Suchergebnisse

In Europa is de grensoverschrijdende arbeidsmobiliteit toegenomen door het vrije verkeer van personen, diensten en vestiging en een steeds flexibelere arbeidsmarkt. Vanwege de uitbreiding van de Europese Unie zijn ook in Nederland veel arbeidsmigranten uit Oost-Europa werkzaam in sectoren als de bouw, agrarische sector, en de vleesverwerkende industrie. Ze worden vaak door bedrijven op tijdelijke basis te werk gesteld onder oneigenlijke constructies, gebruikmakend van verschillen in wet- en regelgeving tussen landen. Regelmatig is dan ook uit nieuwsberichten op te maken dat de arbeidsvoorwaarden van Europese arbeidsmigranten niet overeenstemmen met Nederlandse standaarden. Waar bedrijven grensoverschrijdend werken, opereren vakbonden en arbeidsinspectie voornamelijk nationaal, waardoor handhaving tekort schiet. Hoewel er dus geregeld bericht wordt over deze groep migranten, is er weinig onderzoek gedaan waarin daadwerkelijk met hen wordt gesproken. Om te onderzoeken hoe deze migranten omgaan met de competitieve dynamiek van de Europese arbeidsmarkt, heeft Lisa Berntsen met ongeveer 90 arbeidsmigranten gesproken over hun ervaringen in Nederland. Ze onderzocht hoe migranten individueel, gezamenlijk en georganiseerd - via de Nederlandse vakbond - handelen wanneer zij geconfronteerd worden met ondermaatse arbeidsomstandigheden. Migranten blijken veelal op kleinschalige, onzichtbare wijzen te opereren, in plaats van collectief via vakbonden. Dit heeft weinig tot geen effect op het verbeteren van de werkomstandigheden. Op grotere schaal draagt deze handelswijze mogelijk zelfs bij aan het versterken van de competitieve Europese marktwerking en het in stand houden van ongelijke arbeidsverhoudingen. Maar, zo toont Berntsen aan, onder bepaalde omstandigheden zijn deze migranten wel bereid zich te organiseren via een vakbond. ; Flexible cross-border employment relations and the free movement of people, services and establishment have contributed to an increase in intra-European labour mobility. Since the European enlargements many migrant workers from Eastern Europe have found employment in the Netherlands, mainly in the construction, agriculture and meat processing industries. Firms tend to recruit migrants via various short-term bogus employment constructions, exploiting blurring regulatory boundaries of cheaper labour market regimes of other EU member states. The media regularly reports about employment conditions of European labour migrants being not in accordance with Dutch standards. Although employer recruitment practices cross national borders without difficulty, trade unions and enforcement authorities operate primarily on national scales, resulting in gaps in effective enforcement. Though European migrant workers are often talked about, they are rarely talked with for academic or policy purposes. To explore how migrants cope with and respond to the competitive dynamics of the European labour market, Lisa Berntsen interviewed around 90 migrant workers about their experiences in the Netherlands. She examined how migrants act individually, collectively and organised – via Dutch unions – when confronted with substandard employment conditions. Migrants prefer to exercise their agency in small-scale, invisible ways, instead of collectively via trade unions, which tends to reinforce instead of challenge oppressive employment relations at work. On a broader scale this may even contribute to the continuation of unequal power relations within the European market. However, Berntsen also shows that these migrants, under certain conditions, are willing to act collectively via trade unions.

Practically it exists a consensus in the recognition that in Chile has achieved be imposed a society model whose soundness in terms of its reproduction seems something unquestionable. However, there are fundamental questions that they have not been cleared. In presidential selection, technically a second return defines the result though it does not solve the narrowness of the differences; this can be considered an index of the difficulties incubated in the continuity itinerary. Either it can be disavowed the political impact of the social expectations accumulated to be proven that the concept of "equity" has not achieved be domiciled in the general development of the economy and the society neither in the feeling of the population. Thos society model, inheritance of the military regime much more than the previous one, seems to demand, as inherent phenomenon to its operation, the deepening of the social and political asymmetries that always existed. All this is not desirable, it is argued, to the time that orchestrates decisive proposals and resolutely mechanisms within a same matrix or political model that demands at the same time an increasingly opened economy, privatized, deregulated and globalized. But, by on the inertia of the model, its subsistence requires participation and consensus instruments. How to build consensus when the economy polarizes and segregates? Until where is possible to channel the policy such as perceived in the beginnings of the transition when the electoral system and parties does not achieve to guarantee the representation and participation of the whole society? ; Prácticamente existe un consenso en el reconocimiento de que en Chile ha logrado imponerse un modelo de sociedad cuya consistencia en términos de su reproducción parece algo indiscutible. Sin embargo, hay interrogantes fundamentales que no han logrado ser despejadas. En elecciones presidenciales, técnicamente una segunda vuelta dilucida el resultado aunque no resuelve la estrechez de las diferencias. Esto puede considerarse un índice de las dificultades incubadas en el itinerario de continuidad. Tampoco puede desconocerse el impacto político de las expectativas sociales acumuladas al comprobarse que el concepto de "equidad" no ha logrado domiciliarse en el desenvolvimiento general de la economía y la sociedad ni en el sentir de la población. Este modelo de sociedad, herencia del régimen militar, mucho más que el anterior, parece exigir, como fenómeno inherente a su funcionamiento, la profundización de las asimetrías sociales y políticas que siempre existieron. Todo esto no es deseable, se argumenta, al tiempo que se instrumentan propuestas y mecanismos resolutivos dentro de una misma matriz o modelo político que exige a su vez una economía cada vez más abierta, privatizada, desregulada y globalizada. Pero, por sobre la inercia del modelo, su mantenimiento requiere instrumentos de participación y consenso. ¿Cómo construir consensos cuando la economía polariza y segrega? ¿Hasta dónde es posible encauzar la política tal como se percibe en los inicios de la transición cuando el sistema electoral y el de partidos no garantizan la representatividad y participación del conjunto de la sociedad?

