Suchergebnisse

This article argues that twentieth century modernist nationalism can no longer be a political strategy for the Filipino left because it rests on the obliteration of differences. Rethinking old-style anti-imperialism will force the left to recognise the state as a key site of political struggle and also to understand that ethnic, class and other social cleavages are not transcended via a 'national' imaginary except through the use of violence. Moreover, in the 1990s as states band together in regional blocs, critics of contemporary capitalism in the Asia-Pacific would do well to pursue a radical democratic rather than nationalist agenda. I argue that the Philippine state's relative historical lack of success in hegemonic nation-building, along with a recently reinvigorated democratic impulse, offer the Filipino left a unique opportunity to lead a popular campaign for a new regional identity—one committed to democratic principles rather than exclusivist notions of 'national belonging.' Such popular interpretations are necessary to subvert other putative transnational discourses such as 'Asian values.'

American environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have created and spread in the last decade a particular representation of the Amazon rainforest among the public and policy-makers. This new representation contrasts with earlier American representations of the Amazon in that it has been more responsive to local (Amazon) concerns and agendas. This greater responsiveness is a direct result of strategic coalitions with Brazilian NGOs by must US NGOs. US NGOs may avoid charges of "environmental imperialism" and obtain larger legitimacy in their action in the Amazon by opting for the coalition strategy. However, this option also stresses the differences between two environmental traditions, Noah and South, at the same time that it points out common areas of understanding. The primary sources used in this study are the documents and reports, published (paper pamphlets) and on-line (conferences), produced by the NGOs themselves and interviews with US NCO officers. The thesis analyses the Mahogany Campaign (1991-1997) as an example of a broad coalition between North and South NGOs.

A response depicts Luciano Pellicani's (1998) critique of scholars who have connected modernity with totalitarianism as an apology for liberal democracy. Rather than interpret totalitarianism as completely nihilistic, it is asserted that the notion of "complete control" remains a valuable theoretical tool to explain social tendencies; ie, totalitarianism can be used to describe the results of modernity's elimination of entire cultural traditions & the succeeding period of social stultification. The former USSR exemplifies modernity's devastating effects against social infrastructures when modernization is accelerated. Modernity is delineated as a disease of Western culture rather than illustrative of Western culture itself. Arguing that Zygmunt Bauman's (1989) treatment of the Holocaust is exemplary, Pellicani is criticized for misinterpreting modernity, culture, & civilization & attempting to associate civilization & culture with nationalism, imperialism, &, ultimately, vulgar Marxism. Pellicani's identification of societies as "gnostic" is compared to Eric Voegelin's (1952) sociopolitical analysis, & it is suggested that totalitarianism is merely another pathological step in the development of post-Enlightenment, Western society. J. W. Parker

Rethinking «98» in Puerto Rico requires giving up «victimized» perspectives whereby the Porto Rican people are set free of all responsibility. Focusing on 1898 as a year of both liberation and domination, this article weighs up the positive and negative aspects of Northamerican imperialism, while analyzing the unbalanced and particular struggles of the Porto Ricans in the social, economical, cultural and political fields. This process is partly followed through the writhings of Elihu Root and Salvador Brau. ; Repesar el 98 en Puerto Rico supone alejarse de planteamientos victimistas que eximen de toda responsabilidad al pueblo puertorriqueño. El 98 es abordado en este trabajo como un año de liberación y dominación, en el que se valoran los aspectos positivos y negativos del imperialismo norteamericano, a la vez que se analizan críticamente las luchas, desiguales y singulares, de este pueblo por la justicia social y económica, la cultura y las libertades políticas. El pensamiento de Elihu Root y Salvador Brau ilustran parte de este proceso.

Explores Tibetan demands for self-determination in the context of the Soviet Union's collapse & the independence of formerly subjugated nations. The Chinese Communist Party originally identified with V. I. Lenin's definition of self-determination as freedom from European colonialism. Under the rule of Mao Tse-tung, the promise of the right to self-determination made to the Mongolian, Tibetan, & Uighur peoples was replaced by the intent to form a multinational unitary state in which minorities were liberated from both the oppression of foreign imperialism & domestic reaction. This mixture of Marxist paternalism & Chinese nationalism has been negated by the resurgence of traditional culture in the newly independent nations of the former Soviet bloc, as well as post-Maoist developments in China. The Tibetan fulfillment of the prerequisites for self-determination as defined by the UN is discussed, along with the role of the Dalai Lama. It is argued that Chinese interests would not be eroded by self-determination in Tibet. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth

