Search results

Introduction. The system of modern education in Ukraine is stored from the cob early training, the professional training of young people, the food education of the young people and the staff of the diploma education, including Graduates of other high school students will receive the same education and qualifications, as well as graduates of civilian students of high education - a young specialist, bachelor, master.Purpose. Coverage of the peculiarities of military training in modern conditions of hybrid warfare, analysis of the current state, purpose and content, problems and prospects for the development of military education in Ukraine.Methods. The article uses some general scientific and special methods of theoretical and empirical research, including analysis of the scientific literature on the problem, systematization and generalization of materials.Results. The scientific article highlights the features of military training in the current circumstances of Ukraine's participation in the hybrid war, analysis of the current state, objectives and content, problems and prospects of military education. Military education is based on the principles of scientificity, humanism, democracy, consistency and continuity, independence from the interference of any political parties, movements, other public and religious organizations and is carried out on the basis of the competency approach.Originality. The system for the training of Vyskovy fakhivtsy, which was established in Ukraine, is a folding man of the state system of education. There are 12 VVNZ and VPN ZVO (2 Universities, 4 Academies, 6 Vіyskovy Institutes) at the System of Vіyskovo іnstitutes; department of military training (5 - staff officers, 26 - reserve officers). Three mortgage the status "National"Conclusion. The practical component is the introduction of interactive forms of education namely business and role-playing games in the educational process of military educational institution, which bring theoretical training as close as possible to real practice, because business and role-playing games are the basis of decision-making both in specific combat situations and in classes, they contribute to the formation of knowledge, laws, trends in military affairs, logical methods of system analysis. Role-playing techniques such as behavioral-game techniques are very important, they are based on stimulating the game interactions of cadets in close proximity to the real professional military combat activities of an officer. Such techniques include: instruction, activation of game parties, correction of the game participants behavior, step and final evaluation techniques. The so-called cognitive-game techniques are of particular importance in the organization of role-playing games in the military training. Such techniques include: a) techniques that promote entry into the role - image (description of each participant role in the game, motivation, encouragement, question-hint, as well as encouragement and humor); b) methods of role correlation (leading questions, comments - questions, support - defence etc). ; В статье освещаются особенности подготовки военнослужащих в современных условиях участия Украины в гибридной войне, анализ современного состояния, целей и содержания, проблем и перспектив развития военного образования. Военное образование базируется на принципах научности, гуманизма, демократизма, последовательности и непрерывности, независимости от вмешательства каких-либо политических партий, движений, других общественных и религиозных организаций и осуществляется на основе компетентностного подходаВ научной статье практической составляющей является внедрение интерактивных форм обучения, а именно деловых и ролевых игр в образовательном процессе военного учебного заведения, максимально приближают теоретическую подготовку к реальной практической деятельности, так как деловые и ролевые игры являются основой принятия решений как в конкретной боевой обстановке, так и на занятиях, способствуют формированию знаний, законов, тенденций развития военного дела, логических методов системного анализа. Большое значение для организации ролевой игры имеют приемы, основанные на стимулировании игровых взаимодействий курсантов в максимальной приближенности к реальной профессиональной военной боевой деятельности офицера - поведенчески-игровые приемы. К числу таких приемов относятся: инструктирование, активизация игровых сторон, коррекция поведения участников игры, приемы этапной и итоговой оценок. Особое значение в процессе организации ролевых игр в профессиональной подготовке военных имеют так называемые когнитивно-игровые приемы. К таким приемам относятся: а) приемы, которые способствуют вхождению в роль - образ (характеристика роли каждого участника игры, побуждения, поощрения, вопрос-подсказка, а также ободрения и юмор) б) приемы корреляции ролей (постановка наводящих вопросов, замечания-вопросы, поддержка-защита и т.д.).Сегодняшний период характеризуется серьезными структурными и организационными изменениями в сфере государственного и военного строительства, в том числе по системе высшего военного образования (СВВО). Характерным отличительным признаком функционирования СВВО на современном этапе является то, что она выступает одновременно и инструментом, и объектом реформирования Вооруженных Сил Украины, поскольку от профессиональной подготовки офицерских кадров, их преданности Отечеству и способности выполнять воинский долг в превосходной степени зависит боеготовность и боеспособность войск. Поэтому СВВО должна обеспечить подготовку военных специалистов с высоким уровнем профессионализма, компетентности, интеллектуального развития, общей и военно-профессиональной культуры, способных с высокой эффективностью выполнять поставленные задачи по обороне Украины, развития собственной творческой индивидуальности, настойчивого самостоятельного усвоения новых знаний в течение военной службы, принятие оптимальных решений в нестандартных условиях по всем специальностям и специализациям, определяющие уровень боеспособности и боеготовности Вооруженных Сил. ; В статті висвітлюються особливості підготовки військовослужбовців в сучасних умовах участі України у гібридній війні, аналіз сучасного стану, цілей та змісту, проблем і перспектив розвитку військової освіти. Військова освіта базується на принципах науковості, гуманізму, демократизму, послідовності та безперервності, незалежності від втручання будь-яких політичних партій, рухів, інших громадських та релігійних організацій і здійснюється на засадах компетентнісного підходу.В науковій статті практичною складовою є запровадження інтерактивних форм навчання, а саме ділових та рольових ігор в освітньому процесі військового навчального закладу, які максимально наближають теоретичну підготовку до реальної практичної діяльності, тому що ділові та рольові ігри є основою прийняття рішень як в конкретній бойовій обстановці, так і на заняттях, сприяють формуванню знань, законів, тенденцій розвитку військової справи, логічних методів системного аналізу. Велике значення для організації рольової гри мають прийоми, які засновані на стимулюванні ігрових взаємодій курсантів в максимальній наближеності до реальної професійної військової бойової діяльності офіцера – поведінково-ігрові прийоми. До числа таких прийомів належать: інструктування, активізація ігрових сторін, корекція поведінки учасників гри, прийоми етапної та підсумкової оцінок. Особливе значення в процесі організації рольових ігор в професійній підготовці військових мають так звані когнітивно-ігрові прийоми. До таких прийомів відносяться: а) прийоми, які сприяють входженню в роль – образ (характеристика ролі кожного учасника гри, спонукання, заохочення, питання-підказка, а також підбадьорення і гумор); б) прийоми кореляції ролей (постановка навідних питань, зауваження-питання, підтримка-захист та інше).Сьогоднішній період характеризується серйозними структурними й організаційними змінами у сфері державотворення та військового будівництва, у тому числі щодо системи вищої військової освіти (СВВО). Характерною відмінною ознакою функціонування СВВО на сучасному етапі є те, що вона виступає водночас й інструментом, й об'єктом реформування Збройних Сил України, оскільки від професійної підготовки офіцерських кадрів, їх відданості Вітчизні і спроможності виконувати військовий обов'язок у найвищому ступені залежить боєготовність та боєздатність військ. Тому СВВО повинна забезпечити підготовку військових фахівців із високим рівнем професіоналізму, компетентності, інтелектуального розвитку, загальної та військово-професіональної культури, здатних з високою ефективністю виконувати поставлені завдання щодо оборони України, розвитку власної творчої індивідуальності, наполегливого самостійного засвоєння нових знань протягом військової служби, прийняття оптимальних рішень в нестандартних умовах за всіма спеціальностями й спеціалізаціями, що визначають рівень боєздатності та боєготовності Збройних Сил.

This study aims to give a general overview of the historical development, particularisms and main issues of the positive law of foreign direct investment, by looking at different areas of law, ranging from the history of law to the very content of foreign investment law, and through dispute settlement mechanisms for foreign investment. An exegetical study of laws and regulations on foreign investments is a necessary step for the understanding of the legal regime of foreign direct investment, but its knowledge of the law is not sufficient for an investor to succeed in his investment.Its development is undeniably linked to the elements of the political, cultural, social and economic aspects of the country. From the promotion of Marxist values of the Soviet system under the Mao Zedong period, to the adoption of legal pragmatism under the direction of Deng Xiaoping; from the policy of the planned economy to the market economy. In forty years, the government was able to create an entire legal system from almost nothing. However, the speed of legislative work is by no means a proof of its quality. Indeed, in order to catch up with the legal systems of the economically developed countries, the government had to implement foreign solutions, without carrying out any in-depth adaptation or harmonization work, thus reducing the value and the effectiveness of the law.Initially, the foreign direct investment law consisted only of three separate laws and their implementing regulations : Sino-Foreign EJV Law and its Implementing Regulation, the WFOE Law and its Implementing Regulation, and Sino-Foreign CJV and its Implementing Regulation. This was then competed by other laws and regulations, each governing only one specific form of foreign-invested enterprise.Litigation is part of everyday life which allows the legislator to measure the efficiency of justice within a State. Despite the fact that litigation is the ultimate means of testing the effectiveness a legal system, it is only a last resort, especially in states such as China, in which its history demonstrates a constant preference for alternative modes of dispute resolution to the detriment of contentious proceedings.After three decades of reform, China has become an integral part of the international scene. As a result, its practice of resolving disputes is increasingly aligned with international standards. The quest for effective dispute resolution is now similar to that of other Western states: ideally a dispute must be resolved in the short time frame, at a low cost and with as little stress as possible, but with an acceptable result.It is therefore essential to constantly follow legal news. Indeed, the two recent catalogs (2015 and 2017) illustrate a liberalizing trend of the national market by opening more sectors to foreign investments, and by introducing a system close to the "negative list". And the 2016 Reform replaced the authorization procedure for foreign direct investment projects with a simple registration system. While these recent developments have provided solutions to existing difficulties, due to the number of flaws in substantive law, a thorough reform is needed. The Draft Law on Foreign Investment, published by the Ministry of Commerce in 2015 for public commentary, has the potential to erase all the flaws of the current regime. However, despite the promises made by the government, its future remains very uncertain at the moment. ; Cette étude tente de donner un aperçu général du développement historique, des particularismes et des principales problématiques du droit positif des investissements directs étrangers. En effet, une étude exégétique des textes législatifs et règlements portant sur des investissements étrangers est, certes, nécessaire pour la compréhension du régime juridique des investissements directs étrangers, mais sa connaissance ne suffit pas pour qu'un investisseur puisse réussir son investissement sur le territoire chinois. Le régime juridique des investissements directs étrangers est le fruit d'un travail d'imitation législative de systèmes de droits étrangers. Son développement est indéniablement lié aux éléments de la vie politique, culturelle, sociale et économique du pays. De la politique de l'économie planifiée à l'économie de marché, en quarante ans, le gouvernement a pu créer un droit quasiment exhaustif à partir du vide. Cependant, la rapidité du travail législatif n'est nullement une preuve de sa qualité. En effet, dans le but de rattraper son retard sur les systèmes juridiques des pays économiquement développés, le gouvernement a dû implanter les solutions étrangères, sans pour autant effectuer un travail approfondi d'adaptation ou d'harmonisation, diminuant ainsi la qualité et l'efficacité des lois.Initialement, le droit des investissements directs étrangers était uniquement constitué de trois lois distinctes et des règlements d'application desdites lois. Il s'agissait de la Loi sur les EJV sino-étrangères et son règlement d'application, la Loi sur les WFOE et son règlement d'application, et CJV sino-étrangères et son règlement d'application. Ce régime est ensuite complété par d'autres textes, chacun régissant qu'une seule forme spécifique d'entreprise à participation étrangère.Les litiges font partie de la vie courante non seulement des personnes morales, mais, également des personnes physiques, et permettent de mesurer l'efficacité de la justice au sein d'un État. Malgré le fait que les litiges constituent le moyen ultime de tester l'efficacité de la loi ou d'un système de droit, ils ne surviennent qu'en dernier ressort, surtout dans les États tels que la Chine, où l'histoire démontre une préférence constante envers les modes informelles de résolution des différends au détriment de la procédure étatique contentieuse.Après trois décennies de réforme, la Chine fait désormais partie intégrante de la scène internationale. Par conséquent, ses pratiques portant sur la résolution des différends sont de plus en plus en harmonie avec les standards internationaux. En d'autres termes, la recherche d'une résolution efficace des différends est similaire de celle des autres États occidentaux : idéalement un différend doit être résolu dans le délai court, à un coût bas et avec moins de stress que possible, mais, arrivant tout de même à un résultat acceptable.Le droit chinois des investissements directs étrangers a subi le plus de réformes législatives en Chine. Il est donc primordial de suivre constamment l'actualité juridique. En effet, les deux catalogues récent (2015 et de 2017) illustrent une tendance libéralisatrice du marché national en ouvrant de plus en plus les secteurs d'industrie aux investissements étrangers, et en introduisant un système proche de la " liste négative ". Puis la Réforme de 2016 est venue remplacer la procédure d'autorisation des projets d'investissements directs étrangers par un simple système d'enregistrement. Certes, ces éléments récents ont su apporter des solutions à des difficultés existantes, mais en raison du nombre de vices du droit positif, une réforme en profondeur est nécessaire. Le Projet de loi des investissements étrangers, publié par le Ministère du Commerce en 2015, a le potentiel d'effacer tous les défauts du régime actuel. Cependant, malgré les promesses du gouvernement, son futur demeure très incertain à l'heure actuelle.