La Constitución Política del Perú reconoce, como uno de los derechos fundamentales de la persona, la libertad constitucional de asociación en general. Dentro de ese marco constitucional, las organizaciones no lucrativas se encuentran reguladas fundamentalmente por el Código Civil del Perú, bajo las figuras legales (personas jurídicas: organizaciones inscritas en Registros Públicos) de asociaciones, fundaciones y comités. Adicionalmente, el Código Civil reconoce como sujetos de derecho con identidad legal propia, aunque con un régimen de responsabilidad diferente al de las personas jurídicas, a la asociación, la fundación y el comité no inscritos. Dentro del sector no lucrativo, en Perú, la figura más utilizada es la asociación, desde que a través de ella se pueden desarrollar diversas actividades, sean de interés social o de beneficio mutuo de los integrantes y en diferentes ámbitos (cultural, cooperación técnica internacional: organizaciones no gubernamentales de desarrollo-ONG's, religiosas, deportivas, gremiales, entre otras) siempre que tengan finalidad no lucrativa. En el caso de la fundación, esta figura no ha sido objeto de una mayoritaria utilización en Perú, como en el caso de la asociación. En este punto, en la actualidad se están debatiendo reformas legales importantes de esta figura, con el fin de otorgarle un mayor dinamismo. Y, el comité es una figura de escasa aplicación. Finalmente, cabe mencionar que en el tráfico económico actúan diversas organizaciones no lucrativas (tales como las ONG's, organizaciones comunales, instituciones educativas, sindicatos), muchas de las cuales carecen de identidad legal propia como personas jurídicas, adoptando la figura clásica de la asociación civil para gozar de capacidad civil. ; The Political Constitution of Peru recognizes, as one of the basic human rights, the constitutional freedom of association in general. In Peru, the non-profit organizations are fundamentally regulated by the Civil Code, through the legal figures of association, foundation and committee, which are legal entities (incorporated organizations in Public Records). In addition, the Civil Code of Peru, recognizes non incorporated organizations (associations, foundations and committees) as legal subjects with a proper legal identity, though with a different regime of responsability. In the non-profit sector of Peru, the most widely used figure is the association, because it allows the development of diverse activities whether of social interest or of mutual interest to its members, in different areas such as: culture, religion, sports, sindicates, international technical cooperation (NGO's), but they always must be non-profit. The foundation has not been as widely used in Peru as the case of the association. Nowadays, there is a debate in order to make important legal reforms of the foundations with the purpose of making them more dinamic. And, the committee has a rare application in Peru. To conclude, it is important to mention that there are diverse non-profit organizations that act in the economic traffic, such as: NGO 's, communal organizations, educational institutions, sindicates. Most of these organizations do not have a proper legal identity as legal entities, so they have to use the classic figure of the association in order to have civil capacity.

Biofuels, a solar-sourced technology that can be processed from non-fossilized plant matter, have significant appeal as a means of securing a reliable, sustainable energy supply. They appear to offer significant potential by virtue of being harvestable from common plant life such as prairie grasses. I argue that a shared set of knowledge claims emerging from multiple energy/environmental institutions in Germany and the U.S. are linked by a shared set of assumptions. I characterize these claims as a "mainstream" discourse because together they function as a single powerful discourse that influences national policy and research priorities. In examining the potential material impacts of the discourse on regional and global habitats, I demonstrate the powerful performative capacity of the discourse. I also describe how this mainstream discourse perpetuates momentum along existing trajectories of at least three socio-technological regimes: agriculture, transport, energy. The practitioners (biofuels experts) of the discourse construct representations of the realities that form the basis of their research. I refer to these representations as maps because like a city map, they privilege some things while marginalizing others. These maps are then utilized as guides for intervening into the habitat in order to develop and implement biofuels. Implicated within the maps are practices that have the potential to reconstitute reality. For example, the mapping of a variety of plants as "energy crops" implicates practices generally associated with high-yield cash crops intended for trade on the global marketplace. The materialization of these practices will assimilate various plants, reconstituting them as bona fide energy crops, resulting in monocultured regional and global habitats. I develop my argument by describing how knowledge production is regulated by the implicit rules that govern the discourse. This regulatory apparatus insures that certain types of knowledge as well as methods for producing that knowledge are privileged over others. I introduce several concepts--"institutional platform, thought collective, biofuels practitioner--"as analytical tools to develop my argument and explain how the discourse functions. I demonstrate how perpetual recirculation of knowledge claims through publication, citation, conferences, workshops and task forces naturalizes these claims, giving them authoritative force. This force is evidenced in an increased performative capacity as well as a higher degree of discursive hegemony. I demonstrate the material effects of the discourse at the practical level of its deployment by introducing another analytical tool --ground truthing. Geographers and military reconnaissance personnel use ground truthing to describe the process of physically inspecting the lay of the land in order to determine the accuracy of the maps. With this tool, I demonstrate the potential of the discourse to reconstitute habitats and landscapes. Finally I propose changing the terms of mainstream energy discourse through practices intended to de-scientize and democratize the discourse through incorporating alternative expertises. This includes: a} moving away from corporate control of energy solutions by situating energy-systems decisions and ownership at the local community level, and b} improving the definition of systemic problems by transitioning away from knowledge production that privileges the detached "spectator" approach over the embodied, participatory approach. ; Ph. D.

