Suchergebnisse

The countries of the CIS are Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. Eastern Europe contains Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and the countries resulting from the break up of former Yugoslavia.The collapse of the USSR and the communist systems in the late 1980s and early 1990s has had profound social, economic and political consequences for the two regions. The most significant consequence relating to HIV/AIDS is the opening of the region's borders, making it much easier for populations to migrate. Prior to this time, people were restricted within country borders. Available research shows a serious lack of information and awareness about HIV/AIDS in these two regions, particularly in countries of the CIS. Nor is there evidence of coordinated programmes shared between AIDS and STD services within the countries.Labour migration is common in the CIS, but has taken dramatic proportions in countries wracked by armed conflicts such as Armenia, Georgia and Tajikistan. The number of CIS refugees and persons in refugee‐like situations was 870,000 between 1989 and 1996 and there are large numbers of "internally displaced people" in places such as in Chechnya (which is de jure part of Russia). Young people form an important part of the migration flow in the CIS.No in‐depth research appears to have been done on the prevalence of HIV/ AIDS among migration populations in the CIS. Among the general populations, however, the number of HIV‐positive cases has increased rapidly since 1995, particularly among the Injecting Drug User (IDU) population. Alarming rises in STD rates, especially in syphilis and gonorrhoea, have also been noted in the region during the 1990s.No written information is available on prevention, diagnostic or counselling services for migrants in the CIS, and there do not seem to be any formal programmes specifically targetting them. Moreover, services available to the general public are not "migrant‐friendly" for a variety of reasons. For instance, Russia's new system of anonymous dermato‐venereology clinics are fee‐based. People without money are still expected to use the old clinics and produce identity papers, thereby risking legal constraints and sanctions if they have an STD.Except for the former Yugoslavia and Romania, the countries of Eastern Europe have been free from wars and disasters during the 1990s and for that reason do not have large mobile populations. Although levels of HIV infection in the general population remain very low in Eastern Europe, testing of pregnant women, blood donors and others shows that the virus is becoming increasingly common in some places. Of equal concern is a dramatic increase in other sexually transmitted diseases, especially syphilis. In all Eastern European countries, treatment of HIV/AIDS cases is expensive. If the patient has no legal status in the country, such as a residence permit, treatment may be refused.Given the lack of knowledge and the potential for rapid escalation of the epidemic among migrant populations (as seen in other parts of the world), epidemiological and quantitative research on HIV/AIDS and migrants is urgently needed in both regions. Qualitative research must also be undertaken in order to better understand the course of the epidemic among different migrant groups. This is necessary because each situation and each community may be different and have unique needs.

The article analyzes the Soviet Communist party leadership's organizational measures for the introduction of social insurance against unemployment during the New Economic Policy period. It overviews instituted unemployment benefits, detailing their duration and amount. The article covers how financial aid provided by labor exchanges and insurance bodies. The status of payments and the dynamics of how unemployment benefits were distributed among the various occupational groups were also monitored. Based on the study's results, the author concludes that the NEP transition, which was accompanied by the abolition of the mandatory obligation to work, thus opening new mechanisms of labor market regulation through the balance of supply and demand, was marked by mass unemployment. In addition to market conditions, the increase in the number of the unemployed was significantly influenced by: decrease of state-owned industry and lackluster development of privately-owned factorues; mechanization of production; military demobilization; agrarian resettlement, proletarianization of cities, etc. Along with industrial workers, who lost their jobs due to production dwindling, unskilled workers were at risk, women and children among them.While developing measures to combat unemployment, the Soviet leaders were forced to adopt various forms of social protection created in other countries. Among those, the financial support of the