Traces the development of nationalism in European history since the early Middle Ages. It is observed that the basis of Roman society was citizenship, a concept that linked individuals to the state & that was usually based on ethnic categories. Nationalism evolved in the early modern period through a dynastic system in which warring factions in a territory competed for supremacy. Modern nationalism is traced to 18th-century wars between various European powers, wherein, it is suggested, the dynastic conception of nationalism was transformed into a more basic & instinctive feeling & propelled forward after the French Revolution. This period is described as one of state nationalism in which the cohesive nation-state became understood as the most advanced & hopeful institution for internal order & material prosperity. Out of this form of nationalism grew the system of imperialism in which vast territories were claimed & conquered. The recent movement toward ethnic nationalism is discussed in the context of this larger history of European nationalism. D. M. Smith

During the post-WWII era, three social myths competed for international ideological hegemony: (1) the myth of virulent communism, propounded by Western elites, in particular, the US; (2) the myth of world socialist revolution, propounded by communist elites; & (3) the myth of imperialism & economic underdevelopment, propagated by Third World elites. Because proponents believed in the underlying reality of these incompatible myths, ideological gridlock made any meaningful international cooperation at the UN next to impossible; the gridlock is reflected in the disappointing track record on international cooperation during the first fifty years of the UN. The existence of these myths in fact exacerbated conflicts in the 1990s. The political & physical collapse of the USSR & the consequent discrediting of Marxist-Leninist thought have led to a temporary victory for liberalism, even while the liberal legacy of Enlightenment thought has begun to be seriously questioned within the West. Cooperation at the UN will grow until new myths create a new ideological cold war. 1 Photograph. Adapted from the source document.

An attempt to reconcile Marxism & feminism is made by focusing on the strain of argument centering on social identity in Marxist thought. Three works from the Marxist tradition are shown to predate recent arguments in feminist theory. Karl Marx's "Die Judenfrage" ([On the Jewish Question] 1844) examines the nature of liberation offered by a transformation of identity that remains within the larger structure of inequality. Marx's call for a new communist identity to oppose capitalist class-based identities is paired with the feminist call for gynocentric identity. It is argued that Franz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1961) parallels radical feminist arguments that self-empowerment for the powerless requires a distancing from an imposed, dominant culture, whether it be colonialist or masculinist. Further parallels with feminist arguments for a separatist response to exploitative relationships are found in Kwame Nkrumah's Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (1965). A feminist reading of Marxism offers a path beyond materialist assumptions & an end to the ghettoization of Marxist scholarship. 21 References. H. von Rautenfeld

Book reviewed in this article:Environmental Sociology: Kroll‐Smith, J. Stephen, and Stephen Robert Couch. The Real Disaster Is Above Ground: A Mine Fire and Social Conflict.Environmental Sociology: Couch, Stephen R., and J. Steven Kroll‐Smith (eds.).Environmental Sociology: Dunlap, Riley E., and Angela G. Mertig (eds.).Environmental Sociology: Faber, Daniel. Environment Under Fire: Imperialism and the Ecological Crisis in Central America.Agriculture: Browne, William P., Jerry R. Skees, Louis E. Swanson, Paul B. Thompson, and Laurian J. Unnevehr. Sacred Cows and Hot Potatoes: Agrarian Myths in Agricultural Policy.Agriculture: Maret, Elizabeth. Women of the Range: Women's Roles in the Texas Beef Cattle Industry.Agriculture: Dvorak, Karen Ann (ed.). Social Science Research for Agricultural Technology Development: Spatial and Temporal Dimensions.Chinese Studies: Kelliher, Daniel. Peasant Power in China: The Era of Rural Reform, 1979–1989.Chinese Studies: Poston, Dudley L., and David Yaukey (eds.).Rural Health: Snow, Loudell. Walkin' Over Medicine.Rural Health: Morsy, Soheir A. Gender, Sickness, and Healing in Rural Egypt: Ethnography in Historical Context.

The impact of economic factors on colonial imperialism in the late nineteenth century has long been a topic of debate. This article examines the expected relationship between different forms of international investment and different patterns of political ties between developed and developing countries. Drawing on the literature on relational contracts and collective action, it argues that direct colonial control was likely to be associated with cross-border investments whose rents were particularly easy to seize or protect, and whose protection did not require multilateral action. Where such rents were difficult to seize or protect unilaterally, colonialism is expected to be less likely. The most common example of the former sort of investment is primary (raw-materials or agricultural) investment; of the latter, multinational manufacturing affiliates. The argument is weighed against both a survey of the qualitative evidence and some simple quantitative evaluations. The approach also has potential applications to more general problems of international conflict and cooperation.