The 1973 and 1975 legislation relating to the protection of employment has failed to bring about all of the expected results. It has failed to reverse unemployment which continued to rise. Having been designed and then refined over 35 years by theorists from the French school of employment law, it has burdened small and medium sized businesses by increasing the financial consequences of breach of open – ended employment contracts. Based on the three guarantees system (procedure, legal base and compensation) and strengthened by threshold considerations, it has curbed both the initiatives and expansion of the said businesses due to the psychological effects thereof on managers as well as to the effects thereof on the businesses' economy. We recall the involvement of almost all of the legal professionals and of the political and union representatives, as well as the inability of the business world to evaluate and challenge a phenomenon despite it being ineffectual as regards reducing unemployment as well as other detrimental effects upon business. We complete our review of the literature in this field by considering various practical examples drawn from our own professional experience which latter relates to the effectiveness of the said three guarantees. We recall that the classic paradigm involves a consideration of the employee's situation and an optimisation of the latter by means of laws which protect insiders (via O.E.E.C, Open – Ended Employment contracts) to the detriment of outsiders on fixed term contracts, temporary employees or job seekers. We are determined to reverse this by starting from the basic equation of a business: an individual, an idea, capital, an acceptance of risk. Thus the employment contract comes second. It depends from a logic of costs in which we intend to include all costs relating to employment in France, whether deferred – revealed after the employee has left, at the end of a case in the Employment Appeals Tribunal – or uncovered. Of course, we have differentiated uncovered costs from the notion of hidden costs, which latter are usually linked to the underperformance of a business. We came to carry out this research via Williamson's transactional costs theory, and we have applied it to French legislation (the complexity of which still remains to be addressed by the Anglo-Saxons). It allows us to go beyond those employment costs which are generally acknowledged, in order to uncover other costs which have not been included in any French legal, fiscal or accounting regulations. Sometimes they are even ignored by managers. By drawing a new approach from our experience as practitioner and researcher and from our use of empirical examples, we have established a classification of uncovered costs. It has enabled us to redefine the reality of employment costs, related to a cause, namely to the presence of the employee in the business. However, the effects of the said presence are represented by various costs which are not accounted for in the immediate costs of work, such as operating and management costs relating to employee representative bodies, costs relating to incentive and participation, costs relating to comfort and especially, deferred costs, with the latter stemming from breach of employment contracts. Whether the said breach occurs in the context of a dismissal or it is another type of contractual breach, whether or not the causes are admitted or rejected by the parties (resulting in proceedings and the related imposition by the court of compensation, wages or supplements to wages) the said costs are not included in employment costs resulting from the provision by the employee of services in the context and at the time of his employment. Thus we are proposing a methodology which will take into account the uncovered costs of employment and which will seek to relocate them in the generally acknowledged immediate costs of the employee's work. ; La législation sur la protection de l'emploi créée par la loi (1973 et 1975) n'a pas produit l'ensemble des effets escomptés. Elle n'a pas contré le chômage qui a continué à progresser. Conçue et accentuée pendant 35 ans par les théoriciens de l'école de française du droit du travail, elle a accablé les T.P.E. et les P.M.E. en accentuant les conséquences financières de la rupture du contrat de travail à durée indéterminée. Fondée sur le système des 3 garanties (procédure, fondement et indemnisation), renforcée par les effets de seuils, elle a bridé l'initiative et le développement de ces entreprises tant par ses effets sur la psychologie des managers que par ceux produits sur l'économie de l'entreprise. Nous rappelons l'implication de la quasi-totalité des professionnels du droit et des responsables politiques et syndicaux, de même que l'incapacité du monde de l'entreprise à analyser et s'opposer à un phénomène en dépit de son inefficacité sur le niveau du chômage et de ses effets néfastes sur l'entreprise. Nous complétons la revue de littérature par différents exemples concrets tirés de notre pratique professionnelle concernant l'efficience des trois garanties. Nous rappelons que le paradigme classique consiste à examiner la situation du salarié et à optimiser sa situation par le biais d'une législation qui protège les insiders (en C.D.I.) au détriment des outsiders en contrats à durée déterminés, en intérim ou demandeurs d'emploi. Nous avons résolu de l'inverser en prenant comme point de départ l'équation de base de l'entreprise : un individu, une idée, un capital, une acceptation du risque. Le contrat de travail apparaît donc second. Il dépend d'une logique de coûts dans laquelle nous allons intégrer l'ensemble des coûts du travail en France, différés – apparaissant après son départ, au terme d'un procès prudhommal – ou occultés. Nous différencions naturellement ces coûts de la notion de coûts cachés, généralement liés à un disfonctionnement de l'entreprise. Nous procédons à cette recherche à travers la théorie des coûts de transaction de Williamson, appliquée à la législation française (dont la complexité n'est pas abordée par les anglo-saxons). Elle permet, au-delà des coûts du travail tels qu'ils sont classiquement reconnus, de révéler des coûts qui ne sont pas intégrés par les règles légales, fiscales ou comptables françaises. Ils sont même parfois ignorés des dirigeants. En dégageant de notre expérience de praticien chercheur et des exemples empiriques développés une approche nouvelle, nous établissons une nomenclature des coûts éludés. Elle nous permet de rétablir la réalité du coût du travail, lié à une cause, la présence du salarié dans l'entreprise. Mais les effets de cette présence se manifestent pas différentes charges qui ne sont pas comptabilisés dans le coût immédiat du travail, telles que le coût de fonctionnement et de gestion des institutions représentatives du personnel, le coût de l'intéressement et de la participation, les coûts de confort et surtout, les coûts différés, résultant de la rupture du contrat de travail. Que cette rupture intervienne dans le cadre d'un licenciement ou d'une rupture conventionnelle, que les causes en soient admises ou récusées par les parties (ce qui conduit au procès et à la fixation des indemnités, salaires ou accessoires de salaire par décision de justice) ces coûts ne sont pas inclus dans le coûts du travail résultant sur l'instant de la prestation du salarié dans l'emploi. Nous proposons une méthodologie pour prendre en considération des coûts occultés et les réintégrer dans le coût du travail immédiat d'un salarié.

The 1973 and 1975 legislation relating to the protection of employment has failed to bring about all of the expected results. It has failed to reverse unemployment which continued to rise. Having been designed and then refined over 35 years by theorists from the French school of employment law, it has burdened small and medium sized businesses by increasing the financial consequences of breach of open – ended employment contracts. Based on the three guarantees system (procedure, legal base and compensation) and strengthened by threshold considerations, it has curbed both the initiatives and expansion of the said businesses due to the psychological effects thereof on managers as well as to the effects thereof on the businesses' economy. We recall the involvement of almost all of the legal professionals and of the political and union representatives, as well as the inability of the business world to evaluate and challenge a phenomenon despite it being ineffectual as regards reducing unemployment as well as other detrimental effects upon business. We complete our review of the literature in this field by considering various practical examples drawn from our own professional experience which latter relates to the effectiveness of the said three guarantees. We recall that the classic paradigm involves a consideration of the employee's situation and an optimisation of the latter by means of laws which protect insiders (via O.E.E.C, Open – Ended Employment contracts) to the detriment of outsiders on fixed term contracts, temporary employees or job seekers. We are determined to reverse this by starting from the basic equation of a business: an individual, an idea, capital, an acceptance of risk. Thus the employment contract comes second. It depends from a logic of costs in which we intend to include all costs relating to employment in France, whether deferred – revealed after the employee has left, at the end of a case in the Employment Appeals Tribunal – or uncovered. Of course, we have differentiated uncovered costs from the notion of hidden costs, which latter are usually linked to the underperformance of a business. We came to carry out this research via Williamson's transactional costs theory, and we have applied it to French legislation (the complexity of which still remains to be addressed by the Anglo-Saxons). It allows us to go beyond those employment costs which are generally acknowledged, in order to uncover other costs which have not been included in any French legal, fiscal or accounting regulations. Sometimes they are even ignored by managers. By drawing a new approach from our experience as practitioner and researcher and from our use of empirical examples, we have established a classification of uncovered costs. It has enabled us to redefine the reality of employment costs, related to a cause, namely to the presence of the employee in the business. However, the effects of the said presence are represented by various costs which are not accounted for in the immediate costs of work, such as operating and management costs relating to employee representative bodies, costs relating to incentive and participation, costs relating to comfort and especially, deferred costs, with the latter stemming from breach of employment contracts. Whether the said breach occurs in the context of a dismissal or it is another type of contractual breach, whether or not the causes are admitted or rejected by the parties (resulting in proceedings and the related imposition by the court of compensation, wages or supplements to wages) the said costs are not included in employment costs resulting from the provision by the employee of services in the context and at the time of his employment. Thus we are proposing a methodology which will take into account the uncovered costs of employment and which will seek to relocate them in the generally acknowledged immediate costs of the employee's work. ; La législation sur la protection de l'emploi créée par la loi (1973 et 1975) n'a pas produit l'ensemble des effets escomptés. Elle n'a pas contré le chômage qui a continué à progresser. Conçue et accentuée pendant 35 ans par les théoriciens de l'école de française du droit du travail, elle a accablé les T.P.E. et les P.M.E. en accentuant les conséquences financières de la rupture du contrat de travail à durée indéterminée. Fondée sur le système des 3 garanties (procédure, fondement et indemnisation), renforcée par les effets de seuils, elle a bridé l'initiative et le développement de ces entreprises tant par ses effets sur la psychologie des managers que par ceux produits sur l'économie de l'entreprise. Nous rappelons l'implication de la quasi-totalité des professionnels du droit et des responsables politiques et syndicaux, de même que l'incapacité du monde de l'entreprise à analyser et s'opposer à un phénomène en dépit de son inefficacité sur le niveau du chômage et de ses effets néfastes sur l'entreprise. Nous complétons la revue de littérature par différents exemples concrets tirés de notre pratique professionnelle concernant l'efficience des trois garanties. Nous rappelons que le paradigme classique consiste à examiner la situation du salarié et à optimiser sa situation par le biais d'une législation qui protège les insiders (en C.D.I.) au détriment des outsiders en contrats à durée déterminés, en intérim ou demandeurs d'emploi. Nous avons résolu de l'inverser en prenant comme point de départ l'équation de base de l'entreprise : un individu, une idée, un capital, une acceptation du risque. Le contrat de travail apparaît donc second. Il dépend d'une logique de coûts dans laquelle nous allons intégrer l'ensemble des coûts du travail en France, différés – apparaissant après son départ, au terme d'un procès prudhommal – ou occultés. Nous différencions naturellement ces coûts de la notion de coûts cachés, généralement liés à un disfonctionnement de l'entreprise. Nous procédons à cette recherche à travers la théorie des coûts de transaction de Williamson, appliquée à la législation française (dont la complexité n'est pas abordée par les anglo-saxons). Elle permet, au-delà des coûts du travail tels qu'ils sont classiquement reconnus, de révéler des coûts qui ne sont pas intégrés par les règles légales, fiscales ou comptables françaises. Ils sont même parfois ignorés des dirigeants. En dégageant de notre expérience de praticien chercheur et des exemples empiriques développés une approche nouvelle, nous établissons une nomenclature des coûts éludés. Elle nous permet de rétablir la réalité du coût du travail, lié à une cause, la présence du salarié dans l'entreprise. Mais les effets de cette présence se manifestent pas différentes charges qui ne sont pas comptabilisés dans le coût immédiat du travail, telles que le coût de fonctionnement et de gestion des institutions représentatives du personnel, le coût de l'intéressement et de la participation, les coûts de confort et surtout, les coûts différés, résultant de la rupture du contrat de travail. Que cette rupture intervienne dans le cadre d'un licenciement ou d'une rupture conventionnelle, que les causes en soient admises ou récusées par les parties (ce qui conduit au procès et à la fixation des indemnités, salaires ou accessoires de salaire par décision de justice) ces coûts ne sont pas inclus dans le coûts du travail résultant sur l'instant de la prestation du salarié dans l'emploi. Nous proposons une méthodologie pour prendre en considération des coûts occultés et les réintégrer dans le coût du travail immédiat d'un salarié.