unemployed through payments, and financial benefits through social insurance funds were the primary forms. However, unemployment insurance varied depending on social class. The insurance legislation was primarily aimed at securing proletarian personnel and had a clear class bias. In most cases, the refusal to provide benefits was guided not by the principle of freedom of labor, but by the "duty" of obligation to work in favor of the Soviet state. Unemployment benefits did not differentiate depending on the employee's current wage, but were deducted from the national average. In addition, the amount of benefits depended on the territory of residence of the unemployed, and what occupational groups and categories workers belonged to. The amount of financial aid also depended on continuous work experience and union membership. ; У статті проаналізовано організаційні заходи радянсько-партійного керівництва із запровадження соціального страхування від безробіття в період НЕПу. Охарактеризовано порядок виплати допомоги безробітним, зазначено її розмір та тривалість забезпечення. Висвітлено діяльність бірж праці та страхових органів щодо призначення матеріальної допомоги. Простежено стан виплати та динаміку розподілу допомоги безробітним серед різних професійних груп. У результаті дослідження автор приходить до висновку, що перехід до нової економічної політики, який супроводжувався скасуванням трудової повинності та відкривав нові механізми регулювання ринку праці через співвідношення попиту та пропозиції на робочу силу, позначився масовим безробіттям. Окрім кон'юнктури ринку на зростання чисельності безробітних суттєво вплинули: зменшення обсягу державної промисловості та слабкий розвиток її приватної сфери; механізація виробництва; військова демобілізація; аграрне переселення, пролетаризація міст тощо. Поряд з індустріальними робітниками, що втратили заробіток через згортання виробництва, у групу ризику потрапили некваліфіковані робітники, серед яких вагома частка припадала на жінок та молодь.Розробляючи заходи боротьби із безробіттям, радянські лідери були змушені взяти на озброєння всі форми захисту, вироблені світовою практикою. Серед них основну роль відіграло матеріальне забезпечення безробітних через виплату грошових допомог за рахунок коштів соціального страхування. Проте страхування безробітних тут мало класовий характер. Страхове законодавство було спрямоване переважно на забезпечення пролетарських кадрів і провадило чітку класову позицію. У більшості випадків при відмові у призначенні допомог керувалися не принципом свободи праці, а обов'язком трудової повинності на користь радянської держави. Розміри допомог з безробіття не диференціювалися залежно від розміру заробітної плати працівника, а вираховувалися із середнього заробітку. До того ж обсяг допомог залежав від території проживання безробітних та належності їх за професіями до певних категорій працівників. Обсяг грошової допомоги залежав також від стажу безперервної роботи та членства у профспілках.

Introduction The backbone of Serbian health system forms the public healthcare provider network with 355 institutions and around 112,000 employees, owned and controlled by the Ministry of Health and financed mainly by the Republican Health Insurance Fund. The law recognizes private practice that was not included, till recently, in the public funding scheme. New Health Insurance Law (2005) decreased the number of entitlements in the basic health service package. It abolished the right to dental health care for adults (exceptions are: children, older than 65, pregnant women and emergency cases) as well as the right to compensate travel expenses. The aim of this study was to evaluate the effects of health care system of the Republic of Serbia and indicate parameters that determine the state of health of the population, on the ground of data obtained by the Institute of Public Health of Serbia. Results In the period 2004-2012, cardiovascular diseases represented the main cause of illness in Serbia (50%). In 2012 digestive system diseases were on the second place. Neoplasm and nervous system diseases were on the third place. From 2007 to 2012 there was slight decline in the birth rate and number of deaths, but the death rate increased from 13.9 to 14.2. Health care system in Serbia is funded through the combination of public finances and private contributions. Primary care is provided in 158 health care centres and health care stations, secondary and tertiary care services are offered in general hospitals, specialized hospitals, clinics, clinico-hospital centers and clinical centres. Conclusion A significant but not satisfactory progress has been achieved in the field of health status indicators as the most important outcome of the final performance of the health system. The transition of public health care system in Serbia since the communist