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A REVIEW OF: WIRE SERVICE (ED.), NICARAGUAN WOMEN AND THE REVOLUTION, NEW YORK: WIRE SERVICE (2700 BROADWAY: RM. 7, NEW YORK 10025), N.D. PP. 32. $3.00. WIRE SERVICE (ED), WOMEN AND WAR-EL SALVADOR, NEW YORK: WIRE SERVICE, N.D. PP. 45. $3.00. THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS ESCALATES WITH EACH COUNTRY'S INVOLVEMENT. IN NICARAGUA, 30 PERCENT OF THE FIGHTING FORCES WERE WOMEN, AND THERE IS EVIDENCE THAT AN EVEN LARGER PERCENTAGE IS PARTICIPATING IN EL SALVADOR AND GUATEMALA.1 THESE FIGURES ARE REMARKABLE FOR ANY SOCIETY BUT ARE EVEN MORE REMARKABLE IN SOCIETIES WHICH ARE TRADITIONALLY CONSIDERED "MACHISTA." THE IMPLICATIONS OF THESE DEVELOPMENTS ARE ONLY BEGINNING TO RECEIVE THE ATTENTION AND ANALYSIS WHICH OTHER ASPECTS OF THE CENTRAL AMERICAN STRUGGLES HAVE BEEN GIVEN. AS VICTIMS OF IMPERIALISM, CENTRAL AMERICAN WOMEN AND MEN ARE SIMILARLY EXPLOITED. BOTH SUFFER UNDER AN AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM CHARACTERIZED BY SEASONAL LABOR, LONG PERIODS OF UNEMPLOYMENT, LOW WAGES, EXPENSIVE HEALTH CARE, AND HIGH ILLITERACY, THOUGH THE ILLITERACY RATE IS DOUBLE FOR WOMEN.

ABSTRACTThree different dependency explanations of economic growth are evaluated through cross‐sectional regression analyses for 98 countries between 1960 and 1977, using logged GNPC, its square, gross domestic investment and the military participation ratio as control variables. Galtung's A Structural Theory of Imperialism seems to contain one useful predictor of economic growth, commodity concentration, which hurts the growth prospects of nations, but neither his vertical trade nor his partner concentration has any significant impact. Rubinson's state strength approach receives no support at all, since strong states, operationalized by government revenue/GDP, come closer to hurting than to promoting economic growth. Bornschier's investment dependency approach also fails to explain why some LDCs do so much better or worse than others. It is suggested that future research on linkages between the world system and the economic performance of LDCs might profit from broadening the research agenda to include power politics and its military participation effects in addition to political economy variables.

This study systematically identifies the Soviet lessons of Vietnam as presented in eleven Soviet newspapers (specialized and regional as well as the central papers) and eight journals. Altogether, 1,585 citations were coded, representing more than 70 different lessons. A predominant finding is that the most common lessons the Soviet Union learned from Vietnam differed from their American counterparts: the Soviet lessons would not have warned the leadership about the dangers of military intervention in Afghanistan. A left/right scale was constructed, based on such issue clusters as why the communists won in Vietnam, the nature of imperialism, and the implications of Soviet policy in the Third World. Substantial variation was found among the media examined, many of which are linked to specific Soviet institutions. The implication is that Soviet foreign policy is contingent upon individual choices, institutional interplay, and changing contexts. This, in turn, suggests that Western policy makers should not lose sight of their capacity to influence the Soviet policy dialogue, and hence Soviet policy choices.

Within the Marxist tradition historiography has played a particularly significant role in guiding as well as legitimating political choice. Two differing frameworks of historical analysis may be derived from Marx, one involving universal stages of social development, the other closely associated with the concept of the Asiatic Mode of Production (AMP), assuming the existence of alternative paths of historical development. In Russia the Bolshevik faction derived their political program from the former historiographical position, while G. Plekhanov & the Mensheviks took as their first political priority the need to combat the peculiarity & 'Asiatic' character of the Russian historical heritage. This can be seen in the debate over rationalization of land at the 'Unity' Congress of Russian social democracy in 1906. Despite the Bolshevik victory a new historiographical challenge emerged from 1925 on the part of Comintern officials active in China. They believed that Chinese history had been characterized by the AMP, & that therefore the Chinese national bourgeoisie was only a weak offshoot of Western imperialism, incapable of any positive role in a democratic revolution. AA.

