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Levels of both religiosity and of religious influence on public policy vary enormously across the countries of post-communist East Central Europe. This variation poses a challenge to existing explanations, which have focused on religious competition and alliances with political parties to explain religious participation and policy influence, respectively. The legacy of religious nationalism instead helps to explain both the vibrancy of religious participation and the influence of churches on democratic public policy. This variation also calls for greater scrutiny of "historical legacies": while some patterns are durable and reach back centuries, others are recent innovations.

Using Brazil as a case study, we examine ways in which radical right activists and leaders actively participate in world politics through religious nationalist narratives which operate on both national and transnational levels. We propose the existence of a particular subcategory of populist radical right (PRR) politics, which we call religious-populist radical right. Our argument is divided into three parts. First, we argue that religion provides ideational and material capabilities that have allowed the PRR to capture state institutions through elections. Second, we claim that once in power, the PRR's governing strategy is conducted through transnational culture wars with religious overtones. Third, we argue that the PRR establishes novel patterns of international alliances to advance their vision of a new world order based on independent ethno-religious communities. By exploring the entanglements between the PRR and religious nationalism, we conclude that religion provides the radical right with the ideas, means, and social power to transform both state forms and world orders. Création de l'État devant Dieu : l'intersection du populisme radical de droite et du nationalisme chrétien dans le Brésil de Bolsonaro

PurposeTo develop a theory to explain how national diversity within a workgroup can lead to intra‐group conflict, and how this effect may be exacerbated in the presence of nationalistic attitudes.Design/methodology/approachDefines and discusses what national diversity is and why it is relevant to multinational organizations. Then constructs a multi‐level, theoretical framework to propose the conditions under which national diversity may lead to high levels of conflict. Describes and explains the role of nationalism (i.e. individuals' attitude towards their and others' nationalities) in diverse workgroups and explore the moderating effect of nationalism on the relationship between national diversity and intra‐group conflict.FindingsProposes that in nationally diverse workgroups the presence of workgroup members with strong nationalistic attitudes (e.g. ingroup favoritism and outgroup rejection) will exacerbate the likelihood that national diversity may lead to relationship conflict and process conflict, and that it will weaken the likelihood that national diversity leads to task conflict.Originality/valueThe model demonstrates the necessity of examining national diversity and the factors and conditions, such as the presence of nationalistic attitudes that may hinder the potential of a nationally diverse workgroup.

Cet article étudie le rôle du mouvement culturel de la Renaixença dans l'émergence du premier catalanisme politique. La trajectoire de la Lliga Regionalista illustre la pénétration du nationalisme catalan au sein des institutions, le renforcement de son pluralisme à partir de 1906 et la formation d'un courant catalaniste républicain. Une analyse sociohistorique des trajectoires des partis nationalistes catalans montre enfin leur rôle dans la modernisation du système politique espagnol.

In 2010, the marriage of an Indian sportswoman to a Pakistani man has triggered heated debates in India and Pakistan. Perceived as treason by Indian nationalists, this union has been celebrated in Pakistan as a victory, but also as a promise of better relations between the two nations. These debates underscore the imbrications of the notions of family and nation, as well as the sexual nature of the two countries' relationship. Interpreted in its historical and legal contexts, this affair reveals the role of gender representations in the construction of the Indian and Pakistani national projects. Women's sexual autonomy is simultaneously considered as a sign of "modernity" and as a threat against the nation's integrity. The Indo-Pakistani relationship, marked by the colonial legacy, underlines the ambiguities of a "sexual nationalism", which combines the defense of women's rights with the control of their sexuality. Adapted from the source document.

"This book provides a comparative historical study of the rise and evolution of anti-colonial movements in South Africa and Israel/Palestine. It focuses on the ways in which major political movements and activists conceptualized their positions vis-a-vis historical processes of colonial settlement and indigenous resistance over the last century. Drawing on a range of primary sources, the author engages with theoretical debates involving key actors operating in their own time and space. Using a comparative framework, the book illustrates common and divergent patterns of political and ideological contestations and focuses on the relevance of debates about race and class, state and power, ethnicity and nationalism. Particular attention is given to South Africa and Israel/Palestine's links to global campaigns to undermine foreign domination and internal oppression, tensions between the quests for national liberation and equality of rights, the role of dissidents from within the ranks of settler communities, and the various attempts to consolidate indigenous resistance internally while forging alliances with other social and political forces on the outside. This book will be of interest to scholars in the fields of African History, Middle East History and African Studies, and to social justice and solidarity activists globally"--