period to present and slow integration with European Union is unfinished process. ; Uvod Osnovicu zdravstvenog sistema Republike Srbije čini zdravstvena mreža od 355 državnih zdravstvenih ustanova i oko 112.000 zaposlenih koji su pod kontrolom Ministarstva zdravlja, a finansiraju se preko Republičkog fonda zdravstvenog osiguranja. Zakon poznaje i privatni sektor, koji doskora nije bio uključen u shemu javnog finansiranja. Zakon o zdravstvenom osiguranju iz 2005. godine smanjio je prava u osnovnom zakonu zdravstvenih usluga i ukinuo pravo na stomatološku zdravstvenu zaštitu (s izuzetkom dece, osoba starijih od 65 godina, trudnica i hitnih slučajeva), odnosno pravo na naknadu putnih troškova u vezi s ostvarivanjem prava na zdravstvenu zaštitu. Cilj ovog rada je bio da se na osnovu podataka Instituta za javno zdravlje Srbije 'Dr Milan Jovanović Batut' procene efekti zdravstvenog sistema Republike Srbije i ukaže na parametre ovoga sistema koji određuju stanje zdravlja stanovništva. Rezultati Od 2004. do 2012. godine kardiovaskularne bolesti su bila najčešća oboljenja u Srbiji (50%). U 2012. godini bolesti digestivnog sistema bile su na drugom mestu. Na trećem mestu su maligne i bolesti nervnog sistema. U periodu 2007-2012. zabeležen je i blag pad nataliteta, smanjio se i broj smrtnih slučajeva, ali je stopa mortaliteta porasla sa 13,9 na 14,2. Sistem zdravstvene zaštite u Srbiji se finansira kroz kombinaciju državnih finansija i privatnih doprinosa. Primarna zdravstvena zaštita se odvija u 158 domova zdravlja, zdravstvenih stanica i ambulanti, a sekundarne i tercijarne službe rade u opštim i specijalnim bolnicama, institucijama, klinikama i kliničko- bolničkim centrima. Zaključak Značajan, ali nedovoljan, napredak postignut je u oblasti pokazatelja zdravstvenog stanja, kao najvažnijeg konačnog ishoda učinka zdravstvenog sistema. Tranzicija državnog sistema zdravstvene zaštite u Srbiji od komunističkog perioda do danas i usporeno integrisanje s Evropskom Unijom je nedovršen proces.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

Described are diff's in the US & GB approach to election studies before describing French electoral sociol. While US studies are influenced by soc psychol'ts & in GB by pol'al sci'ts, the French have been most influenced by geographers, & the terms `electoral geography' & `electoral sociol' are used synonymously. Andre Siegfried is the earliest writer in the field & posited direct & simple explanations such as division of property, pop groupings, occup, submission to the priest, & racial character, & simple causation. The main portion of the work in electoral sociology (ES) has been done since WWII. There are 2 monographs in the field: (1) by Francois Goguel INITIATION AUX RECHERCHES DE GEOGRAPIRE ELECTORALE gives a synoptic account of the theory & practice. 6 main factors are to be considered in a sci'fic study of the elections: SC's; econ systems; religion; spatial configuration of the pop; influence of groups such as masons, unions, & parties; & auto-determination of the electoral evolution (the elections determine the meaning of the elections). (2) SOCIOLOGIE ELECTORALE, in which Goguel has written in the first portion he doubts whether generalization is possible. The rest of the book by George Dupeux is a guidebook for res under 4 headings: res in PO-to him, election returns, professions of faith by the deputies, dep'tal documents, & press reports; religious geography; soc structure, including pop, movement, age, sex, occup, & some econ data; & local history. E. Labrousse's work, LA REVUE SOCIALISTE, is almost the only work on a national level outside of Goguel's. He also believes that the permanence of the tendencies still holds and changes are due to changes in econ structure. Since industrial property is the primary effect on pol'al behavior, the progress of Socialism is assured. Goguel's geography of elections from 1870-1951 considers the Right & the Extreme-Left to the exclusion of the intermediate Left. One of his conclusions is that the ExtremeLeft is made up of both Ur WC & Ru peasant. This ExtremeLeft stems from the anti-clerical 'Extreme-Left'. Another conclusion is that in modern industrialized France, the CenterRight & Center-Left finds little favor in comparison to France as a whole, but the 2 extremes have their greatest strength there. He also concludes that the parties of the Center have a majority in France which can only be maintained if it considers the needs & problems of industrialized France. The methods & techniques of ES may be classified as: those that deal with map construction, &, those that reject maps for some other methods of presentation. Goguel considers questions of map construction: what shadings & hatchings to use, whether to map delegates or votes, etc. Claude Leleu advocates the use of indices in analysis for cartographic