Suchergebnisse

В статье раскрывается значение понятий «событие» и «дискурс» в философии постмарксизма. Показывается, что данные понятия являются ключевыми в неэссенциалистском и несубстанциалистском понимании общества, характерном для современного постмарксизма. Автор анализирует труды Алена Бадью, Эрнесто Лаклау и Шанталь Муфф, демонстрируя, как марксистский объективизирующий подход к изучению общества в постмарксизме сменяется конструктивистским. Исследование показывает, что постмарксисты понимают историю общества не как историю борьбы классов, а как историю смены дискурсов, находящихся в агонических отношениях. В статье утверждается, что постмарксисты не ставят перед собой задачи найти уже существующую социальную группу, способную стать источником революционного движения, как это делали когда-то марксисты и неомарксисты. Их цель показать, что такие группы можно сконструировать на основе либо общей веры в революционные события, либо благодаря революционизирующей дискурсивной практике. Многообразие событий и дискурсов, по мысли постмарксистов, залог многообразия публичных пространств и агонических коммуникаций в децентрированном обществе. Понятия «событие» и «дискурс» позволяют постмарксистам акцентировать внимание на неэссенциальности, несубстанциальности и динамичности социального и политического и при этом не отказываться от идей Единого и Универсального. ; The article deals with the importance of the concepts of "event" and "discourse" in the post-Marxism philosophy. It is shown that these concepts are key ones to unessentialist and unsubstantialist understanding society, typical of the modern post-Marxism. The author analyzes the works of Alain Badiou, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and demonstrates how the Marxist objectivating approach to the study of society in the postMarxism is replaced by a constructivist one. It is shown that the post-Marxists understand the history of society not as a history of class struggle, but as a history of changing discourses that are in agonal relations. In the article it is approved that the post-Marxists do not set themselves the task to find an existing social group, being able to be the source of the revolutionary movement, as it did once Marxists and neo-Marxists. Their goal is to show that those groups can be constructed on the basis of a common faith in the revolutionary events through revolutionizing the discursive practice. A variety of events and discourses is a pledge variety of public spaces and agonal communications of decentered society. The terms "event" and "discourse" allow post-Marxists to focus on the non-essential, non-substantial and dynamic nature of the social and the political, and to not abandon the idea of the One and Universal.

В статье рассматривается концепт, основные виды и принципы нестабильныхонтологий, идея которых сформулирована в Эссекской школе дискурс-теории (Э. Лаклау,М. Муфф, О. Маршар, Я. Ставракакис и др.). Концепт нестабильных онтологийпроанализирован на основе сравнительного анализа различных подходов к ставшей вновьактуальной онтологической проблематике (начиная с философии постструктурализма изаканчивая такими актуальными авторами как А.Бадью, Дж.Батлер, Ж.Рансьер, С.Жижек и др.). Дано определение основного критерия нестабильности онтологий всовременной философии – критерия политического.Жеребкін С.В. ЧОМУ НЕСТАБІЛЬНІ ОНТОЛОГІЇ Є ПОЛІТИЧНИМИ? У статтірозглядаються концепт, основні види та основні принципи нестабільних онтологій, ідеяяких була сформульована в Ессекській школі дискурс-теорії (Е. Лаклау, М. Муфф, О.Маршар, Я. Ставракакіс та інш.). Концепт нестабільних онтологій проаналізований наоснові порівняльного аналізу різноманітних підходів до онтологічної проблематики(починаючи від постструктуралізму і закінчуючи такими сучасними авторами якА.Бадью, Дж.Батлер, Ж.Рансьєр, С. Жижек та інш.). Дано визначення основногокритерію нестабільності онтологій у сучасній філософії –критерію політичного.Ключові слова: нестабільні онтології, політичне, постструктуралізм.Zherebkin S.V. WHY ARE UNSTABLE ONTOLOGIES POLITICAL? The articleexamines the concept, the main types and principles of the unstable ontologies, the idea of whichwas formulated within the Essex school of discourse theory (E. Laclau, S. Mouffe, O. Marchart,Y. Stavrakakis and others). The concept of the unstable ontologies has been analysed on thebasis of a comparative analysis of different approaches to the ontological problematics inphilosophy that has become relevant again (starting from the philosophy of poststructuralismand finishing with such relevant authors as A. Badiou, J. Butler, J. Ranciere, S. Zizek andothers). A definition of the main criterion of the instability of ontologies in the contemporaryphilosophy was given as the criterion of the political, which is today the main one to define thecontemporary philosophic discourses as philosophic.A separate attention is given to a distinction of a philosophic choice from the ideologicalone. It is shown that only on condition that contemporary philosophy is understood in terms ofthe theory of unstable ontologies, the theory of ontological negativity, in the conditions of'structural undecidability', at the same time, is always turning out to be a theory of decisiontaken within the trajectory of 1) undecidability, 2) indeterminacy and 3) contingency, we are notgoing to lose such differing it from any types of ideology function as the function of inventingconcepts (Nietzsche, Deleuze) and – on this basis – an ability of conceptual and, thus,emancipatory (in contrast to a reactionary) recoding of reality. An ability to fix the logic ofontological negativity as a condition of impossibility of a stable meaning of any, including aphilosophical, discourse, is the main political task of the theories of unstable ontologies.Keywords: unstable ontologies, the political, poststructuralism.

