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Despite its political implications, the recent explosion of an atomic device has not greatly altered China's present military positionvis-à-visthe West. By all standards except population and size, Communist China is still not a first-rate power. But she has nevertheless proceeded to engage the two superpowers simultaneously in a contest from her position of military and economic weakness. What is equally undeniable is that the success of Peking's foreign policy in the struggle with both superpowers, though limited and perhaps only temporary, has considerably exceeded anticipations based on her military and economic strengths. It is the contention of this paper that an explanation of these two striking facts must be sought in the nature of Mao's revolutionary strategy in the Chinese internal political-military struggle and his belief in the applicability of this strategy to the international arena and to other countries, particularly those in the underdeveloped areas. Mao dared to challenge the militarily and economically strong United States because his revolutionary experience proved to his own satisfaction that his integrated and comprehensive strategy would enable him presently to score political gains from a position of military inferiority, and ultimately enable him to achieve highly ambitious objectives with initially meager means in a protracted struggle.

Die zentrale Stoßrichtung dieses Beitrages ist es, Wege für eine erfolgreiche Familienpolitik aufzuzeigen. Basierend auf einem 16-Ländersample und unter Zuhilfenahme des neuen MVQCA-Ansatzes werden unterschiedliche europäische familienpolitische Regulierungsmuster multivariat untersucht. Die theoretischen Annahmen basieren auf dem Ernährermodell. Es zeigt sich, dass (noch) in fast allen Ländern ernährertypische Strukturen zu finden sind und die Kinderraten entscheidend beeinflussen. Es wird dargestellt, warum flankierende familienpolitische Maßnahmen, besonders im finanziellen Bereich, neben einem hohen Kinderbetreuungsangebot und einer umfassenden Teilhabe der Frauen am Arbeitsmarkt, zentrale Faktoren sind, die zu einer Erhöhung der Kinderrate beitragen können.

The new world order, marked by the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the restructuring of Eastern Europe and the unprecedented political prominence of the United States, has been touted as one in which class struggle is abandoned in favor of the universally accepted competition of global capitalism. However, while class relations may be obscured by the increasingly visible competition between places for capital investment, they are not obliterated. Scholars and activists alike are confronted with the need to create avenues of social transformation appropriate to the contemporary political landscape. One response of organized labor in the U.S. has been an increased emphasis on international solidarity: the support of organizing efforts of workers abroad. International solidarity provides a provocative approach to social change by explicitly addressing spatial relations of production. This paper explores the implications of international solidarity as a contemporary political movement that illuminates the complex relationship between class and space.

The new world order, marked by the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the restructuring of Eastern Europe and the unprecedented political prominence of the United States, has been touted as one in which class struggle is abandoned in favor of the universally accepted competition of global capitalism. However, while class relations may be obscured by the increasingly visible competition between places for capital investment, they are not obliterated. Scholars and activists alike are confronted with the need to create avenues of social transformation appropriate to the contemporary political landscape. One response of organized labor in the U.S. has been an increased emphasis on international solidarity: the support of organizing efforts of workers abroad. International solidarity provides a provocative approach to social change by explicitly addressing spatial relations of production. This paper explores the implications of international solidarity as a contemporary political movement that illuminates the complex relationship between class and space.

The new world order, marked by the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the restructuring of Eastern Europe and the unprecedented political prominence of the United States, has been touted as one in which class struggle is abandoned in favor of the universally accepted competition of global capitalism. However, while class relations may be obscured by the increasingly visible competition between places for capital investment, they are not obliterated. Scholars and activists alike are confronted with the need to create avenues of social transformation appropriate to the contemporary political landscape. One response of organized labor in the U.S. has been an increased emphasis on international solidarity: the support of organizing efforts of workers abroad. International solidarity provides a provocative approach to social change by explicitly addressing spatial relations of production. This paper explores the implications of international solidarity as a contemporary political movement that illuminates the complex relationship between class and space.