Liquid foams are used in various domains in our everyday life. Their excellent ability to dissipate energy makes foams widely used in the military domain to mitigate blast waves produced after an explosion. In this Thesis, we have designed an original experimental setup allowing us to image the deformation of a liquid foam after the impact of a blast wave exiting a shock tube. We also measure the overpressure in the foam, within a range of 5 to 50 kPa. We evidence a pressure attenuation, increasing and then saturating at increasing bubble size, while all the other parameters of the foam, especially liquid fraction, are kept constant. Those results are interpreted with a thermal dissipation model at the bubble scale, suggesting the existence of a maximum dissipation for a given bubble size. We then characterise the wave velocity in the foam. At small amplitudes, the velocity follows Wood's model, based on linear propagation in an effective continuous medium. At greater amplitudes, we show the apparition of a non-linear regime, with a higher propagation velocity and a lower attenuation, those two features being captured theoretically and numerically. Close to the source, the foam is destroyed by the shock. We close our study with more qualitative results on the quantity of destroyed foam and the propagation velocity of the rupture front, which have been evidenced for the rst time in a three-dimensional foam. ; Les mousses liquides sont utilisées dans de nombreux domaines de la vie quotidienne. Leur excellente capacité à dissiper de l'énergie en fait également des matériaux très utilisés dans le domaine militaire pour atténuer les ondes de souffle émises lors d'une explosion. Dans cette thèse, nous avons conçu un dispositif expérimental original nous permettant de visualiser la déformation d'une mousse liquide lors de l'impact d'une onde de souffle en sortie d'un tube à choc. Nous mesurons la surpression en plusieurs points de la mousse, sur une gamme de 5 à 50 kPa. Nous mettons en évidence une atténuation de pression qui augmente avec la taille des bulles puis sature, tous les autres paramètres, notamment la fraction liquide, étant maintenus constants. Ces résultats sont interprétés avec un modèle de dissipation thermique à l'échelle de la bulle suggérant l'existence d'un maximum d'atténuation pour une taille de bulles donnée. Nous caractérisons ensuite la vitesse de propagation de l'onde au sein de la mousse. Aux petites amplitudes, la vitesse suit le modèle de Wood, basé sur une propagation linéaire dans un milieu continu eectif. Aux plus hautes amplitudes, nous mettons en évidence l'apparition d'un régime non linéaire, avec une vitesse de propagation plus importante et une atténuation plus faible, ces deux phénomènes étant retrouvés à la fois théoriquement et numériquement. Près de la source, la mousse est détruite par le choc. Nous terminons notre étude avec des résultats plus qualitatifs sur la quantité de mousse détruite et la vitesse de propagation du front de rupture, visualisées pour la première fois dans une mousse tridimensionnelle.

Liquid foams are used in various domains in our everyday life. Their excellent ability to dissipate energy makes foams widely used in the military domain to mitigate blast waves produced after an explosion. In this Thesis, we have designed an original experimental setup allowing us to image the deformation of a liquid foam after the impact of a blast wave exiting a shock tube. We also measure the overpressure in the foam, within a range of 5 to 50\,kPa. We evidence a pressure attenuation, increasing and then saturating at increasing bubble size, while all the other parameters of the foam, especially liquid fraction, are kept constant. Those results are interpreted with a thermal dissipation model at the bubble scale, suggesting the existence of a maximum dissipation for a given bubble size. We then characterise the wave velocity in the foam. At small amplitudes, the velocity follows Wood's model, based on linear propagation in an effective continuous medium. At greater amplitudes, we show the apparition of a non-linear regime, with a higher propagation velocity and a lower attenuation, those two features being captured theoretically and numerically. Close to the source, the foam is destroyed by the shock. We close our study with more qualitative results on the quantity of destroyed foam and the propagation velocity of the rupture front, which have been evidenced for the first time in a three-dimensional foam. ; Les mousses liquides sont utilisées dans de nombreux domaines de la vie quotidienne. Leur excellente capacité à dissiper de l'énergie en fait également des matériaux très utilisés dans le domaine militaire pour atténuer les ondes de souffle émises lors d'une explosion. Dans cette thèse, nous avons conçu un dispositif expérimental original nous permettant de visualiser la déformation d'une mousse liquide lors de l'impact d'une onde de souffle en sortie d'un tube à choc. Nous mesurons la surpression en plusieurs points de la mousse, sur une gamme de 5 à 50 kPa. Nous mettons en évidence une atténuation de pression qui augmente avec la taille des bulles puis sature, tous les autres paramètres, notamment la fraction liquide, étant maintenus constants. Ces résultats sont interprétés avec un modèle de dissipation thermique à l'échelle de la bulle suggérant l'existence d'un maximum d'atténuation pour une taille de bulles donnée. Nous caractérisons ensuite la vitesse de propagation de l'onde au sein de la mousse. Aux petites amplitudes, la vitesse suit le modèle de Wood, basé sur une propagation linéaire dans un milieu continu effectif. Aux plus hautes amplitudes, nous mettons en évidence l'apparition d'un régime non linéaire, avec une vitesse de propagation plus importante et une atténuation plus faible, ces deux phénomènes étant retrouvés à la fois théoriquement et numériquement. Près de la source, la mousse est détruite par le choc. Nous terminons notre étude avec des résultats plus qualitatifs sur la quantité de mousse détruite et la vitesse de propagation du front de rupture, visualisées pour la première fois dans une mousse tridimensionnelle.

