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The outbreak of Covid-19 provoked a massive shock for political institutions and societal groups. A crucial question is how such an external event affects the balance of access to political gatekeepers. In particular: Are organizations, which are highly affected by the crisis, able to increase their political voice? To address this, we focus on changes in lobbying access to key venues of public policy: government, parliament, the bureaucracy, and the media across 10 European democracies. Based on novel survey data, we assess changes in access shortly after the outbreak of Covid-19. Our findings show that affectedness is an important driver of changes in access to all venues. We interpret this as good news for the functioning of European systems of interest representation, and the ability of gatekeepers to open their doors to affected groups. However, we also show that the effect of affectedness varies considerably for economic and non-economic interests.

Global competition among universities in the world has become more challenging over years. This makes it demanding not only for universities in Indonesia to create positive improvements but also for the government to adapt with its innovations and policy initiatives. Meanwhile, New Public Management approach which was initially introduced in 1990s has been proposing administrative reforms on the old inefficient bureaucracy. In response to this, universities along with the government have been incorporating some aspects of The New Public Management theory in order for them to strive in global competition. This study seeks to analyze the changing status of Indonesian universities. It further discusses how some aspects of New Public Management are incorporated in university's administration. This Indonesian case study argues that NPM values has influenced the changing system of universities in Indonesia. NPS still exists partially if not fully, in Indonesian universities despite the problem of public acceptance responding to the government's policy on university reforms.

Drawing upon 157 responses to Freedom of Information Requests sent to Higher Education Institutions across England, Scotland and Wales, this article explores how the Prevent Duty has been enacted within UK higher education. The article shows how the duty has seen considerable repositioning and restructuring across the sector, conflated counterterrorism with safeguarding and introduced further bureaucracy. The article also explores the low number of Channel referrals, the justifications provided for these and the several instances in which institutions refused to disclose this information. We argue that these disproportionate developments have brought harmful depoliticising effects while also enhancing the mechanisms of surveillance and governance. Furthermore, we argue that our findings demonstrate the value in Freedom of Information Requests as a means of approach and suggest a continued need for critical researchers to explore the specific functioning of the duty to complement the broader critiques that are levelled at the policy as a whole.

The education policy of the last few decades has significantly changed the Swedish school system. Municipalization and deregulation reforms were implemented in parallel with an internationally prescribed professionalization of teachers. This seemingly contradictory combination has reshaped not only teachers' attitudes and actions but also those of principals and students as managers and consumers. In light of these changes, the professionalization of teachers and the strategic importance of a teacher-specific knowledge base, multi-year academic training, certification and career steps are analysed. Based on Freidson's three competing work organization and control logics, this article focuses on how the mix of logics has changed at the expense of professionalism in favour of bureaucracy and the market. The professionalization reforms have in some respects benefited teachers, especially with regard to their positions in the labour market. In other respects, the actions of managers and consumers have resulted in restrictions on teachers' autonomy as professionals.

Bureaucratic influence in policymaking is often described as occurring subsequent to the legislative process and scholars argue that the legislative branch strategically constrains the bureaucracy via statutory language. A reality which complicates these claims and separation of powers research is that bureaucrats frequently play a role in creating the laws which ultimately govern their behavior. This project examines the extent to which bureaucrats attempt to and succeed in securing their preferred statutory language. I track bills introduced at bureaucrats' request across 11 state legislatures. Legislatures extensively draw from agencies' expertise in forming the agenda and crafting session law, with 9% of introduced bills and 21% of law coming from bureaucrats. A difference‐in‐differences analysis shows that committee chairs and legislators in the majority introduce more administration‐initiated bills. Bureaucrats' extensive involvement in crafting statutory law and increased use in less professional legislatures imply that extant statutory control studies miss an important interaction.

Abstract
Local authorities in western societies increasingly initiate public participation processes despite criticism of these methods. To understand this development calls for in-depth studies of how the goals and values of public participation are articulated in practice. This paper analyzes the discursive legitimation strategies deployed by civil servants in twelve planning meetings for a participatory process aimed at mitigating violence in a Swedish suburb. The study draws on previous research on discursive legitimation, and presents the context-specific strategies of authorization, de-legitimation, cosmology and addressing of values. The analysis highlights that a core discursive tension in this practice arises from its need to seek mandate in the municipal structure, while the value discourses used to legitimize public participation build on a break from traditional bureaucracy. The study contributes to the broader literature on discursive legitimation in contemporary political contexts, with detailed empirical accounts of how a disputed practice is legitimized in interaction.

AbstractPresidents are claimed to have a stronger interest in an effective bureaucracy than Congress because they must be responsive to the public as a whole rather than narrow interests. We examine this claim in the context of multiple waves of U.S. performance management reforms: the Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA) of 1993, the Program Assessment Rating Tool (PART ) (2002–2008), and the GPRA Modernization Act (GPRAMA) of 2010. Using four waves of federal employee surveys spanning 17 years, we measure reform success as employees' purposeful use of performance data as a result of being exposed to routines embedded in the reforms. We find that the legislative‐led GPRAMA is associated with more purposeful data use on aggregate while the PART executive reform succumbed to a partisan pattern of implementation. Statutory reforms are less likely to be experienced as ideological tools than executive branch reforms used by the president to impose control over agencies.

AbstractThis article studies how administrations seek to shape the federal workforce through the budget process. I develop a theory of personnel politics in which presidents balance ideological and interest group demands in distributing human resources across the federal government. I argue administrations advantage organizations with which they are ideologically aligned and that agencies with higher levels of union penetration see increased budgeted personnel levels, particularly during Democratic presidencies. Using an original dataset of budgeted personnel levels from fiscal years (FY) 1983–2016 and a series of regression analyses, I find strong support for these hypotheses. I also examine the sensitivity of presidential strategy to congressional preferences, agency professionalization, and leadership politicization, providing insights into how this control strategy interacts with the broader environment. Overall, these results have implications for understanding the political dynamics of human capital and capacity in the federal bureaucracy, the administrative presidency, and the politics of performance in federal agencies.