Turkey's European Union (EU) membership process began in 1963 with the partnership agreement sign with the European Economic Community. Turkey's application for full membership in 1987 speed the process to achieve EU standards. The negotiations include comprehensive policy changes in many areas, from financial standardization to intellectual property rights. These policies are collected under 35 chapters in which each of these chapters has many significant conditions. Chapter 12 is about food safety, veterinary, and phytosanitary policies. This article examines one of the subjects that is an issue of the first part of the chapter, food safety. Kokorec, a Turkish street food made of animal intestines, has been popularized in EU-Turkey negotiations as it is one of the most critical issues among 35 chapters. Kokorec was presented as it is an essential obstacle for Turkish membership, and if Turkey abandoned this century-old food, it would join the Union. This popularization has been made via media and other platforms such as TV series, articles, songs, and news and debate programs. This article studies this phenomenon under two concepts, securitization and gastro-nationalism. This article suggests that the kokorec has been popularized as one of the most critical issues and subjected to successful securitization. The debate regarding hygiene, authentic cuisine, the national food industry, and other debates are only tools of the securitization for the public view. This study used the social and traditional means of media and suggested that Turkey's public opinion (especially until 2010) regards to EU membership was manipulated through these means. The securitization of kokorec prevents a real discussion about Chapter 12 (and even the 35 chapters) and its content related to food safety, veterinary, and phytosanitary policies. The kokorec also played a significant role in national Turkish cuisine which is an ideal case for gastro-nationalism.

The long hold of the idea that 'India is the land of villages' on the imaginations of politicians, policy makers and scholars alike was a result not just of the numerical preponderance of the village, but because it represented the space of an organic, unsullied authenticity. Needless to say, in many accounts, well into the late twentieth century, the authenticity was only made possible by relinquishing a claim to the turbulence of history, and indeed on 'modernity' itself. The Indian city in the period of colonial rule, on the contrary, became a heaving, undisciplined monster, the site of a corrupting modernity, illegitimate and even unauthentic in its form. Apart from the monumental cities of Delhi or Lucknow, and some attention to 'temple' towns, most monographs on modern Indian cities written in the last 60 years remained without a legible past and were the work largely of geographers or sociologists. Those early pioneers who explored the history of the modern Indian city on its own terms, such as Narayani Gupta, Mariam Dossal or Veena Oldenburg, were lonely outcrops in a vast field of historical works that were largely rooted in the countryside. The peasant and the village, rather than the worker and the city, occupied centre-stage in the most important phases of post-independence Indian historiography. Since the history of Indian nationalism gripped the scholars of the immediate post-independence years, and economic history powered by Marxism informed the next phase of writing (both of which were enormously productive lines of enquiry), the Indian city was embedded in works that traced either the fate of anti-colonial nationalism or the broader trajectories of labour and capital. The innovative approaches of the Subaltern Studies collective from the early 1980s drew historiographic attention once more to the rebellious peasant and rural communities or mentalities.

Argues that this initiative, approved by California voters in 1994, conceals racist and nationalistic sentiments within a piece of legislation that represents an ideal form of participatory democracy on the surface.

Why do people go to war? My own interest in this question emerged from the context of my dissolving country and Serbia's increased engagement in a very strident form of ethnonationalism. Although social scientists have sought to understand the roles of ethnonationalism in fostering state-organized violence, few scholars have sought to understand the gendered nature of men's motivations for participating in war. The case of the inter-ethnic wars in Croatia and Bosnia, following the break-up of Yugoslavia, presents an unparalleled opportunity to understand more about how the processes of ethnonationalization and masculinization operate in everyday life, and about how men from Serbia made sense of their decisions about participation in the wars. In the present paper I explore the ways nationalism and masculinity intersect and overlap, influence and are influenced by war participation, by looking closer into the war volunteers from Serbia who joined the Yugoslav wars of secession, 1991–1995.

AbstractThis paper examines the concept of 'land‐centred' nationalism and suggests that it is important for distinguishing among different types of nationalism and for better understanding the role of land and place in this ideology. In order to demonstrate what land‐centred nationalism actually means, the article examines Zionism as a case study, arguing that some of the leading, early intellectual schools of this national movement (cultural, socialist, and religious Zionism) tended to underscore the role of the Land of Israel in collective identity rather than the role of the political community. Despite many differences in their general outlook, these schools all celebrated the land's spiritual role while neglecting or even opposing the idea of a Jewish state. This devaluation of the bond among citizens in favour of the bond of a people with their ancient land contributed to Zionism's contemporary difficulties and manifests the dangers of land‐centred nationalism more generally.