The Editorial Board of the journal is rightly proud that it managed to persuade Professor Maureen Perrie, the eminent British historian of Russia, to write this memoir, intriguingly entitled 'From Poetry to Peasantry: my Early Adventures in Russian Studies'. The memoir is written with such candour, and in such a lively and entertaining style, that its appeal will extend beyond specialists in the humanities. The reader is presented with a portrait of an entire generation, with its insights and its delusions, its loyalty to its parents' moral code and its aspiration towards new visions of humanity. Maureen Perrie's remarkable memory for detail enables her to create a complex and dynamic picture of the attitude of British society towards Russia, of cultural interactions and the cruel political prejudice that played such a pernicious role. At the same time we have a valuable account of her youthful enthusiasms, heartfelt experiences and the role of personal relationships in her development as a historian. The author followed a complex path, beginning with an interest in Russian literature and the Symbolists (her favourite poet was Alexander Blok), and leading on to research on the Russian peasantry, pretenderism and the Russian monarchy. This trajectory provides evidence of her inquiring mind and her desire to get to the very heart of a phenomenon – because a true understanding of Russia involves first and foremost an understanding of the patriarchal mindset, the peasant world, popular utopias and the cruelty of the regime towards its own people. Maureen Perrie has brilliantly succeeded in her task. Her publications make a major contribution to international Russian Studies; and this autobiographical essay, which is so revealing of the author's personality, provides entertaining and moving reading for all lovers of Russian culture. ; Редколлегия журнала по праву гордится тем, что ей удалось заинтересовать выдающегося английского профессора истории России Морин Перри предложением написать воспоминания, интригующе озаглавленные «От поэтики литературы к истории крестьянства: мои ранние приключения в области русистики». Воспоминания написаны с таким доверительным чувством, настолько живо и занимательно, что должны привлечь внимание не только специалистов в сфере гуманитарной науки. Перед читателем возникает портрет целого поколения с его проницательностью и заблуждениями, верностью родительской морали и устремлением к новым горизонтам человечности. Удивительная память Морин Перри на детали позволяет воспроизвести объемную и динамичную картину отношения британского общества к России, культурных взаимодействий и политической античеловеческой ангажированности, играющей губительную роль. Вместе с тем перед нами драгоценные страницы, описывающие увлечения юности, тонкие переживания, роль человеческих взаимоотношений в формировании историка. Проделанный автором непростой путь, начавшийся с интереса к русской литературе и младосимволистам (любимый поэт – А. Блок) и приведший к изучению русского крестьянства, самозванчества и российской монархии, свидетельствует о пытливости ума и стремлении проникнуть в самую глубь явления, потому что действительно понять Россию – это, в первую очередь, понять патриархальное сознание, крестьянский мир, народные утопии и жестокость режима к своему народу. Это блестяще удалось Морин Перри. Ее работы являются важной страницей мировой русистики, а ее биографические заметки, раскрывающие личность автора, представляют занимательное и эмоциональное чтение для всех любящих русскую культуру.

The equalization system has long been considered a vital underpinning of the Canadian federation: a means to create some purported fairness or justice among the provinces, by redistributing the wealth of provinces with larger fiscal capacities to allow those with weaker fiscal capacities to provide roughly equivalent services to their citizens. However, the mechanics of the equalization formula have long been suspected of being flawed. Since grant-receiving provinces can adjust the way their fiscal capacities are calculated and reflected in the equalization formula — by adjusting tax rates and spending, for instance — governments are confronted with incentives to design their fiscal regimes in ways that maximize the size of the grants they receive, even if the fiscal policies are designed for less-than-optimal economic efficiency. The incentive for grant-receiving governments to "game" the formula, even unconsciously, is apparent; what has remained largely unresolved is to what extent is it actually occurring. This analysis shows that indeed it is occurring, and to a measurable degree. It finds that equalization grants provide recipient provinces with incentive to raise their business and personal tax rates. This is because when a government raises its own tax rate, it raises the national standard average tax rate, which is used in the equalization allocation formula. That, in turn, raises the individual "have-not" province's equalization-grant entitlement. Exacerbating the problem is that the tax-raising provincial governments tend to underestimate the deadweight cost that the tax hikes will have, potentially worsening the fiscal situation of a province that already faces difficult economic challenges. This analysis also finds that the equalization-grant allocation system encourages spending among recipient provinces, particularly on health-care services, resource conservation, industrial assistance, environment and housing. Results show that for every $1.00 increase in equalization grants, recipient provinces further increase spending by an additional $0.64 in total expenditure. Neither effect necessarily furthers the equalization program's idealistic intent. The promotion of higher tax rates especially would seem to work at odds with the program's conceptualization of a federal redistribution model. By potentially further repelling business and taxpayers from "have-not" provinces, the result could be making those provinces increasingly needy while continually reducing their citizens' wealth. The equalization formula is not unfixable. The arrangement can be made to work even better, in a way that maintains the principle of redistributing wealth from more privileged provinces to less privileged ones, while avoiding the perverse incentives that motivate "have-not" provinces to raise taxes. If equalization grants were substituted with block grants that are unrelated to taxing capacity, taxes in grant-receiving provinces may actually decline. A $100 per capita increase in block grants is potentially associated with an up to 2.6 percentage points drop in business tax and an up to 0.26 percentage point drop in personal income tax. The result would be an equalization arrangement that could help increase, rather than decrease, competitiveness in the very "have-not" provinces that most urgently need to attract investment. Switching to block grants would not only keep the integrity of the principles behind equalization in tact, it would actually make equalization work better for all provinces.