representation using fewer maps. Pierre George studied soc & econ conditions in a commuter town near Paris using road maps & semi-circles. His conclusions include a relationship of occup's to voting for pol'al parties. Guttman scales have been used by Sauerwein & de Vulpian. Roger de Smet has used is in a study of Belgian workers, & concluded that the Socialist & Communist Parties in each region of Belgium group almost exclusively workers & employees. Charles Moraze criticized ES primarily on the basis that studies have sacrificed accuracy for simplicity, & sees the need for better tools in soc sci. Arambourou criticizes similarly & wishes to study small regions intensively in order to identify components. Neither of these authors discuss interviewing as a method. Goguel called for studies of abstentionism using a temporary schema which divides abstentionism into 2 causes: where nonvoting is evidence of perplexity or deliberate att, &, where nonvoting is due to such factors as illness, not knowing of the campaign, living too far from the polls, etc. Jean Pataut distinguishes 3 sorts of abstentions: (a) necessary as a result of illness, change of address, etc: estimated at about 10%; (b) as a result of communication, pop characteristics, tradition, & other local characteristics. This is influenced by choice & will vary from place to place; & (c) pol'al factors may bring a rash of nonvoting. Roger Girod's study (N=50, based on interviews) of abstention in Switzerland postulates that both personal & collective factors are operating. Since abstaining is relatively stable in various Cantons, he concludes that abstention is primarily a function of the group. There are 3 studies of the feminine vote using Leleu's indices. Comparisons show that women abstain more than men & vote for most parties less than men with the exception of the MRP & some right-wing Cath groups. The greatest part of the women vote like the men of their class. It is concluded that work in French ES has been in spite of the methods employed,& the better short studies have used r techniques & detailed interviews. It is believed that the limitations are in the method. Working with gross data, the experimenter is unable to perform simultaneous breakdowns because he does not know how these variables actually _E among individuals. The facts of the French party system do not make his task easier. If French ES could add the soc psychol'al approach used in the US & GB to their studies of environmental forces, they could give a better picture of elections. In return, French studies have substance & methods which we in the. US could use. J. D. Twight.

At the end of the 1970s, Peru was getting ready for the first democratic elections after several successive military dictatorships. However, this change of political regime was altered by the declaration of war on the Peruvian state in 1980 by the Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path (pcp-sl) and in 1984 by the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (mrta). The Peruvian armed conflict lasted until 2000, entailing a very high human and material cost. During that time, women in both pcp-sl and mrta broke traditional gender roles therefore they received bigger judicial, social and symbolic punishment than their male counterparts.Prisons became an essential part of the ideological, military and symbolic struggle for both organizations/armed groups and for the state. Peru was then a democratic regime, but the human rights of imprisoned people were systematically violated, as reported by numerous national and international Human Rights associations. The fieldwork was carried out from 2007 to 2009 and This work is based on the memories of 16 women who have been in prison –some of them are still inside–. After serving an average sentence of 15 years in prison, the identity of these women that lived these exceptional and complex situations was alter or transform in many different ways. Ideology became a key element to "break the penal system" and survive to it. Understanding ideology as something beyond the political convictions of a specific organization. The beliefs by which a person has been socialized and which they have subsequently made their own; It would be the cognitive universe considered as desirable and belonging. In these terms, the Peruvian prison was seen as an institution that brought two opposite ideological groups face to face: the armed organizations, which already had a political work prior to and during the conflict; and the Peruvian state, which would try to bring back 'citizenship' to those people who regretted their actions. The ideology of the Peruvian state would be the 'Peruvian hegemonic citizenship', symbolized in the Peruvian flag and national anthem. For this purpose, different categories of political prisoner were created: