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Yu.M. Lotman's creative path from philologist to philosopher was difficult and risky. The scientist resolutely moved away from the mossy traditions of Soviet vulgar sociological literary criticism and began to master modern methods of text analysis developed by structuralism and semiotics. Since structuralism and semi­otics were banned in Soviet science as products of bourgeois ideology, Lotman and his colleagues at the Tartu-Moscow School called the subject of their re­search "secondary modeling systems", to which they referred not only literary texts, but also texts of art, texts of behavior, city, history, etc. Thus, a culturologi­cal turn took place in the methodology of Lotman and his associates, which was expressed in the fact that the philosophy of culture became the theoretical basis of structural analysis, and the philosophy of history became the historical and cultural approach. With his works in the field of humanities, Lotman showed that the key to understanding and predicting history is culture, and for building a phi­losophy of history is the philosophy of culture. Lotman actually acted as a pro­found theorist and philosopher of culture on a par with such domestic thinkers as A.F. Losev, M.M. Bakhtin, or foreign ones like O. Spengler, A. Toynbee, K. Levi-Strauss, R. Barth or U. Eco.

Ta'ziya, "consolation", has become the Shi technical term for the liturgical mourning and commemoration of the martyred Imams, particularly the ritual lamentation for the death of Husayn, celebrated formerly often in the form of passion plays in which the heart is the drama of Kerbela, but in which in addition the whole of human history is viewed sub specie Kerbelae. Nowadays the celebration is first and foremost in the form of processions (in our Western mass media called "demonstrations"), enga ing huge masses of people in emotion-evokingbehaviour, also including processions to the cemetery. For the contents of the classical Shi'i passion plays and their performance, and for the theological interpretation of the sacrifice of Husayn and the other martyrs, we refer the reader to the available literature on the subject. The Ta`ziya of Husayn falls in the month of Muharram, with its culmination on the 10th day (ruz-i katl, "the day of the murder"), the Ashara' festival, and is followed up by the mourning ceremony on the 40th day (naziarba' in) from the 'Ashura' (20th day of Safar). It is important to note the immense impact of the Ta'ziya on the emotions of the participant masses, emotions aroused by several means. We have here the suggestive sentimentality of the speeches held by the Mullas, dwelling on the tribulations and sufferings of Husayn and his family and followers, on the cruelty and baseness of his enemies, and on the courage of the 72 noble-hearted martyrs of Kerbela. In the processions, the emotions are aroused by the rhythmical repetition of formulae expressing mourning for the martyrs and hatred of their murderers. Many of the participants are dressed in shrouds, many wear chains, ropes and scourges, and the lamentations are accompanied by self-flagellation of the naked backs. People beat their breasts, some have put earth on their heads. Women weep, bewailing the pains of Husayn and the 72.

Ta'ziya, "consolation", has become the Shi technical term for the liturgical mourning and commemoration of the martyred Imams, particularly the ritual lamentation for the death of Husayn, celebrated formerly often in the form of passion plays in which the heart is the drama of Kerbela, but in which in addition the whole of human history is viewed sub specie Kerbelae. Nowadays the celebration is first and foremost in the form of processions (in our Western mass media called "demonstrations"), enga ing huge masses of people in emotion-evokingbehaviour, also including processions to the cemetery. For the contents of the classical Shi'i passion plays and their performance, and for the theological interpretation of the sacrifice of Husayn and the other martyrs, we refer the reader to the available literature on the subject. The Ta`ziya of Husayn falls in the month of Muharram, with its culmination on the 10th day (ruz-i katl, "the day of the murder"), the Ashara' festival, and is followed up by the mourning ceremony on the 40th day (naziarba' in) from the 'Ashura' (20th day of Safar). It is important to note the immense impact of the Ta'ziya on the emotions of the participant masses, emotions aroused by several means. We have here the suggestive sentimentality of the speeches held by the Mullas, dwelling on the tribulations and sufferings of Husayn and his family and followers, on the cruelty and baseness of his enemies, and on the courage of the 72 noble-hearted martyrs of Kerbela. In the processions, the emotions are aroused by the rhythmical repetition of formulae expressing mourning for the martyrs and hatred of their murderers. Many of the participants are dressed in shrouds, many wear chains, ropes and scourges, and the lamentations are accompanied by self-flagellation of the naked backs. People beat their breasts, some have put earth on their heads. Women weep, bewailing the pains of Husayn and the 72.

Will politics lead to over-building or under-building of transportation projects? In this paper, we develop a model of infrastructure policy in which politicians overdo things that have hidden costs and underperform tasks whose costs voters readily perceive. Consequently, national funding of transportation leads to overspending, since voters more readily perceive the upside of new projects than the future taxes that will be paid for distant highways. Yet when local voters are well-informed, the highly salient nuisances of local construction, including land taking and noise, lead to under-building. This framework explains the decline of urban mega-projects in the US (Altshuler and Luberoff, 2003) as the result of increasingly educated and organized urban voters. Our framework also predicts more per capita transportation spending in low-density and less educated areas, which seems to be empirically correct. ; We acknowledge financial support from the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, the European Research Council under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement n. 714905), the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (grants RYC-2013-13838 and SEV-2015-0563), and the Government of Catalonia (CERCA program and grant 2014 SGR 830).