O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar como um país, colocado em um contexto histórico, está a evoluir e a sofrer mudanças sociopolíticas e culturais. Essa evolução é o exemplo perfeito de como o folclore pode ser a soma e o resultado de fatos históricos distantes e como uma nação se apresenta, do ponto de vista cultural, quando confrontada com fases de diferentes potências principais. Durante a história, especialmente dos tempos da antiga Dácia, a Moldávia foi confrontada com separações e dominações, dos seus vizinhos, e a cultura teve que sofrer de todos os pontos. Mudanças constantes de poderes principais conduziram à mudança da língua, do alfabeto, do território e do nome do país, e isso também favoreceu o desenvolvimento de uma nação mista, com raízes e cultura. Em tempos de cultura mista e nacionalidades, é muito importante, para uma nação, voltar aos seus primórdios, a fim de identificar, preservar e conservar sua identidade nacional e transmiti-la para as gerações vindouras. Na República da Moldávia, podemos ver a unidade entre a dança, a música e o traje, quando se trata de todos os tipos de danças folclóricas tradicionais da Moldávia. Estas práticas variam de uma região para outra, considerando o seu ritmo, propósito, estilo, nome, utilidade, etc., mas juntos formam a riqueza do folclore moldavo: as tradições, os costumes, as práticas nacionais. Tendo suas raízes na antiga Dácia, a música folclórica e as danças moldavas foram salvaguardadas e passaram por muitos períodos de transições políticas, sociais e econômicas, que não podiam deixar de deixar suas marcas e influências. Apesar de tudo, podemos ver que essas práticas foram salvas e transmitidas de uma geração para outra, mantendo o seu lugar honroso na vida cotidiana do camponês da Moldávia, embora uma grande parte deles tenha sido perdida durante a moldalização e a russificação da nação, e outra parte está atualmente em perigo. A herança da Moldávia é realmente ameaçada pelo esquecimento, a ignorância, especialmente provenientes das novas gerações, a imigração maciça do país e a crise econômica da Moldávia, que não permite que as pessoas desenvolvam as habilidades de uma política de transmissão e conservação; RÉSUMÉ GÉNÉRAL: Ce travail essayera de démontrer comment un pays, placé dans un contexte historique, évolue et subit des changements sociopolitiques et culturels. Cette évolution même est l'exemple parfait de la façon dont le folklore peut être la somme et le résultat des faits historiques lointains, et comment une nation se présente, du point de vue culturel, face aux phases des différentes puissances au pouvoir. Au cours de l'histoire, surtout des temps de l'ancienne Dacie, la Moldavie a été confrontée aux séparations et aux dominations de ses voisins, pendant lesquels la culture a souffert des changements majeurs. Les changements constants des pouvoirs ont conduit à la modification de la langue, de l'alphabet, du territoire et le nom du pays ; cela a aussi favorisé le développement d'une nation mixte, ayant des racines et une culture mélangée. Dans le temps où la culture et les nationalités sont composites et variées, il est très important, pour une nation, de descendre vers ses origines, afin d'identifier, préserver et conserver son identité nationale, et de le transmettre aux générations à venir. Dans la République de Moldova, on constate une unité entre la danse, la musique et le costume lorsqu'il s'agit de tous les types des danses traditionnelles populaires. Ces pratiques varient d'une région à une autre, compte tenu de leur rythme ; objectif ; style ; nom ; utilité etc., mais ensemble elles forment la richesse du folklore moldave ; les traditions ; les coutumes ; les usages nationaux. Ayant ses racines dans l'ancienne Dacie, les danses et la musique folklorique moldave, ont été sauvegardées et ont passés des nombreuses périodes de transition politiques, sociales et économiques, qui ont laissé leurs empreintes et influences. Malgré tout, nous pouvons constater que ces usages ont été conservés et transmis d'une génération à une autre, en gardant leur place honorable dans la vie quotidienne du paysan moldave. Bien qu'une grande partie de ces usages a été perdue lors de la moldavisation et russification du peuple, et une autre partie est actuellement en danger. Le patrimoine moldave est aujourd'hui menacé par l'oubli, l'ignorance, surtout de la part des jeunes générations ; l'immigration massive du pays ; la crise économique. Toutes ces circonstances ne permettent pas au peuple de développer une politique de transmission et de conservation du folklore; GENERAL ABSTRACT: This work's aim is to show how a country, placed in an historical context, is evolving and suffers sociopolitical and cultural changes. This very evolution is the perfect example of how the folklore can be the sum and the result of distant historical facts, and how a nation presents itself, from the cultural point of view, when faced to phases of different lead powers. During the history, especially from the times of old Dacia, Moldova was faced to separations and dominations, from its neighbors, and the culture had to suffer from every point of it. Constant changes of leading powers have conducted to the change of the language, the alphabet, the territory and name of the country; this has also favorised the development of a mixt nation, with mixt roots and culture. In times of mixed culture and nationalities, it is very important, for a nation, to go back to its beginnings, in order to identify, preserve and conserve its national identity, and to transmit it for the generations to come. In the Republic of Moldova, we can see the unity between the dance, music and costume, when it comes to all the types of traditional Moldavian folk dances. These practices are varying from one region to another, considering their rhythm; purpose; style; name; utility etc., but together they form the richness of the Moldavian folklore: the traditions, customs, national practices. Having their roots in the ancient Dacia, the Moldavian folk music and dances have been safeguarded and passed through many periods of political, social and economic transitions, which could not help from leaving their marks and influences. Despite all, we can see that these practices have been saved and transmitted from one generation to another, keeping their honorable place in the quotidian life of the Moldavian peasant, although a big part of them have been lost during the moldavisation and russification of the nation, and another part is currently in danger. The Moldavian heritage is actually threatened by the oblivion, ignorance, especially coming from the young generations, the massive immigration from the country, and the economic crisis from Moldova, which is not allowing to the people to develop the skills of a transmission policy and conservation.

Our purpose in this research is twofold. On one hand, it is to examine the relations that the concept of universality maintains with the Latin American proposal of « local », « inculturated » philosophy, and therefore to examine the contributions of critical Latin American philosophies to the debate on universalism and culturalism. In a context where universalism is for all intents ans purposes the effect of an ethnocentric and homogenizing globalization (monological universalism), and faced with the demands of differences as identities that are predetermined and closed to fundamentalism risks, a new and genuine universalism as intercultural dialogue presents itself as an interesting alternative to the dilemma between universalism and particularity. On the other hand, our purpose is to present crtical thinking in Latin America today, in this sense, our work is organized around a single figure, namely Enrique Dussel, in order to deepen ties between Latin American philosophy of liberation and certain currents of European (Emmanuel Levinas's metaphysics of alterity and Karl-Otto Apel's discourse ethics in particular) and Latin American philosophy (Leopoldo Zea and Augusto Salazar Bondy on one hand, and the current names « Modernity/Coloniality group », « post-Occidentalism » or « decolonial theories » on the other). To see these research perspectives through, the following plan will be adopted. To understand the intention of the paradigm shift claimed by Dussel's philosophy of liberation, this work takes as its starting point the presentation of different contexts (philosophical, historical, political, economic, cultural,etc) and the origins of philosophy of liberation. In the second part, we study a specific way, using a diachronic approach of Dussel's ethics of liberation, which was developed through dialogue with various authors. We specifically and critically study Levinas's influence on philosophy of liberation, and of its extensive dialogue with Apel's discourse ethics. Finally, the last part of our research raises the question of timeliness, or rather the current problems of philosophy of liberation, through internal and external criticism that has been directed at the school of thought over the last four decades. Using these issues, our research aims to contribue to the task, from our point of view both urgent and necessary, of thinking philosophically from within a global mindset. ; Nuestro propósito en esta investigación es doble. Por un lado, se trata de examinar las relaciones que mantiene el concepto de universalidad con la propuesta latinoamericana de una filosofía situada, « inculturada », y, por lo tanto, de examinar los aportes de las filosofías críticas latinoamericanas a los debates sobre universalismo y particularismo cultural. En un contexto en el que el universalismo fáctico es resultado de una globalización homogeneizadora y etnocéntrica (universalismo monológico), y frente a las reivindicaciones de la diferencia como identidad prefijada y cerrada con riesgos fundamentalistas, un nuevo y verdadero universalismo como diálogo intercultural se presenta hoy como una alternativa a la oposición entre universalismo y particularidad. Por otro lado, nuestro propósito es presentar el pensamiento crítico latinoamericano actual. Ahora bien, este trabajo queda nucleado en torno a la sola figura de Enrique Dussel, con el fin de poder profundizar en la relación entre la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y determinadas corrientes de filosofía europeas (en concreto, la metafísica de la alteridad de Emmanuel Levinas y la ética del discurso de Karl-Otto Apel) y latinoamericanas (Leopoldo Zea y Augusto Salazar Bondy de un lado, y la corriente llamada « grupo Modernidad/Colonialidad », « posoccidentalismo » o también « teorías decoloniales » de otro. Para conseguir los objetivos propuestos, el trabajo quedará estructurado de la manera siguiente. Con la finalidad de facilitar la comprensión del cambio de paradigma que pretende la filosofía de la liberación en América latina, tomaremos como punto de partida la exposición de los diferentes contextos (filosófico, histórico, político, económico, cultural, etc.) y de los orígenes de la filosofía de la liberación. En la segunda parte estudiamos de manera específica, siguiendo un enfoque diacrónico, la ética de la liberación que Dussel ha desarrollado en diálogo con diferentes autores. Estudiamos especialmente, y de manera crítica, la influencia de Levinas en la filosofía de la liberación así como el largo diálogo entre la ética de la liberación (Dussel) y la ética del discurso de Apel. Cierra el trabajo una tercera parte donde se plantea la cuestión de la actualidad, o más bien de la problematicidad actual de la filosofía de la liberación a través de las críticas, internas y externas, que esta corriente de pensamiento ha recibido a lo largo de las últimas cuatro décadas. A partir de la problemática planteada, esta investigación quiere contribuir a la tarea, desde nuestro punto de vista urgente y necesaria, de pensar filosóficamente desde un horizonte mundial. ; Notre propos dans cette recherche est double. D'une part, il s'agit d'examiner les rapports qu'entretient le concept d'universalité avec la proposition latino-américaine d'une philosophie située, « inculturée », et donc d'examiner les rapports des philosophies critiques latino-américaines aux débats sur l'universalisme et le culturalisme. Dans un contexte où l'universalisme est de fait l'effet d'une globalisation homogénéisante et ethnocentrique (universalisme monologique), et face aux revendications de la différence comme identités préfixées et closes aux risques fondamentalistes, un nouveau et véritable universalisme comme dialogue interculturel se présente à nous comme une alternative intéressante au dilemme entre universalisme et particularité. D'une part, notre propos est de présenter la pensée critique latino-américaine actuelle. En ce sens, ce travail s'organise autour d'une seule figure, à savoir Enrique Dussel, afin de pouvoir approfondir les liens entre la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et certains courants de philosophie européens (la métaphysique de l'altérité) d'Emmanuel Levinas et l'éthique de la discussion de Karl-Otto appel en particulier) et latino-américains (Leopoldo Zea et Augusto Salazar Bondy d'une part, et le courant nommé « groupe Modernité/Colonialité », « postoccidentalisme » ou encore « théories décoloniales » d'autre part). Afin de mener à bien ces perspectives de recherche, sera adopté le plan suivant. Pour comprendre l'intention du changement de paradigme que prétend la philosophie de la libération de Dussel, ce travail prend comme point de départ l'exposé des différents contextes (philosophique, historique, politique, économique, culturel, etc) et des origines de la philosophie de la libération. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions de manière spécifique, et suivant une approche diachronique, l'éthique de la libération de Dussel, développée en dialogue avec différents auteurs. Nous étudions de manière particulière et critique l'influence de Levinas dans la philosophie de la libération, et le long dialogue de celle-ci avec l'éthique de la discussion d'Apel. Finalement, la dernière partie de cette recherche pose la question de l'actualité ou plutôt de la problématique actuelle de la philosophie de la libération à travers les critiques, internes et externes, qu'au courant de ces dernières quatre décennies ont été adressés à ce courant de pensée. A partir de cette problématique, notre recherche entend contribuer à la tâche de notre point de vue urgente et nécessaire de penser philosophiquement depuis un horizon mondial.