disassociated, reformed, independent and innocent. ; A finales de la década del setenta del pasado siglo, Perú se preparaba para las primeras elecciones democráticas después de varias dictaduras militares sucesivas. No obstante, este cambio de régimen político se vio alterado por la declaración de guerra al Estado peruano en 1980 del Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso (pcp-sl) y en 1984 del Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (mrta). El conflicto armado interno duró hasta el año 2000, conllevando un altísimo coste humano y material. Al quebrantar los roles de género tradicionales, las mujeres del pcp-sl —especialmente por ser mayor en número— y del mrta recibieron mayor castigo judicial, social y simbólico que sus compañeros varones.Las cárceles se convirtieron en parte esencial de la lucha ideológica, militar y simbólica tanto para ambas organizaciones o grupos armados como para el estado. Y aunque fuera un régimen democrático, dentro de estas se vulneraron sistemáticamente los derechos de las personas encarceladas, como denunciaron numerosos colectivos de derechos humanos nacionales e internacionales. El presente trabajo está basado en la memoria 16 mujeres que han estado en la cárcel —incluso algunas continúan en ella— a través del trabajo de campo llevado a cabo desde 2007 hasta 2009. Tras cumplir una media de 15 años de condena, las mujeres que viven estas situaciones excepcionales y complejas alteran o transforman su identidad de diferentes maneras. Con el fin de romper el sistema penitenciario y de sobrevivir a él, la ideología se convirtió en la pieza clave, pero entendida como algo más allá de las convicciones políticas de una organización concreta. Sería, entonces, el universo cognitivo considerado como deseable y de pertenencia, es decir, las creencias por las cuales se ha socializado una persona y que posteriormente ha hecho propias. Bajo este prisma, la cárcel peruana como institución total enfrentó dos grandes grupos ideológicos: el de las organizaciones armadas, que ya tenían un trabajo político anterior al conflicto y durante este, y el del Estado peruano, que intentaría volver a ciudadanizar a aquellas personas que se arrepintieran de sus actos. En el último caso, la ideología sería la ciudadanía hegemónica peruana, simbolizada en la bandera peruana y en el himno nacional, creando para ello diferentes categorías para designar a las y los presas/os políticas/os: desvinculadas/os, arrepentidas/os, independientes e inocentes. Imagen de portada: Ana Casamayou. Serie "Prisiones" ; No final da década de 1970, o Peru preparava-se para as primeiras eleições democráticas depois de várias ditaduras militares sucessivas. No entanto, essa mudança de regime político foi alterada pela declaração de guerra ao Estado peruano em 1980 pelo Partido Comunista do Sendero Luminoso do Peru (pcp-sl) e em 1984 pelo Movimento Revolucionário Tupac Amaru (mrta). O conflito armado interno durou até o ano 2000, acarretando um custo material e humano muito elevado. Ao romper com os papéis tradicionais de gênero, as mulheres do pcp-sl –especialmente por serem em maior número– e do mrta receberam maiores punições judiciais, sociais e simbólicas do que seus homólogos masculinos. As prisões tornaram-se uma parte essencial da luta ideológica, militar e simbólica, tanto para as organizações ou grupos armados quanto para o Estado. E ainda que se tratasse de um regime democrático, nelas os direitos das pessoas presas eram sistematicamente violados, conforme denunciaram numerosos grupos de direitos humanos nacionais e internacionais. O presente trabalho tem como base os relatos de 16 mulheres que estiveram na prisão –algumas continuam nela– recolhidos durante pesquisa de campo realizada de 2007 a 2009. Depois de cumprir em média 15 anos de prisão, as mulheres que vivem essas situações excepcionais e complexas transformam sua identidade de diferentes maneiras. Para "desmontar o sistema prisional" e sobreviver a ele, a ideologia tornou-se o elemento-chave, ideologia aqui entendida como algo que ultrapassa as convicções políticas de uma organização específica. Tratar-se-ia do universo cognitivo considerado desejável e de pertencimento, ou seja, as crenças a partir das quais uma pessoa foi socializada e que posteriormente são tomadas como suas. Sob esse prisma, a prisão peruana como instituição total enfrentou dois grandes grupos ideológicos: o grupo das organizações armadas, que já exerciam uma função política antes e durante o conflito; e oa do Estado peruano, que tentaria devolver à 'cidadania' aquelas pessoas que se arrependessem de suas ações. Neste último caso, a ideologia seria a 'cidadania peruana hegemônica', simbolizada na bandeira peruana e no hino nacional, criando diferentes categorias para designar presos(as) políticos(as): desvinculados(as), arrependidos(as), independentes e inocentes.