Este proyecto de investigación se caracteriza como estudio histórico-etnográfica basado en estudios de casos de la vida cotidiana de nueve mujeres en Valparaíso y Viña del Mar durante la dictadura chilena, analizando el testimonio de los efectos del régimen autoritario en la vida cotidiana de estas mujeres chilenas entre 1980 y 1987. La metodología se radica firmemente en el método etnográfico con entrevistas semi-abiertas y el análisis del discurso de los relatos. En la metáfora de la arpillera (un tapiz anónimo cosido en lona ensamblado a partir de piezas de tela que muestra escenas de la vida cotidiana o protesta la dictadura de Pinochet), trozos y pedazos de experiencia se juntan en el encima de la lona de la historia para dar forma al testimonio de vida la vida cotidiana. Este proyecto se centra en tres aspectos diferentes de la relación entre el Estado autoritario y la vida cotidiana: las técnicas de gobernabilidad (macro), narraciones de silencio y miedo (micro) y trayectorias narrados (espacial), el último inspirado por el ensayo Halbwachs en caminar por la ciudad. Para cerrar, la relevancia del estudio se destaca por el intento de comprender el efecto de un estado autoritario en el sujeto femenino y las respuestas y adaptaciones que las mujeres chilenas adoptaron en la vida privada y pública mediada por la violencia y el miedo bajo dictadura. La dialéctica del acontecimiento y la rutina de la vida cotidiana bajo la dictadura se unen en las memorias narradas, mediada por el presente vivido, lo cual permite una reflexión sobre la cuestión de la alteridad en la sociedad chilena. ; The research project is characterized as a historical-ethnographic study based on case studies of the everyday lives of nine women in Valparaíso and Viña del Mar during the Chilean dictatorship, analyzing testimony of the effects of the authoritarian regime on the everyday life of Chilean women between 1980 and 1987. The methodology is firmly rooted in the ethnographic method with semi-open interviews and discourse analysis of the narratives. In the metaphor of the arpillera (an anonymous tapestry sewn on canvas constructed out of pieces of cloth showing scenes of everyday life or protesting the Pinochet dictatorship), scraps and pieces of experience are sewn onto the canvas context of history to shape the testimony of lived everyday life. This project focuses on three different aspects of the relationship between authoritarian state and everyday life: techniques of governmentality (macro), narratives of silence and fear (micro), and narrated trajectories (spatial) inspired by Halbwachs' essay on walking the city. To close, the study's relevance is highlighted by the intent to understand the effect of an authoritarian state on the female subject and the responses and adaptations that Chilean women adopted in private and public life shaped by violence and fear. The dialectics of event and routine of everyday life under dictatorship are thus stitched together in memory, mediated by the women's lived present, facilitating a closing reflection about alterity in Chilean society. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The Russian and Soviet urbanisation process happened late and fast, compared to other territories. Many new towns and cities were created by the Soviet regime that officially promoted discourses about the socialist function of the city, rational organisation of space and a planned management of the economy. These urban particularities and the multiple demographic and political events of the 20th century have made cities in the post-Soviet space an interesting case and raised question regarding its ruptures and comparability. This dissertation thesis aims to show that the concept of system of cities and generic methods in urban geography are useful in the study of urban evolution over the long term in this space, to eventually better understand past trends and predict future ones. We confronted several statistical models with the observed urban dynamics and concluded that the macro-geographical structure of cities in the post-Soviet space was comparable to that of other systems of cities (hierarchy of sizes, spacing, functional differentiation). We also observed specific trajectories related to the size of the territory, natural resources, the recent demographic shrinkage and the effect of particular political decisions. This knowledge about observed evolutions has been included in an incremental approach of agent-based modelling. Starting from theoretical hypotheses about generative mechanisms, we tried to generate generic and specific stylised facts, with a model as parsimonious as possible. The progressive evaluation of increasingly complex models led to the satisfactory simulation of observed urban evolution and highlighted specific trajectories that "resist" modelling. ; L'urbanisation russe et soviétique a été tardive et accélérée, en comparaison d'autres ensembles territoriaux ; un grand nombre de villes nouvelles ont été créées par le régime soviétique qui a promu la fonction socialiste de la ville, l'organisation rationnelle de l'espace et la gestion planifiée de l'économie. Ces particularités urbaines et les multiples événements démographiques et politiques du XXe siècle font des villes de l'espace post-soviétique un ensemble qui pose question quant à sa comparabilité et à ses ruptures. Cette thèse vise à montrer que l'on peut appliquer le concept de système de villes et les méthodes générales de la géographie urbaine pour rendre compte de l'évolution urbaine dans l'espace post-soviétique à long terme, c'est-à-dire mieux comprendre et éventuellement prédire leur évolution. Nous avons confronté plusieurs modèles statistiques avec la dynamique urbaine observée et montré que la structure macro-géographique des villes était comparable à celle d'autres systèmes de villes. On a aussi observé des trajectoires particulières liées à la dimension du territoire, ses ressources naturelles, sa dynamique démographique récente, etc. La connaissance des évolutions observées a été intégrée dans une démarche incrémentale de simulation multi-agents qui vise, à partir d'hypothèses théoriques sur les mécanismes générateurs de l'urbanisation, à reproduire des faits stylisés généraux et particuliers, le plus parcimonieusement possible. L'évaluation progressive de modèles de plus en plus complexes a abouti à la reproduction de certaines évolutions observées et mis en valeur les trajectoire plus particulières de villes qui « résistent » à la modélisation.