Models of center-periphery relations based on theories of dependence, dominance, & imperialism, such as that proposed by J. Galtung (see SA 20:4/72F6273) have been useful for analysis of international relations. A test is made of the applicability of the Galtung model to intranational inequalities of development. Data are taken from national social statistics on the nineteen counties of Norway. The Galtung model is supported by this empirical evidence. Critical examination of the effects of regional development policies leads to the conclusion that a purely relational center-periphery model is not sufficient for understanding the historical dynamics of center-periphery dominance. The relational properties of center-periphery systems should be seen not only as independent variables, but as dependent variables generated by internal conditions in center & periphery societies. A typology of center-periphery systems is outlined, based on the mode of production dominating the social units making up the system. 2 Figures, 9 Tables. Modified HA.

At least since the beginning of this century Africa has been an intellectual melting pot. The penetration of external intellectual influences, started earlier, gathered momentum more recently, and assumed most diverse forms in the last seventy to eighty years. Both Islam and Christianity as systems of ideas came to Africa from their earliest days. Ethiopia has been Christian longer than many parts of Europe, including England. And North Africa was substantially Islamized in the first century of Muhammad's religion, which later spread to other parts of the continent. Each had ideas and values which have direct political implications. After examining the role of culture in imperialism, the entry of liberal and capitalist values in Africa, the rise of modern nationalism, the fascination of Marxism among black intellectuals, and the obstinate resilience of many traditional African values, the essay comes to the conclusion that creative eclecticism (implying a genius for selectivity, for synthesizing disparate elements, and for ultimate independent growth in the intellectual field) is the only ideological alternative compatible with African autonomy in modern conditions.

This section offers two perspectives on the class struggle in the Colombian countryside. The first is a document of historic importance, by the Asociación Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (ANUC) of the coffee industry. ANUC is an association where all three major political lines of the Colombian left are represented. At the time this article was first published (June 1972 in Uno en Dos ) ANUC was supported by various organizations, among them the Communist Party, MOIR, and the Trotskyist-oriented Tendencia Socialista. This article analyzes classes in the countryside, sharecropping, and U.S. imperialism in the market for coffee. It also examines the policies of the bourgeoisie with respect to the coffee industry and gives an analysis of the peasant movements. The second article gives a different view of Colombian agriculture, focusing on various aspects of Colombian agriculture. The author, William James, is an Assistant Professor at the State University of New York, Potsdam. He evaluates the role of different forms of the social relations of production in the Colombian countrvside.

The rekindled interest in the political thought of Georg Lukacs stems from the concern of the New Left that a new revolutionary strategy is needed during the period of imperialism. The whole trajectory of Lukacs' theoretical development can be seen as an attempt to salvage materialism through the theory of reflection by linking it to a fundamentally incompatible presentation of the dialectic in its Hegelian form. Lukacs retained all of Marx's categories without modification, & attempted to superimpose them upon a partially altered reality, producing a mechanical rather than dialectical analysis. Lukacs' work contributes to the reformulation of Marxism as a "critical theory"--an approach to reality constantly reconstituting itself in terms of the social praxis of which it is an integral moment--against those who portray Marxism as a "science." However, Lukacs' dialectic needs to be reactivated by supplying it with a materialist foundation which will allow an interaction between subject & group, a phenomenology of concept formation, & possibly a functional analysis of social structures. A. Karmen.

2 traditional methods of evangelization dating from the 16th cent are noted: (1) The adaptation of Christianity to non-European cultural concepts, (2) the assimilationist endeavor to Europeanize other societies. By the 19th cent, the 1st of these, applied in Asia, was discredited as theologically dangerous; the 2nd, as attempted in South America, seemed safer & more practical. The Holy Ghost Fathers, given their modern missionary impetus by a Jew, & recruiting their members mainly in bicultural Alsace, should have shown tolerance, sympathy & an appreciation of the importance of adaptation when they began work in East Africa. Books & articles, both popular & scholarly, written for the public, & private letters & journal entries show that this was not the case. Over the 50 yrs before 1914 increasing missionary knowledge of African religious beliefs modified early unfavorable opinions, but commonly held European prejudices & misconceptions continued to influence their general picture of African life, leading to assimilationist efforts & subsequent criticisms by Africans of cultural imperialism. AA.