Subject Matter: The dissertation gives an account of the history of the National Committee for Liberation (NCL), an anti-apartheid sabotage organisation that existed between 1960 and 1964. The study is aimed both at narrating its growth and development in the context of South Africa in the 1950s and 1960s, and explaining its strategic and political choices. In particular, the reasons for its isolation from the broader muggle against Apartheid and its inability to transcend this isolation are investigated. Sources: Discussion of the context of the NCL's development depended on secondary historical works by scholars such as Tom Lodge, Paul Rich, C.J. Driver and Janet Robertson as well as archival sources. The analysis of liberal discourse in the 1950s and 1960s also drew heavily on primary sources such as the liberal journals Contact, Africa South and The New African. Secondary sources were also used for the discussion of the NCL's strategy in the context of the development of a theory of revolutionary guerrilla warfare after the Second World War: here the work of Robert Taber, John Bowyer Bell, Kenneth Grundy and Edward Feit was central. The history of the NCL itself was reconstructed from trial records, newspapers and personal interviews. Archival sources such as The Karis-Carter collection, the Hoover Institute microfilm collection of South African political documents, the Paton Papers, the Ernie Wentzel papers were also extensively used. Methodology: The discussion of the discourse of liberal NCL members depended on a post-structuralist theory of subjectivity. The conceptual underpinnings of the thesis were provided by on the work of Jacques Lacan, Louis Althusser, Michel Pecheux, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Slavoj Zizek. Pechcux's elaboration of the Althusserian concept of interpellation formed the basis of a discourse analysis of NCL texts. In the interviews, some use was also made of techniques of ethnographic interviewing developed by qualitative sociologists such as James Spradley. Conclusions: The analysis focused on the way NCL discourse constructed NCL members as "ordinary persons", a subject-position which implied a radical opposition between political struggle and ideological commitment. The NCL's strategic difficulties were related to the contradictions this discourse, related to metropolitan political traditions that valorised civil society, manifested in the context of post-Sharpeville South Africa. These contradictions were explored in terms of the Lacanian notion of the "ideological fantasy". The dissertation thus closes with a consideration, both of the importance of the ideological traditions identified in the analysis of NCL discourse, and the methodological importance of non-reductive conceptualisations of political identity and ideology.

Introduction : the study of popular culture and cultural studies -- Culture and anarchy / Matthew Arnold -- Mass civilisation and minority culture / F.R. Leavis -- The full rich life & the newer mass art : sex in shiny packets / Richard Hoggart -- The analysis of culture / Raymond Williams -- Preface from the making of the English woking class / E.P. Thompson -- The young audience / Stuart Hall and Paddy Whannel -- Ruling class and ruling ideas / Karl Marx and Frederick Engles -- Base and superstructure / Karl Marx -- Letter to Joseph Bloch / Frederick Engels -- On popular music / Theodor W. Adornon -- Hegemony, intellectuals and the state / Antonio Gramsci -- Popular culture and the 'turn of Gramsci' / Tony Bennett -- Pleasurable negotiations / Christine Gledhill -- The rediscovery of 'ideology' : return of the repressed in media studies / Stuart Hall -- Post-Marxism without apologies / Ernesto Laclau with Chantal Mouffe -- Class / Raymond Williams -- Short extract from the Communist manifesto / Karl Marx and Frederick Engels -- Distinction & the aristocracy of culture / Pierre Bourdieu -- The upper classes : visibility, adaptability and change / Anita Biressi and Heather Nunn -- Meritocracy as plutocracy : the marketising of "equality" under neoliberalism / Jo Littler -- Feminist approaches to popular culture : giving patriarchy its due / Lana F. Rakow -- Dallas and the ideology of mass culture / Ien Ang -- Reading the romance / Janice Radway -- Imitation and gender insubordination / Judith Butler -- What a man's gotta do / Anthony Easthope -- Post-feminism and popular culture / Angela McRobbie -- Blurred lines : the queer world of bad girls / Vicky Ball -- Post-postfeminism? : new feminist visibilities in postfeminist times / Rosalind Gill -- The dream-work / Sigmund Freud -- The mirror stage / Jacques Lacan -- Myth today / Roland Barthes -- The structure of myth & the structure of the Western film / Will Wright -- Jules Verne : the faulty narrative / Pierre Macherey -- Ideology and ideological state apparatuses / Louis Althusser -- Method / Michel Foucault -- Feminism & the principle of poststructuralism / Chris Weedon -- From reality to the real / Slavoj Zizek -- 'Get up, get into it and get involved' - soul, civil rights and black power / Paul Gilroy -- The color purple : black women and cultural readers / Jacqueline Bobo -- What is this 'black' in black popular culture? / Stuart Hall -- Black postmodernist practices / Cornel West (interviewed by Anders Stephanson) -- Postmodern blackness / bell hooks -- The precession of simulacra / Jean Baudrillard -- From here to modernity : feminism and postmodernism / Barbara Creed -- Feminism, reading, postmodernism / Meaghan Morris -- Postmodernism and 'the other side' / Dick Hebige -- Fashion and postmodernism / Elizabeth Wilson -- Genericity in the nineties / Jim Collins -- Notes on deconstructing 'the popular' / Stuart Hall -- Cultural entrepreneurship in nineteenth-century Boston : the creation of an organizational base for high culture in America / Paul Dimaggio -- Cultural production / Terry Lovell -- The practice of everyday life / Michel De Certeau -- The popular economy / John Fiske -- Feminist desire and female pleasure / Ien Ang.