Kuivõrd majandustegevus vajab maapõueressursse (mineraalseid ja settelisi maavarasid, põhjavett), tuleb samaaegselt tegeleda ka kaevandatud alade korrastamisega ja aladele uue, keskkonnasõbraliku ning kohalike ja mujalt tulijate huvisid arvestava funktsiooni andmisega. Ükski endast lugupidav riik ei saa eksisteerida ilma maavaradeta. Need on looduse kingitus rahvale, kuid ainult juhul, kui saadav kasum jääb rahva teenistusse. Loodusvarade kasutus, sealhulgas ehitusmaavarade kaevandamine ja kasutamine on kahjuks möödapääsmatu reaalsus, sest vastasel korral pidurdub ehitus- ja arendustegevus. Kahanevate ja kallinevate loodusressursside tingimustes on ühiskond seda edukam, mida efektiivsem ta loodusvarasid kasutades on. Kaevandustega on rikutud palju unikaalset ja kaunist loodust ning ammendatud karjäärid näevad välja ebaesteetilised, sh karjäärid, mis on pärast kaevandamist jäänud rekultiveerimata ning kuhu inimesed on hakanud jäätmeid ladestama, muutes need reostuskolleteks. Meie kiiresti arenevas ühiskonnas on kaevandustegevuse seadusandlik regulatsioon jäänud ajast maha, mida kasutavad oskuslikult ära hõlptulu jahtivad ettevõtjad. Vananenud regulatsioon annab palju eeliseid kaevandajale, arvestamata sealjuures ühiskonnale tekitatavaid visuaalseid ja sotsiaalseid mõjutusi ning mõtlemata tulevastele põlvkondadele. Karjääre avatakse teadmata kaevandava materjali paigutusvõimalusi ning aktiivse tarbevaru mitterealiseerimisel taotletakse loa pikendamist, millega pikeneb ka korrastamisprotsess. Selliseid poolikult kaevandatud karjääre on Eesti maastikupildis mitmeid kümneid. Rikutud maastik ei ole see mida peaksime edasi pärandama oma järglastele. Nimetatust johtuvalt on vajalik kehtiv regulatsioon tervikuna üle vaadata, vajadusel töötada välja uusi või täiendada olemasolevaid üldpõhimõtteid ja reguleerimisalasid. Magistritöö eesmärgiks oli anda lugejale ülevaade liivakarjääride kaevandamisega tekkivatest maastikumuutustest, karjääride korrastamise praktikast ja korrastamise välistustest ning kaevandamist ja korrastamist reguleeriva seadusandluse puudustest Eestis. Töö teoreetilises osas anti lugejale ülevaate Eesti geoloogilisest ehitusest, liiva levikust ja koostisest, Eestis asuvatest liivamaardlatest ning nende varudest. Käsitleti maapõuevara aruka kasutamise vajalikkust ja kaevandatud alade korrastamist reguleerivat seadusandlust ning selle poliitilist käsitlust, anti ülevaate maastikukujundamise funktsioonidest ning võimalustest karjäärides. Välisriikide näidete taustal lisati maastikukujundamise ja korrastamise praktilisi näiteid, mida Eestis oleks võimalik rakendada maastikupildi arendamiseks. Töö tulemusena valmisid ettepanekud karjääride korrastamise kindlustamiseks ning nende rakendamiseks juba karjääri avamise planeerimisstaadiumis. Välja pakutud rakenduspõhimõtted tulenesid eesmärgist tagada kaevanduspiirkonna esialgse maastikupildi säilimine kaevandamise ja kaevandamisjärgse korrastamise lõppedes ning karjääri sihtotstarbe õige- ja kaalutletud korrastamissuuniste andmisel kaeveloa väljastamisel. Töö praktilises osas esitati analüüs karjääride korrastamise teostamisest tegelikkuses ning milliste põhjuste ajel karjääride korrastamist välditakse ja milliseid meetmeid tuleks rakendada kaevanduste seadusjärgse korrastamise tõhustamiseks. Kuue korrastusprojekti taustal tehti korrastusprojektide koostamise tasemeanalüüs. Liiva- ja kruusakarjääride korrastamine valiti magistritöö teemaks, kuna Eestis on teiste kaevandavate maavarade – põlevikivi, paekivi ja turba kaevandamine olnud üldjuhul suure avalikkuse tähelepanu all nii enne kaevanduse avamist, kui ka selle lõpus, korrastamise perioodil. Magistritöö autori seisukohalt on põhjendatud tuua lugejateni liivakarjääride kaevandamise- ja korrastamisega seonduvad probleemid. Autor tänab kõiki abistajaid ja kaasamõtlejaid. Eriline tänu kuulub Keskkonnaameti maavarade spetsialistidele Aleksandr Podgornov, Marju Kuldma, Kaija Pärtli, Jelena Ello, Aulis Saarniits ja Meelis Albert-ile. Samuti tänan Tehnilise Järelevalve Ameti töötajaid nõuannete ja informatsiooni jagamise eest. Tänan juhendajat Kaie Metsaotsa kaasamõtlemise ja abi eest. ; Economic affairs call for mineral and sedimentary resources, and ground water. Mining brings together changes in environment, landscape and bowels of the earth. Decrease in values of landscapes and tenure of surroundings, destroyed beautiful landscape views and natural environment, unpleasant objects and waste, decrease in district's real estate values among them, accompany when mining is executed. All of that evokes public confrontation. A great deal of unique and beautiful nature is ruined in the course of mining, and exhausted quarries appear inaesthetic. Also the quarries which have ended their operation around ten years ago and have been abandoned without recultivation increase the confrontation, especially due to some people and companies have brought their trash and waste to there, changing the quarries into sources of pollution. However such pollution sources have mostly been liquidated by means of EU subsidy programs for now. But the mined landscapes may even be more valuable than they were before mining. It is proven that by skillful approach the forest, water bodies and arable land may appear even more valuable than the one there was before mining. All, the sports and leisure time areas, and new natural environments created to the mined territories are the basis to develop tolerable and more environment-friendly mining. Usage of resources, mining included, is unfortunately inescapable reality – otherwise the building and development activities would be impeded. Till the recent times the planning of usage of resources could be called technology centered, but today there is natural environment in the center: the landform, water, plant cover, flora and fauna. In addition, finding new functions for the mined areas to creat possibilities for sports and leisure, is an important issue. But great problems exist in the level of property, state and local government. We can see that in planning of usage of mineral resources, ground water, land and forest there is no methodology, criteria, tools, and skills to satisfy all the parties. Lots of work has been done in former times to find out the placements and quantities of mineral resources, best possible technologies, constraints for mining, needs for infrastructure and economy, but still there are no solutions satisfactory for all the parties. Legislative regulation has become fossilized, the fail spot which is been skillfully exploited by the enterprisers looking for fast buck. The archaic legislation gives many advantages to the miner, not considering visual and social impacts to the community and to the future generations. Quarries are opened without knowing the possibilities for placing the mined material, and when reserves are not realized, the extension of mining permission is requested which brings together the extension of reclamation of the mining areas. There exist quite a little of such half-way mined quarries in Estonia. Spoilt landscape is not what we should inherit to our offspring. The reader will get the overview of distribution and composition of sands, sand deposits, and their reserves in Estonia. The need for clever usage of mineral resources, legislation regulating the reclamation of mined areas and its political approach are discussed. Overview is given about landscape design functions and possibilities in quarries. Three examples of sand and gravel quarries are chosen to demonstrate the reality of reclamation and to find out the reasons of avoidance of the reclamation and which measures should be exploited to intensificate legal reclamation of the quarries. Field works are fullfilled to compare the paper based data with real situation. Six reclamation projects are compared and analized for investigate the level of compilation of the projects. The aim of the master work is to give to the reader an overview of landscape changes brought together by sand miniing, discuss the experiences on reclamation, the avoidance of reclamation, and shortages of legislation of mining and reclamation. The sand and gravel quarries were chosen because the mining of the other Estonian mineral resources (oil shale, limestone, peat) has mostly received great public attention. So it is important to discuss the problems concerning the reclamation of sand and gravel quarries. Following tasks are set up to fullfill the aim: – to give the overview of Estonian sand quarries, – to present the shortages of legislation regulating the mining and reclamation, – to analize the execution of reclamation projects, – to give recommendations for landscape design after mining, to present recommendations for more efficient implementation of reclamation obligation following legal basis.

The public pension system in Lithuania was founded in 1990 when a social insurance fund, autonomous from the state budget, was established. The economic decline, high inflation, rising unemployment, the high number of those not participating in social insurance during the 1992-2000 period imposed hardships on the pension system. From the beginning of 1994, the non-governmental organisation libertarian Lithuanian Free Market Institute and Lithuanian business organisation of the Industrialists Confederation started advocating for the private pension provision. Most commonly referred arguments came from the World Bank edition Averting the Old Age Crisis. The main argument was: due to the ageing of population Lithuania, like other industrial countries, is facing challenges in providing income security for the elderly.The public pension fund financing difficulties and low pension benefits turned the Government away from social insurance towards private pension funds, beginning with the partial privatisation of the social insurance. All political parties have backed the privatisation. although with varying levels of enthusiasm (Liberals showed the highest and Social Democrats the least enthusiasm). The actual implementation of the reform was undertaken in 2004 by Social Democrats as the major partner in the coalition with Social Liberals. They chose a moderate pace and began with a small contribution and supported a voluntary switchover from social insurance to private pension funds. So, Lithuania, like some Eastern European and Latin American countries, implemented the so-called structural pension reform.The main official objective of the pension reform was to change the pension system in such a way that persons of pension age could get higher income than previously, meanwhile to ensure that the redistribution would not be increased but reduced, and to ensure the long-term financial sustainability of the system which will cover all the inhabitants. Additionally, it was expected that introduction of the private pension scheme due the pension reform will increase savings and investment and thus will promote the growth of the national economy.The key element of the reform was the transfer of 5.5 percentage points of social insurance contributions into private pension funds. However, unlike some other Eastern and Central European countries, Lithuania made its private pension system optional for employees. Persons of any age, insured by the social insurance, got the opportunity to accumulate part of their social insurance contributions in a personal account of private pension funds.During the first four years of the pension reform, by the end of2007, there were signed more than 800 thousand pension accumulation contracts between employees and managers of private pension funds. Thus, already at the beginning of the reform, almost 70 per cent of the insured for the full social insurance pension decided to participate in private pension funds. There are six assets managers and three private insurance companies in the Lithuanian pension market. They have accumulated the pension capital close to 1.7 billion Litas. Annual money transfer from the Social Insurance Fund to private pension funds (transitional costs of the reform) has reached I per cent of the GDP in 2008.Financing pension reform transitional costs comes into conflict with the financing of current pensions. High transitional costs have a negative impact on the social insurance pension budget, and it will last for several decades. If these resources were left for the financing of the social insurance pensions, they would have been higher by 20 per cent. These are implicit costs of the pension reform, which that are paid by the present generation of pensioners.Alternatively, without a reform social insurance contributions could have been decreased from the current 34 per cent to 28.5 per cent. In this sense, the costs of the reform will fall on all working population and employers, meanwhile only part of employees participate in the reform.The pension reform history' is too short for evaluation of its benefit for the private pension fund participants. Nevertheless, capital returns from pensions' assets hardly overcome inflation during the first four years of the reform. Because the high private pension fund administration costs erode participants' savings, the government needs to place a tighter control on administrative costs.The earning-related part of the social insurance pension will be reduced for participants of the private pension funds proportionally to the reduced part of the contribution for the social insurance (about 30 per cent) due to the fact that part of the contribution has been transferred to the private pension fund. Because of a rapid increase of public pensions, the loss of the reform participants will be substantial. In this respect, the State's commitments and the scope of social security to the future pensioners will be reduced by the part of the privatised pension. It is not in line with the ILO Convention N 102 which says that the State must take responsibility for the social security benefit.Prior to the reform, one of the arguments was the necessity to increase investment into the national economy. However, 90 per cent of pensions' assets are invested abroad, and there are very few investments into shares of domestic companies. Moreover, heavy investments in public versus private assets, high administrative costs, the oligopolistic pension industry, and low competition because of consumers' myopia have a negative impact on the future pensions' benefits.All the parties involved in the reform designing argued for the necessity of reform implementation by referring to the current problems which cannot be resolved by the reform. Moreover, they set objectives that may hardly be obtained by the reform in its implementation. The content of the reform is very narrow if compared with what was planned at the beginning of the reform discussion and what the initial reform documents mentioned. On the contrary, the reform has a list of negative consequences on the current and future pensioners' welfare. ; Šiame straipsnyje analizuojama prieš penkerius metus pradėta Lietuvos socialinio draudimo senatvės pensijų struktūrinė reforma, kurios metu dalis socialinio draudimo įmokų pervedama į gyventojų pasirinktus privačius pensijų fondus. Šio straipsnio tikslas - apžvelgti reformos pradžioje jai keltus tikslus, įvertinti jų pagrįstumą socialinės apsaugos ekonomikos teorijos požiūriu, išanalizuoti pradinius pensijų reformos rezultatus. Siekiant šio tikslo išanalizuotas pensijų reformų regione pobūdis, socialinio draudimo pensijų dalinio privatizavimo Lietuvoje ypatybės, kelti privatizavimo tikslai ir besiformuojanti privačių pensijų rinką Lietuvoje. Straipsnyje remiamasi pasaulyje gerai žinomų pensijų ekonomikos tyrėjų publikacijomis, pensijų reformą reglamentuojančiais Lietuvos Respublikos įstatymais, Lietuvos valstybės institucijų skelbiama ekonomine ir socialine statistika.Autoriaus atlikta analizė rodo, kad privačių pensijų fondų klientų asmeninėse kaupiamosiose pensijų sąskaitose kaupiamo turto investicijų grąža nepadengia nuostolių, kuriuos jie patirs dėl dalinio pasitraukimo iš socialinio draudimo pensijų sistemos. Straipsnyje taip pat parodyta minėtos pensijų reformos našta, kuri tenka dabartiniams pensininkams. Pagrindinė straipsnio išvada - reformos tikslai buvo per daug ideologizuoti, o pirminiai rezultatai nepalankūs nei dabartiniams, nei būsimiems pensininkams. Lietuvoje 2004 metais įvykdytos pensijų reformos analizė akademinėje literatūroje pateikiama pirmą kartą.