Involvement in the Congo crisis of 1960 illustrates dramatically an American dilemma in foreign policy: the apparent incompatibility between the nation's emotional rejection of colonialism and the burdens of world leadership which include the consequences of anticolonialism. In 1960 the United States joined the Soviet Union in expediting the removal of the NATO partner, Belgium, from the Congo, helped to increase the power of the United Nations in the Congo at the expense of Belgian interests, and used its influence to destroy the Western-oriented regime of Moise Tshombe of secessionist Katanga. But in 1964 the United States was largely responsible for replacing the United Nations' forces in the Congo with Belgian troops; in 1965 the United States supported Tshombe's government in Leopoldville; and in 1966 and 1967 the United States joined Belgium in an uneasy vigil over the government of General Joseph Mobutu. It is not surprising that its efforts should have been interpreted by communists as American imperialism, by Africans as neocolonialism, and by many allies either as incorrigible naiveté or as hypocrisy.

Much of pre-war Japanese propaganda was devoted to convincing fellow Asians that their cause of freedom from colonial rule was that of Japan too. And yet, when the Japanese landed in the Philippines in December 1941, they had to fight not only American troops, but a Philippine army as well. Japanese propagandists thus faced a challenging task in Manila. In the case of the Philippines, the pretense of liberating colonial areas from the clutches of Western imperialism was difficult to uphold: the country was by then largely self-governing and due to obtain its full independence by 1946. To make matters worse for Japan, while the Americans had settled on a definite course, the Tokyo government had still to make up its mind on the fate of the "South Seas" territories which it was about to conquer. The daily humiliations and brutalities, and the economic hardship endured by the Filipino people under the heel of an occupation army, cast doubt on the generosity of Japanese aims.

The Cold War now appears less menacing than it once did, but there remain many conflicts inherent within the existing world scene: the divisions of emerging continental groups, of the new nat'lism that the end of imperialism has created, & of nation classes at diff levels of econ growth. To create a powerful internat'l authority that might subdue such conflicts, any effective move must recognize the conditions imposed by nat'l power & loyalty. What is required is an increase not in the power but in the influence of internat'l bodies; eg, a deliberate attempt to define & publicize principles of internat'l conduct which internat'l org's could uphold & enforce. Internat'l activities re arms control could be extended. The functional services provided by internat'l bodies could be strengthened, & esp, more effective measures of internat'l redistribution could be effected. There must also be adjustments in the attitude & policies of the nations & individuals that constitute the internat'l community. This may be encouraged, both by publicity & by measures instituted within the nat'l units themselves. AA.

Scholarly histories of the origins of the First World War began to appear within a few years of the close of hostilities. A dozen years later, the magisterial studies by Sidney B. Fay and Bernadotte E. Schmitt had appeared in this country, and comparable works had been completed by European scholars. It is now eighteen years since V E Day, but no studies comparable to Fay or Schmitt have appeared. In part this contrast is explained by the slowness with which the diplomatic papers concerning the years from 1919 to 1939 are being made available. Far more important, however, is the fact that scholars do not believe that a history of the origins of the Second World War can be written with substantial completeness from diplomatic records. In their studies of the years before 1914, Fay and Schmitt did consider subjects like nationalism and imperialism, but the thread that holds their story together is the history of negotiations between governments, and in particular the history of the European alliance system.

A review of C. Wright Mills' THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION. Mills' condemnation of sociol needs qualification on 2 counts: (1) to expect professional sociol'ts to be the primary possessors of the sociol'al imagination would be to perpetuate an ancient intellectual imperialism which the humanities & the older soc sci's have always rightfully resented, & (2) much of the work of contemporary sociol'ts in special areas such as criminology, pop problems, or the study of voting trends is unquestionably valuable, as even the harshest critic discovers when seeking comparable information about a foreign country where academic sociol'al res remains undeveloped. Finally, there is a striking discrepancy between Mills' own work & his conception of what sociol ought to be. His books are surprisingly diffuse & repetitive, & his studies of contemporary US lack historical depth & comparative perspective. Yet, THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION is incredibly rich in ideas. It is impossible not to feel a sense of gratitude to Mills for having dispelled the air of make-believe that clings to contemporary sociol. J. A. Fishman.