1. Einleitung 2. Diskursanalytische Herangehensweisen als Grundlage für eine Untersuchung von Wissen, Begriffen und Bedeutung 2.1 Erkenntnistheoretischer und methodologischer Zugang: Auf Foucault basierende Diskursdefinitionen und analytische Zugänge 2.1.1 Foucaults Diskurstheorie Analyse von Diskursen und das damit einhergehende Verständnis von Bedeutung bei Foucault 2.1.2 Die Rezeption der foucaultschen Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe 2.1.3 Weitere prägende Rezeptionen und theoretische Weiterentwicklungen foucaultscher Theorie 2.1.4 Kritikpunkte am foucaultschen Werk 2.2 Diskursanalyse als Methodologie: Operationalisierungen der Diskurstheorie 2.2.1 Diskursanalytische Rezeptionen im deutschsprachigen Diskurs 2.2.2 Die Interdiskursanalyse nach Link/Link-Heer 2.2.3 Die Kritische Diskursanalyse nach Jäger 2.3 Konkrete Methodik sowie Material-, Ereignis- und Zeitauswahl der empirischen Forschung 2.3.1 Forschungstheoretische Grundannahmen 2.3.2 Methodische Schritte 2.3.3 Material-, Ereignis- und Zeitauswahl 2.3.4 Leerstellen und offene Perspektiven 3. Empirischer Teil: Rekonstruktion der Bedeutungskontexte und Bezeichnungsnarrative von Wutbürger sowie der damit einhergehenden diskursiven Dynamiken 3.1 Bedingungen der Etablierung des Begriffes Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung über Stuttgart 21 3.1.1 Vor Stuttgart 21: Wutbürger als Wählervereinigung – Die Bürger in Wut aus Bremen 3.1.2 Stuttgart 21 – Geschichte, Hintergrund und Protest 3.1.3 "Der Wutbürger" – Ein journalistischer Essay als Ausgangspunkt einer 'neuen' politischen Protestfigur 3.2 Bedeutungs- und Diskurskontexte von Wutbürger in der regionalen und überregionalen Berichterstattung im Untersuchungszeitraum "Stuttgart 21" 3.2.1 Quantitative Verhältnisse der Erscheinung und Bedeutung von Wutbürger im Untersuchungszeitraum "Stuttgart 21" 3.2.2 Wutbürger als Bezeichnung in Leser*innenbriefen 3.2.3 Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung über Kunst und Kultur 3.2.4 Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung über Internationales 3.2.5 Wutbürger als journalistische Bezeichnung für Akteur*innen im Fußball 3.2.6 Persönlichkeiten der Zeitgeschichte als erste Wutbürger 3.2.7 Der journalistische Diskurs über den Begriff Wutbürger 3.2.8 Kollektivsymbolik im Zusammenhang mit der Bezeichnung Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung 3.3 Bedeutungs- und Diskurskontexte von Wutbürger in der regionalen und überregionalen Berichterstattung im Untersuchungszeitraum "Pegida" 3.3.1 Pegida – Hintergrund und mediopolitische Debatte 3.3.2 Quantitative Verhältnisse der Erscheinung und Bedeutung von Wutbürger im Untersuchungszeitraum "Pegida" 3.3.3 Merkmale von Wutbürger als Bezeichnung für rassistische und sich politisch rechts artikulierende und motivierte Akteur*innen 3.3.4 Wutbürger als Bezeichnung in Leser*innenbriefen 3.3.5 Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung über Kunst und Kultur 3.3.6 Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung über Internationales 3.3.7 Einzelpersonen als Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung 3.3.8 Der journalistische Diskurs über Wutbürger als Zeitgeist-Phänomen 3.3.9 Kollektivsymbolik im Zusammenhang mit der Bezeichnung Wutbürger in der Berichterstattung 3.3.10 Pegida und besorgte Bürger 3.4 Ereignisse mit prägnanten Wutbürger-Bezeichnungen in der Berichterstattung über den Untersuchungszeitraum hinaus 3.5 Zusammenfassende Ergebnisse: Phasen, Typen und Figuren von Wutbürger im mediopolitischen Diskurs 3.5.1 Zur Einordnung: Das Verständnis von Bürger, bürgerlich und Bürgertum in der untersuchten Berichterstattung im Kontext von Wutbürger 3.5.2 Übergreifende Zusammenfassung der empirischen Untersuchung – Erscheinungsweisen, Funktionen und Bedeutungskontexte von Wutbürger und ihre Entwicklungen 4. Vom Bürgertum zum Wutbürgertum 4.1 Sozialgeschichte und Theorien des Bürgertums und der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft 4.1.1 Merkmale des Bürgerbegriffes und des Bildungsbürgertums im 19. Jahrhundert 4.1.2 Exklusive Bürgerideale im Deutschen Idealismus 4.1.3 Die bürgerliche Gesellschaft bei G.W.F. Hegel 4.1.4 Die bürgerliche Gesellschaft und Klasse bei Karl Marx 