The evolution experienced by the public sector in recent decades has pushed policy makers at the international level to think about different methods for public management. This political will of supranational institutions to meet the requirements of public management to ensure their performance raised makers from the countries of the South around the notion of "good governance" considered as a lever for peace and stability. The concept of good governance is introduced into the discourse of development policies in the late 1980s under the auspices of the World Bank established a link between the quality of the governance system of a country and its capacity to promote a sustainable economic and social development. It will be followed by Institutions coming from Bretton Woods agreements. The support of the international community also comes to increase the legitimacy and gives authority to the good governance in the conditionality of development aid. Good governance is thus perceived as a product better developed and more profitable than structural adjustment programs, once in force. But the implementation of good governance is confronted to local realities. Public companies, good governance are facing the governance regime of corruption, very rooted in practices and quite adaptive according to the context. Good governance in public companies must be the result of an inclusive approach, which begins with a change of mentality, respect for rules of the game, the adoption of the governance practices generally admitted in public management. ; L'évolution du secteur public au cours de ces dernières décennies, a poussé les décideurs politiques au niveau international à réfléchir à des méthodes différentes pour la gestion publique. Cette volonté politique des instances supranationales de répondre aux impératifs de gestion des affaires publiques en vue de garantir leur performance a mobilisé les décideurs des pays du Sud autour de la notion de « bonne gouvernance » considérée comme un levier de paix et de stabilité. La notion de bonne gouvernance est introduite dans le discours des politiques de développement à la fin des années 1980 sous l'égide de la Banque Mondiale qui établi un lien entre la qualité du système de gouvernance d'un pays et sa capacité à promouvoir un développement économique et social durable. Elle sera suivie par les autres institutions de Bretton Woods. De même l'adhésion de la communauté internationale vient accroître la légitimité et donne autorité à la bonne gouvernance dans les conditionnalités d'aide au développement. La bonne gouvernance est ainsi perçue comme un produit mieux élaboré et plus rentable que les programmes d'ajustement structurel autrefois en vigueur. Mais la mise en œuvre de la bonne gouvernance se trouve confrontée aux réalités locales. Dans les entreprises publiques, la bonne gouvernance se heurte au régime de gouvernance de la corruption, très ancrée dans les pratiques et assez adaptatif en fonction du contexte. La bonne gouvernance dans les entreprises publiques devrait donc être le fruit d'une démarche inclusive, qui commence par un changement de mentalité, le respect des règles du jeu, l'adoption des pratiques de gouvernance généralement admises en management public.

Introduced in 1991, the right to free privatization of own's own housing favored a double transformation: of tenants into owners, and of collective housing into condominium buildings. Based on an ethnographic investigation in Moscow, this dissertation examines the implementation of the new Housing Code (2005). This legal shift led to a renewed governance of collective housing, now centered around the general meeting of owners. A contribution to post-communist social change, this research is also an investigation into the sociology of law. Based on a Weberian approach to the social practices of the law, it examines how the legal regime of joint ownership went from being abstract text to the status of social practices located.Drawing upon the sociology of the State, the study of mobilizations and researches on legal consciousness, the dissertations focuses on three groups of actors central to the construction of the new legal system. The first one consist of the lower-level agents of the Moscow administration, who resort to illegal practices in an attempt to locally implement the new legislation. The second includes local politicians, geared towards the dissemination of legal knowledge and literacy in an attempt to defend the rights of the inhabitants. The third one encompasses inhabitants particularly involved in the organization of their buildings' administration.The dissertation focuses on three mechanisms through which the new legal system came into being: legal offenses, controversies around the interpretation of the legislation, and layperson's appropriation of the law. The analysis sheds lights onto the making of these new was of inhabiting the space, as well as on the crafting of postcommunist subjectivities that reconfigure the relationships between the State and the market. ; Instauré en 1991, le droit à la privatisation gratuite de son logement a favorisé l'accession des anciens locataires soviétiques au statut de propriétaire, transformant du même coup les immeubles collectifs en copropriétés. Sur la base d'une enquête ethnographique, cette thèse étudie la mise en œuvre du nouveau Code du logement (2005) à Moscou, qui réorganise la gestion publique de l'habitat collectif autour de l'assemblée générale des copropriétaires. Contribution à l'analyse du changement social postcommuniste, cette recherche examine comment la copropriété passe du statut de texte abstrait au statut de pratiques sociales situées.Combinant les apports de la sociologie de l'État, de la sociologie des mobilisations et de l'étude des rapports ordinaires au droit, ce travail se focalise sur trois groupes d'acteurs : les agents subalternes de l'administration de Moscou ayant recours à des pratiques illégales pour mettre en œuvre localement la nouvelle législation ; des acteurs politiques tournés vers la vulgarisation et le conseil juridique dans la perspective de défendre les droits des habitants et, enfin, certains habitants particulièrement engagés dans les affaires de leur immeuble.En s'appuyant sur une approche wébérienne des usages sociaux du droit, cette recherche montre que infractions légales, batailles d'interprétation de la législation, ainsi qu'appropriations profanes du droit sont autant de mécanismes à travers lesquels le régime copropriétaire acquiert une véritable existence sociale. L'analyse de ces rapports et concurrences donne à voir la fabrique de nouvelles pratiques habitantes et subjectivités postcommunistes, reconfigurant les rapports ordinaires à l'État et au marché.