Die gestörte Gesamtschuld stellt bereits nach deutschem Sachrecht ein sehr umstrittenes Problemfeld dar. Eine besondere Verschärfung erhält der Interessenkonflikt aber, wenn die Mitschuldner nach unterschiedlichen Rechtsordnungen verpflichtet sind. Es stellt sich hier die Frage, was es für die Auflösung des Mehrpersonenverhältnisses bedeutet, wenn der Gläubiger einen der Schuldner nicht in Anspruch nehmen kann, die betroffenen Rechtsordnungen die Auswirkungen dieser Privilegierung im Dreipersonenverhältnis aber unterschiedlich beurteilen.Anna-Lisa Kühn untersucht die Möglichkeit der Ents

AbstractWhy do international peacebuilders fail to address the local causes of peace process failures? The existing explanations of peacebuilding failures, which focus on constraints and vested interests, do not explain the international neglect of local conflict. In this article, I show how discursive frames shape international intervention and preclude international action on local violence. Drawing on more than 330 interviews, multi-sited ethnography, and document analysis, I develop a case study of the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition from war to peace and democracy (2003–2006). I demonstrate that local agendas played a decisive role in sustaining local, national, and regional violence. However, a postconflict peacebuilding frame shaped the international understanding of violence and intervention in such a way that local conflict resolution appeared irrelevant and illegitimate. This frame included four key elements: international actors labeled the Congo a "postconflict" situation; they believed that violence there was innate and therefore acceptable even in peacetime; they conceptualized international intervention as exclusively concerned with the national and international realms; and they saw holding elections, as opposed to local conflict resolution, as a workable, appropriate, and effective tool for state- and peacebuilding. This frame authorized and justified specific practices and policies while precluding others, notably local conflict resolution, ultimately dooming the peacebuilding efforts. In conclusion, I contend that analyzing discursive frames is a fruitful approach to the puzzle of international peacebuilding failures beyond the Congo.

This open access book aims to elaborate on the legal prerequisites to establish the liability of corporations for transboundary environmental harm, not only by identifying existing liability rules, principles and standards but also by analysing their potential for further legal development. The authors consider international and transboundary liability law to currently be an underutilised tool for international environmental protection. The book seeks to address this by exploring what is needed in terms of legislative action and identifying options for judicial pliability, thereby providing an important legal contribution in furthering the development of an effective international and transnational environmental liability law regime.

Parole and Beyond -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Parole and Beyond: International Experiences of Life After Prison -- A Note From the Editors -- References -- 2 Experiencing Supervision in England-On Licence and on Community Sentences -- Gathering the Views of Service Users -- The Questionnaire -- The In-Depth Interviews -- What Happens in a Supervision Session? -- What is Perceived as Good Supervision? -- Did SEED Training Help in Producing Good Supervision, From the Service User's Perspective? -- What About the Practical Aspects of Desistance? -- How do Service Users Perceive their Supervision? -- References -- 3 Released from Prison in Denmark: Experiences vs. Ambitions -- Background -- Materials and Methods -- Reentry from Prison into the Danish Society -- Chaotic Prison Release -- The Schedule of the Good Release -- Parolees' Experiences of their Release -- Supervision Without a Vision -- Parolees' Experience of their Supervision and Plans Without Action -- Informal Supervision and Punishment -- Dogged by the Police, Bailiffs and the Tax Authority -- Future Perspectives of the Indebted Parolee -- Discussion and Concluding Remarks -- References -- Reports -- 4 Walk the Line: Assessing Prison Conduct for Parole in the Netherlands -- Introduction -- Research Aim and Methodology -- Putting Parole and Prison Conduct in Perspective -- Legal Context -- The Assessment of Prison Behaviour in Practice -- Prisoners' Performances "as prisoners": An Overview of Behaviour Assessments in Parole Advice Reports -- Leisure, Labour and Social Life -- "Approachability" and "correctability": Expanding Compliance to a Broader Notion -- Prisoners' Perceptions of Behaviour Assessment -- The Experience of Panoptic Scrutiny -- The Slippery Notion of Good Custodial Behaviour -- The Perception of Behaviour Assessments as a "one-sided encounter

The post-Korean War reconstruction of North Korea was the most ambitious multilateral development project ever undertaken by the socialist countries during the Cold War. It was the first & only time the USSR, China & the Soviet-aligned states of Eastern Europe & Mongolia cooperated economically on such a large-scale venture, & thus the historical high point of 'international socialist solidarity'. Yet, the strains in the Sino-Soviet relationship were already apparent during the reconstruction effort itself, & North Korea reacted against its overwhelming dependence on foreign assistance with a determined turn towards self-reliance. Ironically, multilateral cooperation on North Korea's reconstruction contributed significantly both to the end of the Sino-Soviet alliance & to North Korea's autarkic development path, which it has pursued until the present time. 3 Tables, 50 References. Adapted from the source document.