4.1.5 Die bürgerliche Gesellschaft als Feindbild bildungsbürgerlicher antimoderner Diskurse 4.1.6 Die Krise des Bürgertums – sozioökonomische Bedingungen und soziologische Einordnungen des Bürgerlichen Anfang und Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts 4.2 Verständnisse des Bürgerbegriffs aus soziologischer, sozial- und politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive im 21. Jahrhundert 4.2.1 Zur Diskussion von bürgerlicher Gesellschaft als gesellschaftsdiagnostischem Begriff 4.2.2 Das Bürgerliche als Mitte, die Mitte als das Bürgerliche – und das Hufeisen 4.2.3 Bürgergesellschaft und Zivilgesellschaft 4.2.4 Konklusionen: Die Hybridität des Bürgerlichen 4.3 Auseinandersetzungen mit Wutbürger in wissenschaftlichen und journalistischen Veröffentlichungen 4.3.1 Auseinandersetzungen mit Wutbürger in Soziologie, Sozial- und Politikwissenschaft 4.3.2 Auseinandersetzungen mit Wutbürger in nicht-wissenschaftlichen und journalistischen Veröffentlichungen 4.3.3 Zwischenfazit: Ein vom empirischen und theoretischen Forschungsstand isoliertes Schlagwort 5. Konklusionen und Schlussfolgerungen 5.1 Das Problem der Heterogenität und Unbestimmtheit des Grundwortes Bürger 5.2 Die politische Ambivalenz von Wutbürger 5.3 Wutbürger als implizites Funktionselement Extremismus- und 'Hufeisen'-theoretischer Ideologie 5.4 Schlussfolgerungen

The article is devoted to the analysis of vaccination discourses as ways of constructing and transforming social reality. Vaccination is considered, firstly, as a direction of state policy in the social and medical sphere; secondly, as a basis for realizing a legitimizing identity or constructing a resistance identity. Based on M. Castells' concept of identity and the theory of discourse by E. Laclos and C. Mouffe, two discourses are distinguished that coexist in an antagonistic struggle – "for" (support) and "against" (resistance) to vaccination. The state is the main subject of the formation of the discourse for vaccination, constructing a legitimizing identity. The nodal points of this discourse are analyzed in the sphere of the regulatory law, particularly, in the Roadmap for COVID-19 Vaccines. This discourse is constructed on the nodal points of inclusion (being vaccinated means "being included" and having access to certain benefits), trust (in health care system and the vaccines), safety (both on the individual and national levels). The discourse "against" vaccination, which is the basis for the formation of the resistance identity, is characterized by the absence of the main subject of its construction. The channels of its objectification through which the media act becomes more significant than the status of the discourse constructing subjects. The nodal points of this discourse are analyzed in the context of new media – Ukrainian-language publications of the online media in Ukraine – as a space of the "culture of freedom" that creates the basis for the transition from mass communications to mass self-communications. Such discourse is constructed on interconnected nodal points of distrust and unsafety (the formation of scientific and medical doubts, discrediting the quality of vaccines, direct or indirect articulation of the sign of death). This study has recorded the exceptional significance of distrust as a point of catalyzing other nodal points and signs. The construction of discourses of support and resistance to vaccination occurs according to different algorithms: if, in the field of discourse struggle, the articulation of the point of distrust is sufficient for the dominance of the discourse of resistance, then for the discourse of support for vaccination it is necessary to construct various signs and nodal points to reproduce the positions of its dominance. It is obviously that public policy should provide for the meaningful integration of the nodal points of security and trust, as well as the construction of a new nodal point of rallying, which should be articulated not only in the legal framework, but also in the plurality of discourse fields that form the discourse of support for vaccination (speech officials, communications from the responsible authorities and generally within the vaccination information campaign).