In der hier vorliegenden Dissertation wurden anhand einer empirischen Fallstudie die Entscheidungs- und Aushandlungsprozesse zwischen Auftraggeber und Auftragnehmer in IT-Projekten analysiert und auf diesem Wege die Handlungszwänge des Projektmanagements beleuchtet. Damit sollte ein Beitrag zum näheren Verständnis der Eigendynamik von IT-Projekten und zur Wirkungsweise der gängigen Ansätze von Projektmanagement und QM geleistet werden. In dieser Arbeit wurden IT-Projekte und die Empfehlungen zum Projektmanagement aus politik- und organisationstheoretischer Perspektive beleuchtet, um Effekte begrenzter Rationalität, opportunistischen Verhalten und Inkrementalismus mit berücksichtigen zu können. Theoretische Ausgangspunkte für die Untersuchung sind auf der einen Seite die mikropolitischen Ansätze und auf der anderen Seite die Agenturtheorie. Gemeinsam ist diesen Ansätzen, die Auffassung, wonach das Handeln der Akteure in ergebnisoffenen, interdependenten Handlungskonstellationen stattfindet, in denen die Auswirkungen von Entscheidungen wenig bekannt sind und die benötigten Informationen den Akteuren in unterschiedlichem Maße zur Verfügung stehen. Bezüglich der Empfehlungen des Projektmanagements wurde auf Normen und Richtlinien sowie die Einführungs- und Praxisliteratur zum Projekt- und Qualitätsmanagement und zur Verwaltungs- und Organisationsberatung Bezug genommen. Die Fallstudie bezieht sich auf ein Realisierungsprojekt zur Einführung eines Personalmanagementsystems in einem Ministerium und seinen nachgeordneten Behörden. Das Projekt fand im Rahmen eines umfassenden Modernisierungsprogramms nach dem NSM statt und legte erstmals einen Schwerpunkt auf das Personalmanagement. Das Vorhaben war ursprünglich in drei Phasen von jeweils einem Jahr Laufzeit geplant. Mit der Realisierung wurde ein Konsortium aus drei Firmen beauftragt. Die Studie bezieht sich auf die erste der drei Phasen der Systemeinführung, die Pilotierungsphase in drei Pilotbehörden. Diese Phase beanspruchte insgesamt zwei Jahre und acht Monate und hatte damit ein Jahr und acht Monate Verspätung vor allem wegen wechselnden Ziel- und Aufgabenstellungen durch das Ministerium und aufgrund interner Steuerungsdefizite und Entscheidungsblockaden auf beiden Seiten. Die Entwicklung einer Schnittstelle in die Personalabrechnung wurde erfolglos abgebrochen. Hauptergebnis der Arbeit ist, dass die Anwendung von Methoden und Instrumenten, die in den Projektmanagement-Leitfäden bereitgestellt werden, stets den jeweils individuellen Interessen der Akteure unterliegen und als Bausteine der akteursspezifischen Strategien fungieren. Dabei führen insbesondere Strategien der Unsicherheitsabsorption, die auf die gegenseitige Kontrolle von Auftraggeber und Auftragnehmer hinauslaufen, zu unproduktiven, sich selbst verstärkende Blockadezyklen ("Circuli vitiosi"), aus denen die Akteure nur durch Strategiewechsel ausbrechen können. Zwischen Auftraggeber und Auftragnehmer besteht eine strukturelle Informationsasymmetrie, weil der Auftragnehmer über die fachlichen-technischen Aspekte und über den aktuellen Projektstand besser informiert ist als der Auftraggeber. Gleichzeitig besteht jedoch auch eine entgegen gesetzte Entscheidungsasymmetrie, bei der der Auftraggeber formale Entscheidungsbefugnisse an sich ziehen kann und im Konfliktfall über das größere Drohpotenzial verfügt. Diese wird durch die Rechtsform des Werkvertrags verstärkt. Die Leitfäden des Projektmanagements werden hierbei zwar angewendet, doch die Anwendung beschränkt sich auf fachlich-operative Aspekte der Projektdurchführung, in denen die Empfehlungen einen hinreichenden Konkretisierungsgrad erreicht haben. Nur unzureichend umgesetzt werden jedoch die Empfehlungen zu politisch-strategischen Problemen, deren Anwendung entweder einen komplexen strategischen Entscheidungsprozess erfordert oder zwischen den Vertragsparteien strittig ist. Als äußerst kritisch lässt sich vor allem der Umgang mit dem Leistungsumfang im Projektverlauf bezeichnen, die von Seiten des Auftraggebers häufig im Projektverlauf verändert wird. Hier kollidiert das Gebot der Unabänderlichkeit der Leistungsbeschreibung mit den vitalen Interessen des Auftraggebers, und es zeigt sich anhand der Fallstudie, dass die vertrauensvolle Zusammenarbeit beider Vertragsparteien nötig ist, um zu eine befriedigenden Lösung zu gelangen. Gelingt dies nicht, so kann das Projekt nur mit Hilfe so genannter starker Ideologien wie dem NSM in einer Art Krisenmanagement fortgeführt werden, bedarf aber dann der strategischen Neuorientierung z.B. in Form von Personalwechsel oder Reorganisationen. Im Fallstudienprojekt hat sich herausgestellt, dass, eine Analyse der spezifischen Akteursstrategien (Policy-Analyse) den Akteuren helfen kann, die Ausgangskonstellationen besser zu verstehen und die eigene Strategie auf ihre Konsens- oder Durchsetzungsfähigkeit hin zu justieren. Hier halten die Leitfäden zum Projektmanagement jedoch keine befriedigenden Handlungsanweisungen bereit. ; In the here available thesis on the basis of an empirical case study the decision making processes between clients and contractor in IT-projects were analyzed and in this way the compulsions to act of the project management were lit up. Thus a contribution should be made to the closer understanding of the self-dynamics of IT-projects and to the impact of the usual beginnings of project management and quality management. In this work IT-projects and the recommendations regarding the project management were lit up out of politics-scientifically and organization-theoretical perspective, in order to be able to consider effects of limited rationality, opportunistic behaviour and incrementalism. Theoretical starting points for the investigation are on the one side the micro-political approaches and on the other side the agency theory. These approaches have the conception in common according to which acting of the participants takes place in result-open, interdependent action constellations, in which the effects of decisions are few known and the needed information is available to the participants in different degree. Concerning the recommendations of the project management on standards and guidelines as well as the introduction and practice literature to the project and quality management and for the administrative and system information purchase was taken. The case study refers to a realization project for the introduction of a personnel management system in a Ministry and its subordinate authorities. The project took place in the context of a comprehensive modernization program according to the New Public Management and put for the first time an emphasis on the personnel management. The project was originally planned by in three phases in each case one year running time. The realization a consortium of three companies was assigned. The study refers to first of the three phases of the system introduction, the pilot phase with three pilot authorities. This phase lasted altogether two years and eight months and had thereby one year and eight months delay particularly because of changing a setting of tasks and goal by the Ministry and due to internal control deficits and decision blockades on both sides. The development of an interface into the personnel account was unsuccessfully cancelled. Main result of the work is that the use of methods and instruments, which are made available in the project management manuals, are always subject to the individual interests of the participants and the participant-specific strategies. Thereby particular strategies of the uncertainty absorption, which come down to mutual control of client and contractor, lead to unproductive, intensifying blockade cycles ("Circuli vitiosi "), of which the participants can break out only by changes of strategy. Between clients and contractors a structural information asymmetry exists, because the contractor is better informed about the technical-technical aspects and about the current project conditions than the client. At the same time however also a contrarious decision asymmetry exists, with that the client can accroach formal powers of decision making and has the larger threat potential available in the conflict situation. This is strengthened by the legal form of the fixed price contract. The manuals of the project management are here used, but application is limited to technical-operational aspects of the implementation of the project, in which the recommendations achieved a sufficient concretisation degree. However the recommendations are only insufficiently applied regarding politico strategic problems, whose application either require a complex strategic decision-making process or is contentious between the Contracting Parties. Extremely critical is above all designated the handling of the scope definition within the project course, which is changed by the client frequently in the course of the project. Here the requirement of the unalterability of the performance specification collides with the vital interests of the client, and it shows up on the basis the case study that the trusting co-operation of both Contracting Parties is necessary, in order to arrive at a satisfying solution. If this does not succeed, then the project can be continued only with the help of strong ideologies such as the New Public Management in a kind of crisis management, it requires however then the strategic re-orientation e.g. in the form of personnel change or reorganizations. In the case study project it turned out that, an analysis of the specific participant strategies (Policy analysis) can help the participants to understand the output constellations better and to adjust the own strategy on its penetration ability or consent. Here the manuals hold no satisfying procedural instructions ready to the project management however.

