design and spirit of the Mexican Political Constitution to create a new healthy relationship between the media, State and society. Adapted from the source document.

Although claims of media bias are abundant, systematic and scientific investigations of potential biases are rare. The present study was an attempt to determine whether a perception of bias would be found in the headlines of lead or major stories taken from the Web sites of two major American news organizations, CNN and FOX News, during the final two months of the 2004 presidential campaign. Significant perceptions of bias were found. Overall, headlines taken from CNN were rated as significantly more liberal than those taken from FOX News. Headlines taken from FOX News were rated as slightly on the liberal side of neutral. With CNN'S headlines slightly to the left of FOX News', instructing participants that the headlines came from a particular source did not influence the results. Although the study by no means provides the definitive answer to whether major news organizations have biases, it indicates that perceptions of bias exist. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2007 by the President and the Fellows of Harvard College.]

"In Authenticating Whiteness: Karens, Selfies, and Pop Stars, Rachel E. Dubrofsky explores the idea that popular media implicitly portrays whiteness as credible, trustworthy, familiar, and honest, and that this portrayal is normalized and ubiquitous. Whether on television, film, social media, or in the news, white people are constructed as believable and unrehearsed, from the way they talk to how they look and act. Dubrofsky argues that this way of making white people appear authentic is a strategy of whiteness, requiring attentiveness to the context of white supremacy in which the presentations unfold. The volume details how ideas about what is natural, good, and wholesome are reified in media, showing how these values are implicitly racialized. Additionally, the project details how white women are presented as particularly authentic when they seem to lose agency by expressing affect through emotional and bodily displays. The chapters examine a range of popular media-newspaper articles about Donald J. Trump, a selfie taken at Auschwitz, music videos by Miley Cyrus, the television series UnREAL, the infamous video of Amy Cooper calling the police on an innocent Black man, and the documentary Miss Americana-pinpointing patterns that cut across media to explore the implications for the larger culture in which they exist. At its heart, the book asks: Who gets to be authentic? And what are the implications?"--