An increasingly organized culture of hate is flourishing in today's online spaces, posing a serious challenge for democratic societies. Our study seeks to unravel the work-ings of online hate on popular social media and assess the practices, potentialities, and limitations of organized counterspeech to stymie the spread of hate online. This article is based on a case study of an organized "troll army" of online hate speech in Germany, Re-conquista Germanica, and the counterspeech initiative Reconquista Internet. Conducting a qualitative content analysis, we first unpack the strategies and stated intentions behind organized hate speech and counterspeech groups as articulated in their internal strategic documents. We then explore how and to what extent such strategies take shape in online media practices, focusing on the interplay between users spreading hate and users counter-speaking in the comment sections of German news articles on Facebook. The analysis draws on a multi-dimensional framework for studying social media engagement (Uldam & Kaun, 2019) with a focus on practices and discourses and turns to Mouffe's (2005) con-cepts of political antagonism and agonism to operationalize and deepen the discursive di-mension. The study shows that the interactions between the two opposing camps are high-ly moralized, reflecting a post-political antagonistic battle between "good" and "evil" and showing limited signs of the potentials of counterspeech to foster productive agonism. The empirical data indicates that despite the promising intentions of rule-guided counter-speech, the counter efforts identified and scrutinized in this study predominantly fail to adhere to civic and moral standards and thus only spur on the destructive dynamics of digital hate culture. ; Plattformen und macht deutlich, welche Möglichkeiten und Grenzen organisierte Counter Speech (Gegenrede) hat, um der Verbreitung von Hass im Internet entgegenzuwirken. Der Artikel basiert auf einer Fallstudie über eine organisierte "Troll-Armee" des Online-Hasses in Deutschland, Reconquista Germanica, und die Counter Speech-Initiative Reconquista Internet. Anhand der internen strategischen Kommunikationsdokumente beider Gruppen führen wir eine qualitative Inhaltsanalyse durch um zunächst die Strategien und erklärten Absichten organisierter Hate- und Counter Speech-Gruppen zu ermitteln. Anschließend untersuchen wir inwiefern solche Strategien praktisch umgesetzt werden indem wir das Zusammenspiel zwischen NutzerInnen untersuchen, die in Kommentarspalten deutscher Nachrichtenartikel auf Facebook Hass verbreiten und denen, die mit Counter Speech ent-gegenhalten. Die Analyse orientiert sich an einem mehrdimensionalen Rahmen zur Unter-suchung von Social Media Engagement (Uldam & Kaun, 2019) mit einem Schwerpunkt auf den Dimensionen Praktiken und Diskurse. Um letztere Dimension zu operationalisie-ren und zu vertiefen, stützt sich unsere Analyse auf Mouffes (2005) Konzepte des politi-schen Antagonismus und Agonismus. Die Studie zeigt, dass die Interaktionen zwischen den beiden gegnerischen Lagern stark moralisiert sind, was einen postpolitischen antagonisti-schen Kampf zwischen "Gut" und "Böse" zur Vorschau bringt, der nur in begrenztem Maße Anzeichen für das Potenzial von Counter Speech zeigt, produktiven Agonismus zu fördern. Die empirischen Daten deuten darauf hin, dass sich – trotz der vielversprechenden Praktiken von regelgesteuerter Counter Speech – die identifizierten und untersuchten Counter Speech Bemühungen überwiegend nicht an zivilgesellschaftliche und moralische Maßstäbe halten und auf diese Weise die destruktiven Dynamiken der digitalen Hasskultur nur weiter ankurbeln.

Bu tezde, Türkiye'nin Filistin politikasını analiz etmek için konstrüktivizm ve post-yapısalcılık teorileri kullanılmaktadır. Tezin temel varsayımı, Filistin meselesi hakkındaki söylemin, Türk hükümetlerinin kimliğindeki değişimle ve Türk dış politikasının Ortadoğu'ya yönelik ilkeleriyle bağlantılı olduğu yönündedir. Paylaşılan bilgiyi ve toplumsal ilişkileri üreten ve diğer eylemleri mümkün kılan diskur, aynı zamanda hem yeni kimlikleri hem de mevcut olanları yeniden belirlemektedir. Türkiye Cumhuriyetinin ilk yıllarında, Filistin meselesine ilişkin söylemin zayıf olduğu ve Türk Dış Politikasının hâkim söyleminin Araplarla ilgili olumsuz algılarla dolu olan Batılılaşma etkisinde kaldığı varsayılmaktadır. Ancak, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde, Türkiye'nin duyarlılıkları ve Orta Doğu'ya bağlılıkları konusunda köklü bir değişim olmuştur. Buna göre, Araplarla ilgili söylem de, Filistin yanlısı söylemin belirgin hale gelmesiyle olumsuzluktan olumluya doğru değişmiştir. Öncelikle, geçmişten günümüze Türk dış politikasının Orta Doğu'ya yönelik kırılma noktaları, Laclau ve Mouffe'nin eşitlik ve farklılık mantığı kullanılarak irdelenecektir. Daha sonra, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi dönemi öncesi İsrail ve Filistin meselesi hakkında söylemlerin Batı kimliği ve İslam kimliği olan iki karşıt kimliğin varlığından dolayı çatıştığını göstermek için Laclau ve Mouffe'nin "hakim söylem ve karşıtlığı" teorisi kullanılacak. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde söylemlerdeki bu karşıtlık, İslam yanlısı ve Orta Doğu kimliğinin hakim hale gelmesiyle Laclau ve Mouffe buna hegemonik söylem diyor) çözüldü. ; This thesis uses theories of constructivism and post-structuralism to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the Palestinian issue. Main assumption of this thesis is that discourse about the Palestinian issue is linked to the changes of identities of Turkish governments and principles of Turkish foreign policy toward the Middle East. At the same time, the discourse is a factor that assigns new identities and reproduces existing identities, in addition to its function in producing shared knowledge, social relations and making other actions possible. It is assumed that in the early years of the Turkish Republic, the discourse about the Palestinian issue was weak, and the dominant discourse or master signifier of the Turkish foreign policy was Westernization linked with negative perceptions about Arabs. However, there has been a radical shift about Turkey's sensitivities and affiliations to the Middle East during JDP era. Accordingly, the discourse about Arabs started to change from negative to positive, with domination of pro-Palestinian discourse. First, nodal points of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East in each era will be examined using Laclau and Mouffe's logic of equivalence and difference, then their theory of hegemon discourse and antagonism will be used to show that before JDP era, discourses about Israel and the Palestinian issue collided due to the existence of two opposing identities which are Western identity and Islamic identity. While in JDP era this antagonism in discourses dissolved through hegemonic interventions of pro-Islamic and Middle Eastern identity.