This thesis falls within one period largely dominated by the idea according to which the developing countries are highly corrupt. Many studies show that corruption constitutes an impediment to their development. In the same vein, other studies focus on the determinants of corruption. However, most of these studies are undermined by the weaknesses of the indicators and the lack of using appropriate methodologies to take them into account. In addition, rare are the studies which test empirically the persistence of corruption. Lastly, as far as the consequences of corruption are concerned, only few studies examine rigorously the benefits of corruption in an environment characterized by multiple imperfections of the market. This thesis thus proposes to mitigate these problems by using an approach combining both theoretical modeling and econometric analysis. The first part of this thesis is devoted to the analysis of perception, determinants and persistence of corruption. It is assumed that the risk of biais related to the overvaluation of the extent of corruption by the international experts can be reduced by taking into account of the opinions of the local populations. We show, using surveys data in African countries and the PROBIT model, that the individual, social and political characteristics significantly affect the perception, the incidence and the tolerance of corruption. At a macroeconomic level, the instrumental variables (VI) analysis of the interactions between the public intervention and corruption show that a better regulation of the economic activities, a better bureaucratic quality and effective public policies contribute to reduce corruption. The bureaucratic and institutional variables do not affect the corruption in the same way in the different groups of developing countries. In addition, beyond the traditional determinants of corruption, a study of its persistence relies on two complementary tools: spatial econometrics and the seemingly unrelated regressions (SURE) and the three stage least square (3SLS). Our results support the hypothesis according to which, for a given country, the increase of corruption in the neighbor countries is positively associated to the national corruption. The second part of the thesis examines the consequences of corruption on the taxation and the economic growth. The results using Generalized Least Squares (GLS) and IV analysis make it possible not to reject the assumption of a negative effect of corruption on the level of public resources. Corruption does not affect in an identical way the various components of the public resources. After an attempt of modeling the perverse effects of corruption, the econometric results confirm negative relationship between corruption and the economic growth on the one hand, and the ratio of investment, on the other hand. A deep examination of the hypothesis of lubrication mechanism of corruption shows that this one cannot be fully rejected. The interactions between corruption, taxation and economic growth are analyzed in the final chapter. We model corruption in an endogenous growth model in two ways: corruption as bribe extracted on the public expenditure and corruption as bribe extracted on the taxation revenue. The econometric results using VI and 3SLS confirm the negative relationship between the public revenues and the growth. In addition, a stronger incidence of the taxation on the growth is observed in the most corrupted countries. Finally, neither individual components of the public revenues (direct taxes, VAT and custom tariffs) nor their interactions with the corruption and institutional variables affect robustly the economic growth. ; Cette thèse s'inscrit dans une période largement dominée par l'idée selon laquelle les pays en développement sont fortement corrompus. De plus, selon de nombreuses études, la corruption constitue un frein à leur développement. Dans cette perspective, des travaux mettent en évidence ses déterminants. Cependant, la plupart de ces études sont fragilisées par les faiblesses des indicateurs et le manque d'utilisation de méthodologies conséquentes pour en tenir compte. Par ailleurs, rares sont les analyses qui testent la persistance de la corruption. Enfin, en ce qui concerne l'analyse des conséquences de la corruption, peu de travaux examinent avec rigueur les effets bénéfiques de celle‐ci dans un environnement caractérisé par de multiples imperfections du marché. Cette thèse propose donc de pallier ces problèmes par une approche combinant à la fois la modélisation théorique et l'analyse économétrique. La première partie de cette thèse est consacrée à l'analyse de la perception, des déterminants et de la persistance de la corruption. Elle se fonde dans un premier temps sur l'hypothèse selon laquelle le risque de biais lié à la surévaluation de l'ampleur de la corruption par les experts peut être réduit par la prise en compte des opinions des populations locales. Nous montrons, à partir des données d'enquêtes dans des pays africains, et à l'aide de modèle PROBIT, que les caractéristiques individuelles et sociopolitiques affectent significativement la perception, l'incidence et l'acceptabilité de la corruption. Puis, à un niveau macroéconomique, l'analyse par la méthode des moments généralisés en variables instrumentales (VI‐GMM) de l'interaction entre l'intervention publique et la corruption met en évidence qu'une meilleure réglementation des activités économiques, une bonne qualité bureaucratique et des politiques publiques efficaces constituent des mécanismes de réduction de la corruption. Les variables bureaucratiques et institutionnelles n'affectent pas la corruption de la même manière dans les différents groupes de pays. Par ailleurs, au‐delà des déterminants traditionnels de la corruption, une étude de sa persistance s'appuie sur deux outils complémentaires : l'économétrie spatiale et la méthode SURE et les triples moindres carrés (3SLS). Nos résultats sont concordants avec l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'accroissement de la corruption chez les pays voisins a pour effet d'augmenter la corruption au niveau national. La seconde partie de la thèse examine les effets de la corruption sur la fiscalité et la croissance économique. Les résultats (MCQG et VI‐GMM) permettent de ne pas rejeter l'hypothèse d'un effet négatif de la corruption sur le niveau de prélèvement public. La corruption n'affecte pas de façon identique les différentes composantes des ressources publiques. Après une tentative de modélisation des effets pervers de la corruption, les résultats économétriques attestent de la relation inverse entre la corruption et la croissance économique d'une part, et le ratio d'investissement, d'autre part. Un réexamen de l'hypothèse de mécanisme lubrificateur de la corruption montre que celle‐ci ne peut être complètement rejetée. La relation tripartite entre la corruption, la fiscalité et la croissance est analysée dans le dernier chapitre. Nous modélisons la corruption dans un modèle de croissance de deux façons : la corruption sur les dépenses publiques et la corruption sur la fiscalité. Les résultats économétriques (VI‐GMM et 3SLS) confirment la relation inverse entre les recettes publiques et la croissance. De surcroît, dans les pays les plus corrompus on observe une incidence plus forte de la fiscalité sur la croissance. Enfin, aucune composante des recettes fiscales (impôts directs, TVA et tarifs douaniers) n'affecte de façon robuste la croissance. On observe le même résultat pour les termes interactifs des diverses composantes fiscales avec les variables de corruption et les variables institutionnelles.

Cuba est une île tropicale située à 150 kilomètres en ligne droiteau Sud des États-Unis. Sa surface est environ le 1/5 (le celle dela France et sa population, environ le 1/6. Jusqu'à ce jour, elle avécu presque exclusivement de ses. exportations de sucre dont plusde la moitié était acceptée à un de faveur par les Etats-Unis.Le déséquilibre entraîné par cette monoculture de la canne à sucreet ce commerce spécialisé à l'extrême, était tel que Cuba importait,alors qu'elle aurait pu les produire, les biens les plus élémentaires(légumes, fruits, viandes, cigarettes) sans parler bien entendit desproduits industriels et forestiers.En outre, cette monoculture et ce commerce du sucre étaiententre les mains d'une très faible minorité dont la moitié était denationalité étrangère. Plus de 50 % de la terre appartenait ft moinsde 1 % de la population et 894 propriétés occupaient 36,1 % de laterre.Autrefois riches et vastes, les forêts de Cuba avaient souffert,plus que toute autre richesse, de la monoculture de la canne à sucre:on en avait défriché une grande partie en vue de la culture,tandis que le reste, dont le sol était peu fertile, avait été épuisé sansqu'on sc préoccupe de sa conservation. On préférait en effet exporterdu sucre et importer, fût-.e à des prix exhorbitants, les produitsforestiers. Cuba importait donc 80 % des produits forestiers qu'elleconsommait (bois de feu et charbon de bois exclus).Le résultat de tous ces abus est qu'actuellement la forêt ne remplità Cuba que de façon très imparfaite les fonctions de production etde protection qui, normalement. devraient lui revenir.Le régime du Docteur Fidel CASTRO qui s'est installé le 1er janvier1959, est conscient de la gravité du problème forestier à Cuba.Sa politique forestière entre dans le cadre de sa politique économiquegénérale qui tend it diversifier la production dans tous lesdomaines et à industrialiser le pays. Les moyens de caractère politiqueou économique employés pour y arriver sont fondamentalement:la réforme agraire et l'organisation de la production sur unebase collectiviste, caractérisée par un étroit contrôle de l'État.Du point de vue forestier, en particulier, tout est actuellementréalisé par l'Etat sur les terres expropriées au titre de la réformeagraire. Pour faire face aux exigences d'un programme économique ambitieuxet en raison de la rareté des devises, le Gouvernement cubains'achemine malheureusement vers l'épuisement des rares forêts quiexistent encore. C'est l'aspect négatif, regrettable mais peut-êtreinévitable, de cette politique forestière. Mais elle a aussi son aspectpositif, représenté par l'énorme et spectaculaire programme de plantationsartificielles considérées un peu comme des cultures d'arbres.En 1960, par exemple, on a planté à Cuba, avec labour préalableet emploi d'engrais, plus de 12 000 hectares d'eucalyptus et il estprobable qu'en 1961 on en aura planté le double.Bien que jusqu'alors on ait principalement utilisé Eucalyptus saligna,on s'oriente de plus en plus vers la plantation de Pijius caribaoaqui présente bien plus d'avantages.En réalité, avec ses bonnes terres, son climat chaud et humide,Cuba présente des conditions extraordinairement favorables pourtoutes les cultures tropicales ou subtropicales et pour la forêt.Si la politique ainsi esquissée est mise en oeuvre de façon méthodiqueet selon un plan coordonné, il est probable que Cuba pourra,d'ici 10 à 20 ans, produire une grande partie des matières premièresforestières qu'elle consomme et qui sont nécessaires, en particulier,à la fabrication de sciages, de pâte et de papier, de rayonne, de»anneaux, etc.En même temps, elle économiserait une grande quantité de deviseset donnerait du travail à une population dont une grandepartie n'est active que durant les 100 jours annuels représentés parla durée de la récolte de la canne à sucre et rendrait productifs desterrains qui, actuellement, ne le sont pas. ; Cuba is a tropical island lying 1 50 kilometres on a straight linefrom the South of the United States. It extends over an area onefifth of that of France and its population is about one sixth ofthat of France. Up to now it has lived almost exclusively on itssugar exports, more than half of which were accepted by the UnitedStates at a specially favourable rate. The lack of economic balancecaused by this sugar-cane single crop and this over-specializedtrade, was such that Cuba, instead ofproducing the mostelementary goods (viz, vegetables, fruit, meat, cigarettes), withouteven mentioning industrial and forest products, had to import them.Besides, this single culture and sugar trade were in the hands ofa small minority of owners, half of which were of foreign origin.More than 50 fir, of the land belonged to less than 1 % of the populationand 894 holdings covered 36,1 % of the land.The forests of Cuba formerly large and rich, had suffered morethan any other natural resource from this sugar-cane single culture.Most of them had been cleared up with a view to cultivation whilethe remainder growing on rather poor soil, had been depleted withoutany regard to its conservation. As a matter of fact, exportingsugar and importing forest products, even at prohibitive prices, wasdeemed preferable. Therefore, Cuba imported 80 Jo of the forestproducts it consumed (firewood and charcoal excepted).As a result of these abuses, forests in Cuba, serve but imperfectlythe double purpose of production and protection which shouldnormally fall to it.Dr Fidel Castro's regime which was settled on January 1st 1959,is aware of the seriousness of forest problems in Cuba. Its forestpolicy is part of its general economic policy which aims at diversifyingthe production in every field and industrializing the country.The basic political or economic means used to reach that aim are:an agrarian reform, the organization of production on a colectivebasis, under strict state supervision.As far as forestry is concerned, in particular, everything is atpresent carried out by the State on land expropriated in compliancewith the agrarian reform.To meet the requirements of an ambitious economic .program andowing to the scarcity of foreign exchange stock, the Cuban Government is unfortunately on its way towards the depletion of its.few remaining forests. Here is the negative aspect of this forestpolicy, which must be deplored, but cannot perhaps be avoided. Butit has also its positive aspect, represented by an extensive and spectacularprogram of artificial plantations considered in a way as treeculture.In 1960, for example, more than 12 000 ha have been planted witheucalypts, after preliminary ploughing and fertilization, and it is likelythat in 1961 an area twice as large will be planted. Though upto now the main species has been Eucalyptus saligna, there is atendency to ;plant Pinos caribaea, more and more, because it is muchmore suitable.As a matter of fact, Cuba, with its rich soil, its warm and moistclimate, offers conditions extremely favourable to tropical and subtropicalcultures and to forests.If the policy outlined here is carried into effect systematically andaccording to a coordinated plan, in 10 to 20 years hence, Cuba islikely to be able to produce a large portion of the forest raw materialsnecessary to its consumption and to the manufacture of sawn timber,pulp. and paper, artificial silk, fiber and particle boards, etc.At the same time, it would spare a large amount of foreign exchangestock and would provide work for a population, most ofwhich has no activity beyond the 100 clays per year which correspondto the period of sugar-cane crop, and would derive profits fromnow unproductive land.