This dissertation explores how knowledge construction on the English-language Wikipedia produces hegemonic representations of South Africa. Using Wikipedia's entries on Cape Town and various places in the Free State province as case studies, this dissertation demonstrates through critical discourse analysis that there is a systematic marginalisation, underrepresentation, and decontextualisation of 'black' working class communities and spaces, which echoes their historical marginalisation. This representation is contextualised through a historical narrative of Cape Town and the Free State, and explored against a theoretical background which, borrowing from Foucault, Castells, and others, sees the social construction of knowledge as an expression of power, and the networked society as an arena for the dynamics of hegemony. While Wikipedia is often hailed as a game-changer, the knowledge it produces tends to replicate and, thanks to its ever-increasing reach, further entrench hegemonic explanations of society. This might seem counter-intuitive given its credentials as a democratiser of knowledge, but can be explained with Wikipedia's architecture, which ultimately rests upon a regime of truth established during the Enlightenment. The online encyclopedia relies on well-established institutions and discourses of knowledge as sources of its content, and these, coupled with its particular preferences for some sources and topics over others, give it a particular slant in favour of the hegemonic status quo. The discourse it produces is given further gravitas and is naturalised through an insistence upon the knowledge it presents as 'neutral'. Studies have shown that Wikipedia's values are defined by its established community of editors and that, even as Wikipedia's reach is extending, it is increasingly difficult for new users to impact upon the online encyclopedia. Arguably it is rather the encyclopedia which impacts upon them by circulating seemingly uncontested representations of their communities, or, alternatively, simply ignoring the communities altogether. In a process I have, borrowing from American political satirist Stephen Colbert, termed wikiality, hegemonic representations have a tendency of becoming true when we act upon them as such. Thus, when certain communities are presented as marginal or unimportant, it becomes even more difficult for them to break out of this mould. Meaningful participation on Wikipedia can only be achieved if the user not only has access to relevant technological capital, but also the cultural capital required to make contributions which appeal to the established core of editors. In South Africa, as a result of its political economy, large parts of the population are politically, economically, and socially marginalised. This also means that they lack the cultural capital necessary to make meaningful contributions to Wikipedia. This tends to render them the subjects of Wikipedia entries, rather than their authors, which contributes to their further marginalisation. The key to understanding the relationship between knowledge and power on Wikipedia lies in the ability of some users to capture and define reality through representation and thereby effectuating it. Reducing this imbalance to a simple question of access downplays the social, economic, and political factors which created it in the first place, and accommodates discursive practices which downplay difference and perpetuate hegemony.