This research aims at examining how the Central People's Government's Liaison Office (hereafter CPGLO) exercises political and ideological leadership over three pro-China youth organizations, namely the Youth Branch of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, the Y. Elites Association and the Federation of the New Territories Youth, through its United Front work in Hong Kong. It particularly looks into how the CPGLO (1) cultivates political connections with these pro-China organizations, and (2) gains its moral and ideological appeal among members of the organizations through patriotism. It compares patriotic discourses constructed by the members of the pro-China organizations with that of the CPGLO, and seeks to show consensus, negotiations and inner contradictions between the two in giving interpretations to various political events. This thesis argues that patriotic United Front is a governing strategy employed by the CPGLO to structure its relationship with the Hong Kong society, and the pro-China organizations function as part of the United Front. Critically drawn upon Antonio Gramsci, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, it also argues that the political relationship between the CPGLO and the pro-China organizations can be described as a hegemonic one. It finds that the CPGLO establishes and sustains political connections with the three pro-China organizations through assisting their establishment, co-opting the core members, serving as their patrons, and so on. It also demonstrates that official patriotism wins its moral and ideological leadership by projecting a collective imaginary called "the Chinese nation". The collective is portrayed as threatened by antagonistic forces, and it can only survive under the political order established by the Communist party. Finding shows that the respondents from the three pro-China organizations agree with official patriotism at large. They establish the principles of supporting "one-party rule", "the Socialist road" and "territorial integrity" as the baseline for being "patriotic" in the context of Hong Kong. These political orders are seen as indispensable to the survival of the Chinese nation, and they are not conditioned by any commitment to universal values. By selective recall of myths, traditions and episodes in history, interests associated with the Communist regime are generalized into the interests of the entire nation. Despite resemblance between the patriotic discourses constructed by the respondents and those of the CPGLO, negotiations of meaning and even resistance against top-down political orders can still be observed within these organizations. On certain occasions, the respondents reference to the democratic discourses in their interpretation of specific political events and issues, though the critical elements of these discourses are dismissed at large. ; published_or_final_version ; Politics and Public Administration ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Recent political theorists have emphasize the importance of the concept of the political, and criticized earlier theorists, especially Marxists, for dissolving the political in other concepts, especially reducing politics to economics. Marx, however, did not reduce the political to the economic, but instead subjected the category of the political to a sophisticated critique, in his early work, which influenced the direction of all his later work. Following Marx's critique of politics, this dissertation argues against the autonomy of the political, and proposes a political theory which sees politics as inseparable from a wider social and economic context.The dissertation begins with a discussion of four post-Marxist authors, Badiou, Laclau, Mouffe, and Rancière, who respond to perceived problems in Marxism (particularly the Marxism of Althusser) by emphasizing the autonomy of the political. It then traces Marx's critique of politics throughout his work, beginning with his early identification of the separation of the political and the economic as a "practical illusion," a kind of appearance which is not simply a pretense or error, but which has material effects. The dissertation then discusses how Marx developed this account of the relationship between politics and appearance in the Eighteenth Brumaire and Communist Manifesto, before turning to Marx's most sophisticated analysis of the logic of appearance, the identification of commodity fetishism in Capital. The dissertation concludes with a discussion of the implications of Marx's critique of politics for contemporary political theory.The analysis of post-Marxism and of Marx in this dissertation, then, shows the limitations of the turn to the political, and the ways in which a focus on the political as an autonomous sphere produces a political theory that is incapable of understanding the richness of politics. The reading of Marx also demonstrates a better approach to political theory, one which, through an analysis of politics as appearance, reveals the many intersections and imbrications of the apparently political and the supposedly non-political. In many ways, this analysis is only the beginning, the announcement of a further research program which would found political theory not on the political alone, but on politics, economics, aesthetics and all the other fields into which our discussion of political concepts might take us. Such an investigation could draw on Marxist and non-Marxist theories, being limited neither by the purified notion of politics of post-Marxist, nor by the parochial textualism of too much Marxist theory. What this dissertation proposes is a reconceptualization of political theory which, by rejecting the autonomy of the political, is able to pay full attention to the richness of politics.