International audience ; Cuba is a tropical island lying 1 50 kilometres on a straight linefrom the South of the United States. It extends over an area onefifth of that of France and its population is about one sixth ofthat of France. Up to now it has lived almost exclusively on itssugar exports, more than half of which were accepted by the UnitedStates at a specially favourable rate. The lack of economic balancecaused by this sugar-cane single crop and this over-specializedtrade, was such that Cuba, instead ofproducing the mostelementary goods (viz, vegetables, fruit, meat, cigarettes), withouteven mentioning industrial and forest products, had to import them.Besides, this single culture and sugar trade were in the hands ofa small minority of owners, half of which were of foreign origin.More than 50 fir, of the land belonged to less than 1 % of the populationand 894 holdings covered 36,1 % of the land.The forests of Cuba formerly large and rich, had suffered morethan any other natural resource from this sugar-cane single culture.Most of them had been cleared up with a view to cultivation whilethe remainder growing on rather poor soil, had been depleted withoutany regard to its conservation. As a matter of fact, exportingsugar and importing forest products, even at prohibitive prices, wasdeemed preferable. Therefore, Cuba imported 80 Jo of the forestproducts it consumed (firewood and charcoal excepted).As a result of these abuses, forests in Cuba, serve but imperfectlythe double purpose of production and protection which shouldnormally fall to it.Dr Fidel Castro's regime which was settled on January 1st 1959,is aware of the seriousness of forest problems in Cuba. Its forestpolicy is part of its general economic policy which aims at diversifyingthe production in every field and industrializing the country.The basic political or economic means used to reach that aim are:an agrarian reform, the organization of production on a colectivebasis, under strict state supervision.As far as forestry is concerned, in particular, everything is atpresent carried out by the State on land expropriated in compliancewith the agrarian reform.To meet the requirements of an ambitious economic .program andowing to the scarcity of foreign exchange stock, the Cuban Government is unfortunately on its way towards the depletion of its.few remaining forests. Here is the negative aspect of this forestpolicy, which must be deplored, but cannot perhaps be avoided. Butit has also its positive aspect, represented by an extensive and spectacularprogram of artificial plantations considered in a way as treeculture.In 1960, for example, more than 12 000 ha have been planted witheucalypts, after preliminary ploughing and fertilization, and it is likelythat in 1961 an area twice as large will be planted. Though upto now the main species has been Eucalyptus saligna, there is atendency to ;plant Pinos caribaea, more and more, because it is muchmore suitable.As a matter of fact, Cuba, with its rich soil, its warm and moistclimate, offers conditions extremely favourable to tropical and subtropicalcultures and to forests.If the policy outlined here is carried into effect systematically andaccording to a coordinated plan, in 10 to 20 years hence, Cuba islikely to be able to produce a large portion of the forest raw materialsnecessary to its consumption and to the manufacture of sawn timber,pulp. and paper, artificial silk, fiber and particle boards, etc.At the same time, it would spare a large amount of foreign exchangestock and would provide work for a population, most ofwhich has no activity beyond the 100 clays per year which correspondto the period of sugar-cane crop, and would derive profits fromnow unproductive land. ; Cuba est une île tropicale située à 150 kilomètres en ligne droiteau Sud des États-Unis. Sa surface est environ le 1/5 (le celle dela France et sa population, environ le 1/6. Jusqu'à ce jour, elle avécu presque exclusivement de ses. exportations de sucre dont plusde la moitié était acceptée à un de faveur par les Etats-Unis.Le déséquilibre entraîné par cette monoculture de la canne à sucreet ce commerce spécialisé à l'extrême, était tel que Cuba importait,alors qu'elle aurait pu les produire, les biens les plus élémentaires(légumes, fruits, viandes, cigarettes) sans parler bien entendit desproduits industriels et forestiers.En outre, cette monoculture et ce commerce du sucre étaiententre les mains d'une très faible minorité dont la moitié était denationalité étrangère. Plus de 50 % de la terre appartenait ft moinsde 1 % de la population et 894 propriétés occupaient 36,1 % de laterre.Autrefois riches et vastes, les forêts de Cuba avaient souffert,plus que toute autre richesse, de la monoculture de la canne à sucre:on en avait défriché une grande partie en vue de la culture,tandis que le reste, dont le sol était peu fertile, avait été épuisé sansqu'on sc préoccupe de sa conservation. On préférait en effet exporterdu sucre et importer, fût-.e à des prix exhorbitants, les produitsforestiers. Cuba importait donc 80 % des produits forestiers qu'elleconsommait (bois de feu et charbon de bois exclus).Le résultat de tous ces abus est qu'actuellement la forêt ne remplità Cuba que de façon très imparfaite les fonctions de production etde protection qui, normalement. devraient lui revenir.Le régime du Docteur Fidel CASTRO qui s'est installé le 1er janvier1959, est conscient de la gravité du problème forestier à Cuba.Sa politique forestière entre dans le cadre de sa politique économiquegénérale qui tend it diversifier la production dans tous lesdomaines et à industrialiser le pays. Les moyens de caractère politiqueou économique employés pour y arriver sont fondamentalement:la réforme agraire et l'organisation de la production sur unebase collectiviste, caractérisée par un étroit contrôle de l'État.Du point de vue forestier, en particulier, tout est actuellementréalisé par l'Etat sur les terres expropriées au titre de la réformeagraire. Pour faire face aux exigences d'un programme économique ambitieuxet en raison de la rareté des devises, le Gouvernement cubains'achemine malheureusement vers l'épuisement des rares forêts quiexistent encore. C'est l'aspect négatif, regrettable mais peut-êtreinévitable, de cette politique forestière. Mais elle a aussi son aspectpositif, représenté par l'énorme et spectaculaire programme de plantationsartificielles considérées un peu comme des cultures d'arbres.En 1960, par exemple, on a planté à Cuba, avec labour préalableet emploi d'engrais, plus de 12 000 hectares d'eucalyptus et il estprobable qu'en 1961 on en aura planté le double.Bien que jusqu'alors on ait principalement utilisé Eucalyptus saligna,on s'oriente de plus en plus vers la plantation de Pijius caribaoaqui présente bien plus d'avantages.En réalité, avec ses bonnes terres, son climat chaud et humide,Cuba présente des conditions extraordinairement favorables pourtoutes les cultures tropicales ou subtropicales et pour la forêt.Si la politique ainsi esquissée est mise en oeuvre de façon méthodiqueet selon un plan coordonné, il est probable que Cuba pourra,d'ici 10 à 20 ans, produire une grande partie des matières premièresforestières qu'elle consomme et qui sont nécessaires, en particulier,à la fabrication de sciages, de pâte et de papier, de rayonne, de»anneaux, etc.En même temps, elle économiserait une grande quantité de deviseset donnerait du travail à une population dont une grandepartie n'est active que durant les 100 jours annuels représentés parla durée de la récolte de la canne à sucre et rendrait productifs desterrains qui, actuellement, ne le sont pas.

This draft of our contribution to "The politics and economics of change in European social models" book project, is focused on the relation between macroeconomic policies and social models in the EU 15 during the last two decades. It first describes the shift towards the Maastricht "culture of discipline", i.e. the effect of the implementation of rules governing macroeconomic policies management for euro area countries, assesses its consequence in terms of economic performance and evaluates how those rules are playing out so far in the current crisis. We then attempt at detailing the second shift towards "structural reforms" of social models to show how it has resulted in a weakening of "automatic stabilizers" that, therefore, can't fully play their role in the current crisis. Finally, we offer some analytical insights to make sense of those two shifts.

On 5 May 1998, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (hereinafter referred to as the ECHR), becoming a component of the legal system of the Russian Federation, introduced into the Russian law a fundamentally new mechanism for ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens, including a supranational judicial institution - the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), which is responsible for all matters relating to the interpretation and application of the provisions of the Convention and the Protocols thereto. This body is intended to be an important mechanism for guaranteeing the guarantees set forth in the Convention, but its international status, which allows the ECtHR to significantly reduce the possibility of influence on the Court by the national authorities, at the same time gives rise to the possibility of improper treatment of the implementation of its decisions at the national level. In addition, in many countries, especially in Eastern Europe, disputes over the limits of the intervention of international bodies in national jurisdiction continue to subside.In the Russian legal reality, this issue again became relevant after the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the case "Anchugov and Gladkov v. Russia", which was the basis for the appeal to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation by a group of deputies of the State Duma on the verification of the constitutionality of the provisions of Article 1 of the Federal Law "On Ratification Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its Protocols ", paragraphs 1 and 2 of Article 32 of the Federal Law" On International Treaties of the Russian Federation ", as well as a number of articles of the Code of Civil Procedure of the Russian Federation, the AIC, to the binding, the courts and other state authorities certainly execute ECHR decisions even against the basics of Russian law.For this reason, it is of interest to analyze part 1 of Article 46 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which establishes the duty of States to implement the final judgments of the ECtHR in cases in which they are parties, as well as the body of the Council of Europe responsible for monitoring the execution process decisions of the ECtHR. This provision, being extremely laconic, does not detail the mechanism for realizing this obligation in detail. But such a mechanism is reflected in the practice of the ECHR itself. Currently, there are many different works on the implementation of the ECtHR judgments and the analysis of the previously mentioned provision of the ECHR, but most of them are either mostly theoretical in nature or, on the contrary, provide an overview of existing practice, which significantly limits their audience and the possibility of applying the knowledge gained.In this connection, the commentary to Part 1 of Article 46 of the ECHR given in the book "Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms" is extremely useful. Volume II. Comments on articles 19-59 and additional protocols edited by Professor Lech Garlicky. " In this paper, the view of the problem analyzed is not only an outstanding scientist, but also a specialist who is well acquainted with the practical component of this problematic. Lech Garlitsky is a unique researcher who had experience as judges of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Poland (1993-2001) and judges of the ECHR. In addition, the above work provides an opportunity to learn how to look at the problem of the implementation of ECtHR judgments in the Eastern European states that have undergone socio-political changes similar to those in Russia. Moreover, the authors of the commentary analyze the view on the implementation of the ECHR judgments, both from the point of view of the ECHR practice, and from the point of view of the Polish legislation and the national judiciary. ; 5 мая 1998 года Европейская конвенция о защите прав человека и основных свобод (далее – ЕКПЧ), ставсоставляющей правовой системы Российской Федерации, внедрила в российское право принципиально новый механизм обеспечения прав и свобод граждан, включающий в себя наднациональный судебный институт – Европейский суд по правам человека (ЕСПЧ), в ведении которого находятся все вопросы, касающиеся толкования и применения положений Конвенции и Протоколов к ней. Данный орган призван стать важным механизмом обеспечения гарантий, закрепленных в Конвенции, однако его международный статус, позволяющий ЕСПЧ значительно снизить возможность влияния на Суд со стороны национальных органов, в тоже время порождает возможность ненадлежащего отношения к исполнению его решений на национальном уровне. Кроме того, во многих странах, особенно в Восточной Европе, не утихают споры относительно пределов вмешательства международных органов в национальную юрисдикцию. В российской правовой действительности данный вопрос вновь обрел актуальность, после принятия решения ЕСПЧ по делу «Анчугов и Гладков против России», явившегося основанием для обращения в Конституционный Суд Российской Федерации со стороны группы депутатов Государственной Думы о проверке конституционности положений статьи 1 Федерального Закона «о ратификации Конвенции о защите прав человека и основных свобод и Протоколов к ней», пунктов 1 и 2 статьи 32 ФЗ «о международных договорах РФ», а также ряда статей ГПК РФ, АПК РФ, КАС РФ и УПК РФ, как обязывающих, суды и иные государственные органы безусловно выполнять решения ЕСПЧ даже вопреки основам российского законодательства. По этой причине интерес представляет анализ части 1 статьи 46 Европейской конвенции о защите прав человека и основных свобод, в которой закрепляется обязанность государств исполнять окончательные постановления ЕСПЧ по делам, в которых они являются сторонами, а равно обозначается орган Совета Европы, ответственный за контроль процесса исполнения решений ЕСПЧ. Данная норма, являясь крайне лаконичной, детально не раскрывает механизм реализации данного обязательства. Зато такой механизм нашел свое отражение в практике самого ЕСПЧ. В настоящее время существует множество различных работ, посвященных исполнению решений ЕСПЧ и анализу ранее указанного положения ЕКПЧ, однако большинство из них носят либо преимущественно теоретический характер, либо, напротив, представляют обзор существующей практики, что, значительно ограничивает их аудиторию и возможность применения полученных знаний. В этой связи крайне полезной работой является комментарий к части 1 статьи 46 ЕКПЧ, данный в книге «Конвенция о защите прав человека и основных свобод. Том II. Комментарии к статьям 19-59 и дополнительным протоколам под редакцией профессора Леха Гарлицкого». В данной работе, нашел свое отражение взгляд на анализируемую проблему не только выдающегося ученого, но и специалиста, хорошо знакомого с практической составляющей этой проблематики – Лех Гарлицкий является уникальным исследователем, имевшим опыт как судьи Конституционного Суда Республики Польша (1993–2001), так и судьи ЕСПЧ. Кроме того, вышеуказанная работа дает возможность ознакомиться с тем, как смотрят на проблему исполнения решений ЕСПЧ в восточно-европейских государствах, переживших социально-политические изменения, подобные российским. Причем авторы комментария анализируют взгляд на проблему исполнения решений ЕСПЧ, как с точки зрения практики ЕСПЧ, так и с точки зрения польского законодательства и национальных судебных органов. ; 5 травня 1998 року Європейська конвенція про захист прав людини і основних свобод (далі - ЄКПЛ), ставши складовою правової системи Російської Федерації, впровадила в російське право принципово новий механізм забезпечення прав і свобод громадян, що включає в себе наднаціональний судовий інститут - Європейський суд з прав людини (ЄСПЛ), у віданні якого поширюється на всі питання, що стосуються тлумачення і застосування Конвенції та протоколів до неї. Даний орган покликаний стати важливим механізмом забезпечення гарантій, закріплених в Конвенції, однак його міжнародний статус, що дозволяє ЄСПЛ значно знизити можливість впливу на Суд з боку національних органів, в той же час породжує можливість неналежного ставлення до виконання його рішень на національному рівні. Крім того, у багатьох країнах, особливо в Східній Європі, не вщухають суперечки щодо меж втручання міжнародних органів в національну юрисдикцію.У російській правовій дійсності дане питання знову набуло актуальності, після прийняття рішення ЄСПЛ у справі «Анчугов і Гладков проти Росії», який став підставою для звернення до Конституційного Суду Російської Федерації з боку групи депутатів Державної Думи про перевірку конституційності положень статті 1 Федерального Закону «про ратифікацію Конвенції про захист прав людини і основних свобод і Протоколів до неї », пунктів 1 і 2 статті 32 ФЗ« про міжнародні договори РФ », а також ряду статей ЦПК РФ, АПК РФ, КАС РФ і КПК РФ, до до зобов'язуючих, суди та інші державні органи безумовно виконувати рішення ЄСПЛ навіть всупереч основ російського законодавства.З цієї причини інтерес представляє аналіз частини 1 статті 46 Європейської конвенції про захист прав людини і основних свобод, в якій закріплюється обов'язок держав виконувати остаточні рішення ЄСПЛ у справах, в яких вони є сторонами, а так само позначається орган Ради Європи, відповідальний за контроль процесу виконання рішень ЄСПЛ. Дана норма, будучи вкрай лаконічною, детально не розкриває механізм реалізації даного зобов'язання. Зате такий механізм знайшов своє відображення в практиці самого ЄСПЛ. В даний час існує безліч різних робіт, присвячених виконанню рішень ЄСПЛ та аналізу раніше зазначеного положення ЄКПЛ, однак більшість з них носять або переважно теоретичний характер, або, навпаки, представляють огляд існуючої практики, що, значно обмежує їх аудиторію і можливість застосування отриманих знань.У зв'язку з цим вкрай корисною роботою є коментар до частини 1 статті 46 ЄКПЛ, даний в книзі «Конвенція про захист прав людини і основних свобод. Том II. Коментарі до статей 19-59 і додатковим протоколам під редакцією професора Леха Гарліцкого ». У даній роботі, знайшов своє відображення погляд на аналізовану проблему не тільки видатного вченого, а й фахівця, добре знайомого з практичної складової цієї проблематики - Лех Гарліцкій є унікальним дослідником, які мали досвід як судді Конституційного Суду Республіки Польща (1993-2001), так і судді ЄСПЛ. Крім того, вищевказана робота дає можливість ознайомитися з тим, як дивляться на проблему виконання рішень ЄСПЛ в східно-європейських державах, які пережили соціально-політичні зміни, подібні російським. Причому автори коментаря аналізують погляд на проблему виконання рішень ЄСПЛ, як з точки зору практики ЄСПЛ, так і з точки зору польського законодавства і національних судових органів.