Language skill acquisition is one of the main challenges encountered by refugees and immigrants entering and transitioning to a new society. In Canada, adult newcomers' language education is primarily tasked to English as a Second Language (ESL) programs. These programs aim to provide English language training, preparation for the labour market and integration into Canadian society. This paper presents findings of a larger qualitative study that explored the experiences of 15 community-dwelling Cambodian Canadians (aged 55 and older) in northwest Toronto. Drawing on critical transnationalism and postcolonialism, it examines Cambodian Canadians' reflections on their language skill acquisition and integration vis-à-vis the education and migration regimes which form part of the resettlement bureaucracy supporting these activities and processes. Decades after participating in language education programs, ageing Cambodian Canadians' narratives reveal that inadequate resources and support have resulted in lower than desired language skill acquisition and differential inclusion within their communities.

Textbooks frame students' understanding of the discipline and signal which topics are important. Research suggests political science textbooks lack diverse perspectives, but much of this literature has focused on American texts. Do these findings travel? My analysis of Canadian politics textbooks shows although there is considerable diversity content, immigrants and minorities rarely appear as key political actors and almost never in the context of Parliament, the judiciary, or bureaucracy; rather, most of their coverage is siloed in the textbooks' diversity-specific chapters. Issues related to inequality are largely glossed over, and exclusion is presented as a historical artefact. The findings suggest students' first introduction to Canadian politics is generic and quite narrow, with insufficient attention to immigrants' and minorities' political contributions and experiences. These portrayals may limit students' understanding of diversity and produce scholars who are ill-equipped to address questions of marginalization and injustice in broader society.

AbstractThe Environmental Management System (EMS) became a critical success factor in order to compete on the market. The aim of this study is to investigate how companies that have implemented an EMS based on the ISO 14001:2015 certification have perceived the changes due to the revision of the standard. The research was conducted through the administration of a questionnaire to 1,508 Italian ISO 14001 certified companies. Two hundred and eighty‐four companies constituting the sample of our study. As main benefits achieved by surveyed companies we highlight, risk prevention, better management of environmental activities, and creation of new targets for reducing energy and waste. As main barriers to ISO 14001 implementation we highlight, increased bureaucracy, increased complexity of environmental procedures and difficulty in increasing employee environmental awareness. The main contribution of this research is given by the analysis on how companies have dealt with the changes required by the new version of the standard.

The article identifies some of the most significant developments in the political science literature concerning political decisions in the new millennium. We apply the traditional distinction between structure- and actor-based explanations and find that Danish political science has put a lot of effort into explaining both stability and changes in public policy and political decisions. This has contributed to a better combination of actor- and structure-based explanations; however, gaps in the literature remain. We still have limited knowledge about several elements in political decision making. For example, we lack knowledge about what happens in the early decision-making stage, which in recent years has appeared increasingly closed. Likewise, we have limited knowledge about the role of the bureaucracy in the drafting of political decisions. Finally, there is a lack of qualitative case studies of recent political decisions and therefore a lack of comparative analyses of these decisions. The article calls for research in these areas.

In modern society there is an acute problem of self-realization of people who possess remarkable intellectual potential, since their creative abilities, generally remain unsatisfied. The issue can be solved on the base of Internet of Things (IoT) concept, by making different tools for indoor creativity (such as 3D-printers which provide building useful products, knitting machines with embedded artificial intelligence, etc.). It is proved that solving the problem of self-fulfillment has crucial meaning both for development of science and art, as right in this case social sustainable demand for development of science and art arises. In the absence of a distinct social demand development of science and art, these areas of human activity can develop only with the help of state support, which significantly degrade their efficiency (also in purely economic terms).

Key words: the fourth technological revolution, digital society, citizen's self-fulfillment, artificial intelligence, creativity, neural networks, bureaucracy

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain a new scandal ingredient in Japanese politics called sontaku. This word refers to cases when officials grant special treatment to a project because they believe they are acting in accordance with the wishes of an associated powerful person.Design/methodology/approachThis paper describes the specific construction of major scandals involving sontaku from 2017 based primarily on newspaper accounts, examines the consequences of these scandals for politicians and bureaucrats, and discusses their implications for combating corruption in Japan.FindingsThe scandals after 2017 damaged to some extent the public support for the current Japanese administration and influenced the prime minister's decision to call a snap election. The scandals also highlighted systematic problems in the bureaucracy and motivated the government to reform laws concerning the management of public documents.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers interested in studying the causes and consequences of scandals and political corruption in Japan.

AbstractIn the past decade, China has increasingly resorted to top‐down, "blunt force" solutions to environmental problems; officials forcibly shutter or destroy factories to reduce pollution, at immense cost to local growth and employment. Why would a high capacity state like China resort to such a costly method of pollution control? I argue that blunt force enforcement is targeted at overcoming principal–agent problems in the bureaucracy. When institutions are too weak to hold bureaucrats accountable, political leaders increase oversight by drastically reducing the number of steps and resources required to produce a regulatory outcome—resulting in blunt force measures. I illustrate this logic through case studies from China's multiyear war on pollution. Using original data on blunt force measures, I then show how localities with lower bureaucratic compliance face greater blunt force pollution enforcement. These findings reveal that when bureaucratic accountability is weak, states pay a very high cost for cleaner air.