A critical review of theories that form the framework for studies of past & present wars. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin's statement that "politics is condensed economics" (no reference given) is generally accepted to be true, although two limits are detailed: (1) the proposition can only be applied in the capitalist epoch; (2) an analysis of such an economic-political relationship necessitates correct theory regarding the economic base in question. Based on these limitations, Lenin's statement is analyzed & illustrated with case examples. The bourgeois school's approach to conflict focuses on the foundations of potential conflicts & holds that states perpetually exist in potentially competitive situations with the goal of domination. This school of thought is shown to be tenuous & simplistic. Here, it is suggested that postcapitalist societies are organized around a conflicting & dynamic compromise between socialist, capitalist, & "nationalist-etatist" social tendencies. National-popular societies in the Middle East & South Africa are analyzed, especially with respect to the conflict between national-popular aspirations & Western imperialism. 3 References. C. Grindle

HAD YOU BOOKED TO FLY ON KOREAN AIRLINES FLIGHT KAL 007 ON THE NIGHT OF AUGUST 31ST, 1983, YOU WOULD HAVE EXPECTED TO LEAVE ANCHORAGE ON SCHEDULE, STEER A COURSE TOWARD THE EASTERN COAST OF THE USSR AND TURN SOUTHWARDS BEFORE REACHING THE KAMCHATKA PENINSULA. SAFE IN THE KNOWLEDGE THAT YOUR PLANE WAS FOLLOWING A WELL TRAVELLED INTERNATIONALLY AGREED FLIGHT-PATH YOU WOULD HAVE EXPECTED TO LAND SAFELY IN SEOUL THE FOLLOWING MORNING. YOU WOULD OF COURSE HAVE HAD NO WAY OF KNOWING THAT YOUR LIFE, ALONG WITH 268 OTHERS, WAS ABOUT TO BE SACRIFICED IN A COMPLEX AND CRIMINAL STAGE-MANAGED INTELLIGENCE GATHERING AND PROPAGANDA OPERATION WHOSE AUTHORS SAT SAFELY IN WASHINGTON. AN EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE FACTS OF THIS CASE (THEY ARE TOO NUMEROUS TO CATALOGUE IN FULL) SERVES NOT ONLY AS AN IRREFUTABLE INDICTMENT OF THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION BUT IN ADDITION IS AN INSTRUCTIVE LESSON REVEALING THE TRUE FACE OF IMPERIALISM WHICH THREATENS TO SACRIFICE ALL OUR LIVES ON A GLOBAL FLIGHT KAL 007 TO NUCLEAR HOLOCAUST.

Recent violence, civil war, revolution, and economic crises have focused attention on Central America. Analyses of these crises vary widely. Class struggle, Soviet or U.S. imperialism, geopolitical balance of power, the energy crisis, and the general malaise of the West all contribute to the turmoil on the isthmus. Yet the bitter political and economic realities of contemporary Central America are deeply rooted in the past. The present conflicts are neither recent in origin nor conducive to short-term military, economic, or political solutions. This article offers a historical interpretation of modern Central America as an explanation of the current crises. The hypothesis of this overview is that the current crises all represent the inevitable collapse of political, economic, and cultural structures erected in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to serve the interests of the elites who commanded the Liberal Reforms or Revolutions of that era, but that fail to meet the demands of the societies they created.

A corollary of dependency theory, which has enjoyed considerable popularity among social scientists in the last fifteen years, is the notion of cultural imperialism. Simply stated, the theory holds that countries with global economic dominance reinforce their hegemonic relationship with lesser developed countries through the manipulation of mass media such as television, radio, film and comic books. A number of radical critiques of Latin America mass media have appeared in response to this perceived relationship. In her article, Cornelia Butler Flora examines several Latin American comic books and photonovels which were created as alternatives to commercial controlled media forms. For example, in Chile during the short‐lived presidency of Salvador Allende (1970–1973), the government publishing house Quimanto brought together artists and communications specialists to produce comic books which would serve as the socialist answer to Donald Duck andbther publications that were seen as purveyors of caplitalist values. Flora also draws on other examplles of comic books and photonovels from Mexico, Ecuador and Peru.