Basándose en la distinción paradigmática entre una forma absoluta y una forma radical de la contingencia política, este trabajo trata de mostrar su importancia estructural, así como las preocupantes consecuencias de su olvido, especialmente en la búsqueda de un modelo que sea capaz de poner de relieve las transgresiones de los sistemas político-jurídicos en una perspectiva basada en la democracia. Una justificación de un modelo de este tipo es importante sobre todo en el marco de la política radical, que ha llamado la atención sobre el carácter decisivo del pluralismo y del conflicto como rasgos fundamentales para entender la democracia fundada en la apertura y en la posibilidad de transformación. Ajustándose a este supuesto básico, a través de un preciso análisis comparativo con la destacada teoría política de Chantal Mouffe, sostendré que una forma apropiada de contingencia democrática radical –así como de conflicto y de desafío– no puede entenderse en su concepción agonística de la política basada en la apropiación del modelo absolutista de antagonismo de Carl Schmitt, sino más bien en la configuración de una transgresión político-jurídica que mira más de cerca a formas alternativas que pueden expresar articulaciones extremadamente reforzadas de conflicto e impulsos transformativos sin tener que decaer en configuraciones exorbitantes. Como mostraré en la última parte del trabajo, un buen candidato a este fin puede encontrarse en la explicación de la transformación político-jurídica como una política de la a-juridicidad de Hans Lindahl. ; Holding onto a paradigmatic distinction between a radical and an absolute form of political contingency, this paper seeks to show its structural relevance and the unsettling consequences of its elision especially when searching for an adequate model for seizing the transgression of politico-legal orders in a democracy-based perspective. An account of such a model becomes especially important in the area of radical politics which has drawn attention to the crucial nature of pluralism and conflict as an essential feature for understanding democracy as based on openness and transformability. In line with this basic assumption, and by way of an analysis that deploys a thorough confrontation with Chantal Mouffe's influential political theory, I will argue that an apt form of radical democratic contingency, conflict and challenge cannot be found in her agonistic design of politics based on the appropriation of Carl Schmitt's absolutistic model of antagonism, but rather in a configuration of politico-legal transgression which looks much closer at alternative forms which can thoroughly express extremely enhanced articulations of conflict and transformative impulses without having to decay into exorbitant figurations. As I will show in the last section of the paper a good candidate for such a scope can be traced in Hans Lindahl's account of politicolegal transformation as a politics of a-legality.

Este artículo se pregunta por la identidad política de Podemos, formación que junto a otras ha transformado el sistema de partidos en España. Podemos surgió como partido que rechazaba el eje izquierda-derecha y se definía según la contraposición abajo-arriba. A diferencia de otros análisis, aquí consideramos que esa dicotomía es insuficiente para definir una identidad política, y que hay dos formas de plantearla: la antagonista, de Laclau, y la agonista, de Mouffe. El antagonismo implica una relación de enemistad con el orden político y así su impugnación, mientras el agonismo representa una relación adversarial y, por tanto, de regeneración del orden. Considerando esta distinción clave para comprender la identidad política de Podemos, este artículo ofrece un análisis discursivo de la Formación Morada desde sus inicios hasta octubre de 2016. El objetivo es examinar, con un criterio formal más que de contenido, si para Podemos el orden existente constituye un obstáculo insalvable para realizar sus demandas o, al contrario, representa un terreno fértil para conseguir esos fines. En las conclusiones se argumentará que hacia enero de 2015 la relación antagonista inicial se transformó en otra agonista. La creciente adaptación del discurso de Podemos al orden no debe entenderse como una moderación, sino como una negociación con el sentido sedimentado, la cual no es incompatible con la búsqueda de una nueva hegemonía. ; This article explores the political identity of Podemos which, along with other political forces, has transformed the party system in Spain. Podemos emerged as a party that rejected the left–right axis, defining itself in terms of a polarity between those "from above" and those "from below". In contrast to other studies, it is here considered that political identity cannot be determined solely in relation to such a dichotomy, but it can be antagonistic, as conceptualized by Laclau, or agonistic, as seen by Mouffe's. Antagonism implies a relation of enmity with the political order and, therefore, a contestation of the latter, whereas agonism involves an adversarial relation with the political order and, hence, its regeneration. Taking this distinction as key to understanding Podemos's political identity, this article presents a discursive analysis of the "purple party", from its origins up to October 2016. The aim is to examine, using criteria based on form rather than contents, whether Podemos sees the existing political order as an insurmountable obstacle to the success of its demands or, rather, a fertile ground to achieve them. In the concluding remarks, it is argued that around January 2015 the initial antagonistic relationship became an agonistic one. The increasing adjustment of the Podemos discourse to the existing political order should not be seen as a moderation but, rather, as a process of negotiation with sedimented meaning. And this is not incompatible with the quest for a new hegemony.