This doctoral thesis aims to reconstruct the political, economic and social of the events linked to the Sardinian industrial planning, with specific attention to the mining sector, in a period of time that fits the end of World War II until the nineties of the twentieth century. The multiplicity of public and private archival sources and press gave rise to a complex research of different archives and libraries present time on the territory of Sardinia and Rome. In particular, we analyzed the cards of these archives: the Sardinian Regional Council Historic Archive (Cagliari), the Archive of Filcem (Iglesias), Historical Archive Mining Igea Spa (Iglesias), Historical Archive Eni (Rome-Pomezia ), Central State Archive (Rome), Historical Archive of the CISL Sarda (Cagliari), on the basis of the parliamentary records produced by the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The method of comparison among political extracting documents, economic and trade union allowed to have a bigger picture and capable of restoring the complex historical issues that have given rise to the story of mining in Sardinia in the late twentieth century. My research, through an analysis of the bibliographic and archival materials, has focused on industrial policy, due to the experience of the "Revival Plan" and the subsequent intervention of the national and regional level public sector in favor of the Sardinian mining. The first chapter of the thesis provides an overview of the role played by the mining policies provided by Revival Plan in the processes of development after World War II up to the dynamic processes that led to the advent of the initiative public during the period between the late sixties and early seventies. The history of the Sardinian economic development and policies aimed at relaunching the mining sector, as is clear from the analysis of archival documents and works of contemporary historiography, is fully part of economic planning in the actions taken by the central and regional institutions to allow the re-launch economically depressed structures in the South. The issues socio-economic backwardness of the island and the stagnation of regional industrial structures, as in the case of the mining sector, had raised public awareness on the problems of the island's economic structure, highlighting the need for economic planning that basasse on the industrial development of the territory. Faced with this scenario, the political and trade union circles islanders after World War II supported a platform of demands for "economic and social revival of Sardinia" that, based on the treatises of Article 13 of the special statute of Sardinia (26 February 1948), It was to contribute to the development of economic structures of Sardinia across the planner action of central and regional institutions. The reports provided by the trade unions and the documentation kept at the Historical Archives of the Regional Council of the rest to highlight ways in the mining sector vigesse a very precarious socio-economic situation, which could conflict with the preparation of a program of development based on the intervention of the initiative public. Within this scenario, the action of the Sardinian politicians and trade unions, in the second half of the forties and until the approval of Law No. 588, contributed to the involvement of mining activities in the area planning phases of the Plan rebirth, since in their view represented the premise for achieving socio-economic development under Article 13, and the subsequent Sardinian mining industry growth in the economic scenario of the national / local level. The timing and modalities of implementation of the Revival Plan, nevertheless, negatively engraved on expectations of mining areas fulfilling commitments under Article 13 of the Special Statute. An analysis of labor relations and in the acts of the Regional Council of Sardinia emerges as trade unions and political leaders of the opposition parties stigmatizzassero delays of regional and national institutions, which in their judgment penalizing the industrial policies designed to raise industry regional mining. The sixties, though they were marked by the approval of Law No. 588 and the preparation of a series of measures for the expansion and the consequent restructuring of the sector Metal (as in the case of the regional decision of March 1968 which established the Ente mining Sardo), were instead characterized by a deepening crisis of the mining areas and the failure of the objectives of the "Revival Plan" ,. Despite the establishment of development programs for metallic mineral products, the analysis of the bibliographic and archival complex revealed that the absence of an adequate industrial policy by national Governments and Regional had penalized the nature objectives socio- provided for by the economic Revival Plan and aggravated the precarious conditions of the mining sector, which at the end of the sixties will be marked by a progressive advertising. In this regard, the contributions produced by contemporary historiography and archival sources made it possible to provide an overview on the guidelines of mining policies in the season of the "Revival Plan" and placed in evidence the limits of economic planning pursued in the course of the sixties and the criticality of the relationship between national and regional bodies. The system of relations between the State and the Region, in this scenario, will be a key element in the interventions in support of the mining industry, whose consequences (political, economic and social) they recorded substantially in the economic dynamics of the seventies.In the second chapter, after providing an in-depth analysis on the mining policies of the local area / national aftermath of the publicity of the mining sector, I tried to reconstruct the process that would have marked the phases of the public initiative, pausing on policies industrial assumed by national and regional institutions during the seventies. During the conference of Grosseto (1970), Florence (1972) and Cagliari, political and trade union circles of national and regional level had argued that the public sector action could represent a growth factor for the development of the mining sector of the island. Industrial processes put in place by EMSA dall'Egam and constituted in this regard an important milestone for the relaunch of the mining industry and occupational island, even though the policy measures of the national / regional level could not provide solutions to the crisis mining industry. Regional and state authorities, as the analysis of archival documents and literature produced during the decade between the end of the seventies and the eighties, did not intervene in a unified manner, a circumstance that caused numerous conflicts of competence which caused a expenditure of financial resources and that there was a reorganization of the productive activity and a resolution of social and business problems. The industrial policy decisions taken at the end of the seventies, in relation to the acts produced by the Regional Council and the trade unions belonging to the CGIL and CISL, were marked by the rescue and by the advance of the mining activities of the Eni group, which in fact accentuated the dependence of the regional industrial system from the system of State holdings, Following the approval of Law 279/1978, Eni took over the liquidator Committee of Ex Egam society and strove to the restructuring of the mining sector, with the establishment of the Equity Mining and Metallurgical Company (Samim), where the confluence of part of Mining companies belonging to the Ente Sardo (PiomboZincifera Sarda) and all'Egam (Ammi Sarda and Sogersa). The late seventies and early Eighties marked a stage where the doubts and uncertainties continued to demand payment in the sector Metal Sulcis-Iglesias and the consequent challenge to the system of companies with public participation, taking a function of rescue of marginal businesses and financially distressed. In the third and final chapter I finally analyzed the public final stages of the intervention of State Holdings through the Eni group initiative until disposal of the mining sector and the consequent industrial conversion of mining areas. Through the study of the testimonies contained in the local newspapers and the memories of the major trade union leaders of the period, I was able to rebuild the profile of the mining disputes within the mining companies and Samim and Sim up to the progressive abandonment of the metalliferous resources from public groups they had to provide for the restructuring of the metal mines of Sulcis- Iglesiente and Guspini. Examination of Historical Archive documentation of the CISL Sarda and Central State Archives and newspaper it was possible to detect a new heightened interest of national, regional and trade unions on the problems of the mining area, aimed at a revival of the mining sector local through the allocation of substantial funding and the provision of a series of legislative measures, such as the national mining law 752/1982, aimed at the exploitation of mineral resources in respect of the supply of domestic raw materials. Within this context, the restructuring of the mining sector and the consequent downsizing of the workforce employed in the Sulcis, following the industrial policies adopted by Eni, caused the resumption of the platform of demands on the political and regional trade union front, with the aim of respond to the dismantling of the mining and non-compliance of the national government and the State holdings. Within this dramatic scenario, the financial situation of the Samim brought to light the public failure of the initiative in the development policies of the Metal area of Sulcis-Iglesiente. Facing the collapse of the mining sector they isolate the provident Eni Group demerged Samim in 1986, dividing it into two parts and forming the Italian Mines Company (Sim) for the mining sector and New Samim for the metallurgical industry, with the aim to separate the "losing" sectors from the sectors in which Eni active prospects could return from an industrial point of view. Despite measures taken by Eni, the state and regional intervention experience in the mining sector had its epilogue in the nineties, when it began the gradual disposal of mining and started the process of environmental rehabilitation of mining areas characterized from disused mining activities or undergoing decommissioning. In the second half of the nineties ended the programmatic experience Mining Ente Sardo, a factor that gave way to the launching of regional and national legislative measures aimed at revitalizing, remediation, and historical and cultural development of the regional mining heritage by Igea Company SpA and of the Geo-mining Park.