La tesi si propone di evidenziare la funzione "vera" di una misura alternativa, che, nata con il dichiarato proposito di agevolare il programma terapeutico di recupero dei tossicodipendenti, è andata sempre più assumendo chiare connotazioni di strumento di controllo su un settore (quello, per l'appunto, dei tossicodipendenti) della popolazione carceraria in continua espansione e di difficile gestione all'interno degli istituti penitenziari. Dopo una sintetica esposizione del quadro di riferimento delle fonti internazionali che dettano le linee-guida per la "gestione" dei condannati a pena detentiva che siano tossicodipendenti, il lavoro si sviluppa attraverso un'attenta ricostruzione delle vicende storiche che hanno caratterizzato l'evoluzione di una disciplina che ha visto la luce a metà degli anni Ottanta, poco prima del varo della l. 663/1986, e che poi è stata sottoposta dal legislatore a continue rivisitazioni (dai contenuti, per la verità, non sempre coerenti). Si passa, poi, alla descrizione dei presupposti, di carattere tanto soggettivo quanto oggettivo, ai quali è subordinata la concessione della misura. Particolare attenzione è stata prestata, da questo punto di vista, ai problemi connessi alla definizione dello status di tossicodipendente e alle implicazioni derivanti dalla scelta (che appare particolarmente discutibile) di "aprire le porte" dell'affidamento speciale anche a favore di chi non abbia già in corso un programma di recupero, ma semplicemente manifesti la volontà di sottoporsi alla terapia di disintossicazione. In questa sede, sono altresì esaminati i percorsi giurisprudenziali e dottrinali che hanno tracciato le interferenze fra la disciplina contenuta nell'art. 94 d.P.R. 309/1990 e il regime delle preclusioni che trae origine dagli artt. 4-bis e 58-quater o.p. Un altro profilo di interesse – specialmente al fine di "testare" la funzione che in concreto la misura è destinata ad assolvere – si è rivelato la disciplina di accesso all'affidamento terapeutico, dal momento che il legislatore sembra chiaramente mostrare la volontà di ridurre in tutti i modi la presenza di tossicodipendenti in carcere, per un verso, promuovendo una "selezione" nell'accesso al carcere (attraverso il meccanismo disciplinato dall'art. 656 c.p.p.) e, per l'altro, favorendone un'uscita anticipata (con la previsione della possibilità di un'applicazione provvisoria della misura da parte del magistrato di sorveglianza). Da quest'ultimo punto di vista, peraltro, si è potuta constatare l'ennesima oscillazione dal punto di vista normativo nella materia de qua, avendo la l. 49/2006 imposto – secondo una logica di valorizzazione delle istanze di sicurezza, a tutto discapito delle esigenze legate alla finalità (sempre proclamata, peraltro, in sede politica) terapeutica della misura - un vistoso irrigidimento dei presupposti cui è condizionata l'applicazione in via provvisoria della misura a favore del tossicodipendente che si trovi ristretto in carcere. L'ultima parte del lavoro è dedicata, infine, all'analisi del contenuto della misura e alle vicende che possono accompagnarsi alla sua esecuzione. Particolare interesse, sotto questo profilo, ha suscitato la previsione che consente l'estensione della misura quando l'interessato abbia positivamente portato a compimento la parte più strettamente medica del programma. Una soluzione che, ancora una volta, pare confermare l'intento del legislatore di "piegare" il profilo terapeutico dell'affidamento speciale alle esigenze di una più facile gestione della popolazione carceraria.

La tesi di Dottorato ha l'obbiettivo di indagare lo sviluppo della coscienza nazionale di una popolazione ungherese della Transilvania, i Székely [Secleri o Siculi in italiano]. Punto di partenza sono le categorie di identità etnica e nazionale. Basandomi sul binomio teorico costruttivisti-etnosimbolisti (la prima incentrata sull'idea di Nation-building, la seconda fondata sulla presenza di un retroterra etnico alla coscienza nazionale) ho voluto cercare i fattori ed i soggetti promotori dell'identità, rivolgendo l'attenzione alle istituzioni, ai riti e ai simboli che hanno favorito la trasmissione della cultura nazionale. Il periodo preso in considerazione, 1974-2004, è ricco di trasformazioni sociali e politiche. Esiste un primo periodo (1974-1989) in cui l'élite locale conquista uno spazio di manovra per difendere diritti culturali e linguistici, ed a cui si affianca la possibilità di sviluppo di una propria cultura popolare attraverso il movimento folk, le pubblicazioni e l'utilizzo limitato di simboli regionali. Dopo il 1982 si apre una fase di repressione nel quale le espressioni identitarie sopravvivono nell'illegalità, diventando simbolo stesso dell'opposizione al regime. Il secondo periodo, dopo il 1989, apre nuove possibilità ma anche difficoltà e paure che sfociano nella delusione per il cambiamento mancato. Il miglioramento dei diritti linguistici e del sistema educativo sono lenti e controversi; le tradizioni popolari trovano nuovi ostacoli nella diffusione della cultura occidentale, mentre la possibilità di utilizzare i simboli nazionali ungheresi fa arretrare l'identità seclera a favore di un sentimento di unione con la "madrepatria", l'Ungheria, tornata a difendere gli interessi delle minoranze. La nascita dell'RMDSZ (partito della minoranza ungherese di Romania) rafforza l'orientamento della comunità magiara a stare unita e a non sviluppare proprie identità locali per paura di frazionarsi. Questa tendenza termina con la nascita del Consiglio Nazionale Seclero (CNS), fra l'élite politica e culturale inizia una discussione attorno ai simboli ed ai rituali che porta alla definizione della bandiera seclera, alla diffusione dell'alfabeto runico ed al rafforzamento di altri eventi identitari. Il 2004 è un momento fortemente periodizzante non solo perchè il CNS sviluppa la propria attività definendo i progetti di autonomia territoriale, ma anche perchè fallisce il referendum sulla concessione della cittadinanza ungherese alle comunità estere. E'un momento di rottura all'interno delle regioni seclere; da allora prende forma una visione che pur non disconoscendosi dalla Nazione ungherese inizia a ragionare in termini propri. In conclusione i Secleri negli anni '70 sono riusciti a mantenere una propria peculiare identità grazie allo sviluppo di una propria cultura popolare. Gli anni '80 e '90, formalmente molto differenti, sono stati invece accomunati dalla sensazione di pericolo vissuto dalla minoranza. Questo ha fermato lo sviluppo di rivendicazioni identitarie separate, nonostante la cultura popolare, il folk, i simboli ed i rituali si siano continuati a diffondere. Dalla fine degli anni '90 l'identità seclera ha potuto iniziare a trovare più facilmente e apertamente appoggio all'interno di parte dell'élite politica e culturale che ha iniziato a formulare una strategia di ridefinizione dell'identità seclera.