This research uses discourse analysis to investigate the importance of the Victory Day ritual and its symbolism in modern Russia. Commemorated on May 9, the Victory Day marks the end of the Second World War, which entered in the history of the Soviet Union as the Great Patriotic War. This version of the conflict not only emphasises the suffering and heroism of the Soviet people, but also presents the Victory over the enemy as an essential element of its narrative. Given its dimensions, this account became a central aspect of the country's post-war identity. The Russian Federation, as the official successor of the Soviet Union, adopted the Victory Day as one of its most important holidays, in particular since the rise of Vladimir Putin to power in 2000. The main postulate of this research is that the Great Patriotic War and the Victory were elevated to a mythical status in Putin's Russia. From my theoretical perspective, myths are the ultimate carriers of symbolism within a community, and therefore bear authority to regulate its social practices. Historical myths present a double-structure: a temporal one, related to the past event, and an atemporal one, whose importance is ever-present in its community as an authoritative account. In Russia, the War/Victory myth functions as a mediator between two discursive practices: that of the country's national identity and that of its political leadership. In analysing these three layers of discourse (the national identity, the ritual, and the political leadership), this research aims at understanding how the ritual has been raised to this mythical status, and how it operates in connecting the country's elite with its population. As such, four questions are considered: "how has the discourse on the Great Patriotic War/the Victory, and in particular its relevance, evolved from 2000-2015? Which are the underlying and explicit elements (practices) structuring this discourse (what is the myth)? How do these elements relates to the meanings present in the 'national' and the 'political' levels of discourse? How do they interact with concrete political circumstances?" In order to answer these questions, this research departs from the poststructuralist perspective of the Essex School of discourse analysis, as proposed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. By regarding political struggle as a competition for the hegemony of a society's discursive field, this school focuses on how meanings are articulated in this process. As such, this research systematically analyses two annual speeches delivered by the Russian head of state during the Victory Day commemoration. Moreover, it relates these official statements to Russia's political context of the fifteen years analysed. This study concludes that the mythical narrative gained prominence as its concrete external references became increasingly replaced by elements emphasising the importance of the narrative itself. This process took place on the course of the period analysed, as Russia's social and political questions became increasingly associated to the mythical narrative embodied during the 9 May ritual.

Este trabajo examina el tema de las relaciones de poder al interior de los movimientos sociales incorporando el tema de la subjetividad. En primer lugar, toma la propuesta de Chantal Mouffe de rescatar lo político en términos de disensos (polemos) como una dimensión inseparable del consenso (polis) A partir de ahí propone que los conflictos al interior de los movimientos sociales derivan, no tanto en crisis a ser aniquiladas mediante estrategias cognitivas, sino en la continua y cotidiana cabida del disenso como un ejercicio que acompaña la búsqueda del consenso de los principios de lucha. Luego, siguiendo la distinción de De Certau entre tácticas y estrategias y la noción de sujeción de Butler, propone el concepto de «tácticas de des-sujeción» para explicar que la gestión de disensos requiere complejas prácticas a través de las cuales, quienes participan en un movimiento, logran deslizar las fronteras de inteligibilidad que limitan su identidad como activistas del mismo. A partir de las historias de vida de activistas de la red Proceso de Comunidades Negras del Pacífico colombiano se muestra cómo algunas de sus activistas mujeres han desarrollado tácticas de des-sujeción para desplazar las fronteras que limitan su identidad negra en función de sus experiencias como mujeres logrando que durante la historia del movimiento, éste pase de una posición de 'radicalidad frente a temas de mujeres' a uno de 'ambigüedad respecto al género' y finalmente, a uno de mayor 'apertura a analizar las relaciones de género'. ; This work examines power relationships inside social movements taking into account subjectivity. First of all, Chantal Mouffe's proposal of reconsidering political aspects in terms of disensus (polemos) as an inseparable dimension of consensus (polis) is considered in this study. Based on it, it is pointed out that conflicts inside social movements derive not from crisis to be annihilated through cognitive strategies, but from the daily and continuous acceptance of dissent practices as an exercise accompanying the pursuit of consensus of struggle principles. Secondly, following de Certeau's distinction between tactics and strategies and Butler's notion of subjection, the concept tactics of desubjection is proposed in order to explain that disensus management requires complex practices through which people involved in a movement as activists go beyond intelligibility boundaries that limit their identity. Life histories of activists involved in the Process of Black-Community network of Colombian-Pacific are taken in this study to show the way some activist women have developed desubjection tactics to go beyond boundaries that limit their black identity, making those tactics work at service of their experiences as women. An achievement of this process was that throughout its history, the movement goes from a 'radical position towards women topics' to an 'ambiguous position towards gender' and finally to a 'broader opening for analyzing gender relationships'.

In der politischen Philosophie nach der Shoah sind jüdische Perspektiven abwesend. Der allgegenwärtige Topos der jüdisch-christlichen Tradition verdeckt den historischen Ausschluss von Jüd*innen und Judentum aus Philosophie und Gesellschaft. Ausgehend von dieser Diagnose schlägt die Untersuchung eine Erneuerung jüdischer Perspektiven vor. Dafür wird die Erkenntnis- und Gesellschaftskritik des Vereins für Cultur und Wissenschaft der Juden (1819–1824) rekonstruiert. Diese zielte auf die gleichzeitige Überwindung von innerjüdischen Machtverhältnissen und gesamtgesellschaftlicher Dominanz der christlichen Mehrheit. Als Modell einer theorie- und gesellschaftsverändernden Praxis soll diese Kritik Anregungen für politisch-philosophische Debatten der Gegenwart geben.