AbstractIn the past few years, the ethical ramifications of AI technologies (in particular data science) have been at the center of intense debates. Considerable attention has been devoted to understanding how a morally responsible practice of data science can be promoted and which values have to shape it. In this context, ethics and moral responsibility have been mainly conceptualized as compliance to widely shared principles. However, several scholars have highlighted the limitations of such a principled approach. Drawing from microethics and the virtue theory tradition, in this paper, we formulate a different approach to ethics in data science which is based on a different conception of "being ethical" and, ultimately, of what it means to promote a morally responsible data science. First, we develop the idea that, rather than only compliance, ethical decision-making consists in using certain moral abilities (e.g., virtues), which are cultivated by practicing and exercising them in the data science process. An aspect of virtue development that we discuss here is moral attention, which is the ability of data scientists to identify the ethical relevance of their own technical decisions in data science activities. Next, by elaborating on the capability approach, we define a technical act as ethically relevant when it impacts one or more of the basic human capabilities of data subjects. Therefore, rather than "applying ethics" (which can be mindless), data scientists should cultivate ethics as a form of reflection on how technical choices and ethical impacts shape one another. Finally, we show how this microethical framework concretely works, by dissecting the ethical dimension of the technical procedures involved in data understanding and preparation of electronic health records.

AbstractDrawing on some of van Gigch's (2003) critiques in regard to quantification in the social sciences, this paper explores the notion of '98% British' that has underpinned analysis of migration and ethnicity in Australia. Historical data are used to suggest some alternate pictures and understandings of Australia in the 20th and 21st centuries. These alternate understandings belie the dominant frameworks of policy and analysis to date but begin to suggest alternatives such as the seeking out of peaceable histories in the presence of diversity rather than the predominant focus on conflict. In conclusion the ethical framework developed by C. West Churchman and elaborated on by van Gigch (2006) are employed as tools to consider the moral ramifications of the lack of critique of the '98% British' mythology. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

"The purpose of Smarter State is to provide both the theory and a practical blueprint for going beyond mere transparency and passive citizenship to a world in which citizenship is active and institutions are "open by default." Such openness and collaboration are essential if democratic societies are to meet the challenges of today and tomorrow"--Preface

Land is a factor of production like labour and capital but it is non-renewable natural resource and fixed in supply. With economic development, it has growing and competing demands. Hence, its access and efficient use for both agricultural and non-agricultural purposes become critical. Land policy in India is historically governed by ideology and political interests. Agricultural land reform policies led to present agrarian structure characterized by marginalization of land holdings, emergence of noncultivating owners and increasing current fallows. Policy on land acquisition for non-agricultural use is outdated and has emerged as a major contentious issue. An appropriate land policy and enabling legal and institutional framework is essential for achieving higher and sustainable economic development in India. This paper, therefore, examines political economy of land policy since independence and makes an attempt to bring out emerging issues and challenges pertaining to land policy for both agriculture and non-agricultural use from future economic development perspective.

Politics as an art of bargaining has gain prominent momentum following the victory of the president-elect Joko Widodo in Indonesia in 2014. This paper estimates the value of political parties under uncertainties over two possible coalitions: the Great Indonesia Coalition (Koalisi Indonesia Hebat, KIH) that supports Joko Widodo, and the Red & White Coalition (Koalisi Merah Putih, KMP) that supports Prabowo Subianto, the president candidate from the Gerindra Party. The estimation shows that the Golkar, the second largest earner of seats in the parliament, is more valuable for KMP, making them expensive to be maintained within this coalition. It suggests that the best choice for Golkar is to jump to KIH, unless the KMP provides substantial payoff to lure this party. Nonetheless, the pure strategy Nash equilibrium in a non-cooperative game of political bargaining shows that even though a party has small fair values, but it still has decisive impact in the bargaining table of a coalition.

An Account of Newman's political thought must explain a paradox. Newman declared that the principal aim of his life was to combat religious liberalism; and however novel may have been his approach to many problems, no charge against the orthodoxy of his theological writings has ever been sustained. Yet Newman was considered dangerously liberal by many. A few years after Newman had been made a Cardinal, Lord Selborne, during an audience with Pope Leo XIII, chanced to mention the name of Newman. The Pope's face brightened. "It was not easy; no, it was not easy. They said he was too liberal; but I was determined to honour the Church by honouring Newman. I have always felt a deep veneration for him. I am proud that it has been given me to honour such a man." In what sense could it be said of Newman that he was too liberal? A study of his political thinking will, I think, take one far toward an answer to the question.