Book reviewed in this article: A HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA. V., The People Make Laws 1888–1915. By C. M. H. Clark. MANNING CLARK AND AUSTRALIAN HISTORY 1915–1963. By Stephen Holt. PARTY POLITICS: Australia 1966–81. By James Jupp. GOVERNMENT AND CAPITALISM: Public and Private Choice in Twentieth Century Australia. By N. G. Butlin, A. Barnard, J. J. Pincus. VOTING FOR THE AUSTRALIAN STATE LOWER HOUSES 1965–1974. By Colin A. Hughes. ABORIGINAL POLITICS IN SOUTHWESTERN AUSTRALIA. By Michael C. Howard. ABORIGINAL POWER IN AUSTRALIAN SOCIETY. Edited by Michael C. Howard. POWER, CONFLICT AND CONTROL IN AUSTRALIAN TRADE UNIONS. Edited by Kathryn Cole. TARIFF POLITICS: Australian Policy‐making 1960–1980. By Leon Glezer. DEFENDING "A CHRISTIAN COUNTRY": Churchmen and Society in New South Wales in the 1880's and After. By Walter Phillips. FRANK TATE: A Biography. By R. J. W. Selleck. A FOOLISH PASSIONATE MAN: A Biography of Jim Cairns. By Paul Ormonde. THE CRY FOR THE DEAD. By Judith Wright. THE OXFORD HISTORY OF NEW ZEALAND. Edited by W. H. Oliver with B. R. Williams. AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA. Edited by Gary E. Hansen. CRISIS IN AFRICA: Battleground of East and West. By Arthur Gavshon. TUC: The Growth of a Pressure Group 1868–1976. By Ross M. Martin. ENGLISH EDUCATION, SOCIAL CHANGE AND WAR, 1911–1920. By Geoffrey Sherington. THE QUESTION OF CLASS STRUGGLE: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism During the Industrial Revolution. By Craig Calhoun. GENTLEMEN AND POACHERS: The English Game Laws 1671–1831. By P. B. Munsche. THE NATIONAL CHARITY COMPANY: Jeremy Bentham's Silent Revolution. By Charles F. Bahmueller. A HISTORY OF THE HIGHLAND CLEARANCES: Agrarian Transformation and the Evictions 1746–1886. By Eric Richards. NATIONALISM IN IRELAND. By D. George Boyce. THE "FÜHRER STATE": MYTH AND REALTY–Studies on the Structure and Politics of the Third Reich. Edited by Gerhard Hirschfeld and Lothar Kettenacker with an introduction by Wolfgang J. Mommsen. MILITARISM: The History of an International Debate 1861–1979. By V. R. Berghahn MODERN GERMANY: Society, economy and politics in the twentieth century. By V. R. Berghahn THE CAMBRIDGE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RUSSIA AND THE SOVIET UNION. Edited by Archie Brown, John Fennell, Michael Kaser and H. T. Willetts. CHARTER 77 AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA. By H. Gordon Skilling. REVOLUTION AND RED TAPE: The French Ministerial Bureaucracy 1770–1850. By Clive H. Church. THE BEGINNING OF IDEOLOGY: Consciousness and Society in the French Reformation. By Donald R. Kelley. SISTERS OR CITIZENS? Women and Socialism in France since 1876. By Charles Sowerwine. MUSSOLINI UNLEASHED 1939–1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy's Lost War. By Macgregor Knox. ARROGANCE AND ANXIETY: The Ambivalence of German Power, 1848–1914. By L. L. Farrar, Jr. THE COMMUNIST PARTIES OF ITALY, FRANCE AND SPAIN: Postwar Change and Continuity. A Casebook. Edited by Peter Lange and Maurizio Vannicelli. U.S. DIPLOMATS IN EUROPE, 1919–1941. Edited by Kenneth Paul Jones. INTERNATIONAL PEACE KEEPING: United Nations Forces in a Troubled World. By Anthony Verrier. PALESTINE IN PERSPECTIVE: Politics, Human Rights and the West Bank. By David H. Ott. THE MIDDLE EAST: A Political and Economic Survey. Fifth edition. Edited by Peter Mansfield. MIDDLE EAST REVIEW 1982. (Saffron Walden, Essex: World of Information, 1981). ASIA AND PACIFIC 1982. (Saffron Walden, Essex: World of Information, 1981). THE PROBLEM OF HUMAN NEEDS AND THE CRITIQUE OF CIVILISATION. By Patricia Springborg. READING NOZICK: Essays on Anarchy, State and Utopia. Edited by Jeffrey Paul. THE POLITICS OF PROCRUSTES: Contradictions of Enforced Equality. By Antony Flew. THE INTELLECTUALS ON THE ROAD TO CLASS POWER: A sociological study of the role of the intelligentsia in socialism. By George Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi. POLITICIANS, LEGISLATION, AND THE ECONOMY: An Inquiry into the Interest‐Group Theory of Government. By Robert E. McCormick and Robert D. Tollison. JOB GENERATION: A Policy Proposal. By Tom O'Brien. TECHNOLOGICAL DIFFUSION AND INDUSTRIALISATION BEFORE 1914. By A. G. Kenwood and A. L. Lougheed.

Book reviewed in this article:HENRY PARKES: A Biography. By A.W. Martin.BARWICK. By David Marr.KEN LAIDLAW: A White Collar Union Leader. By Denis Murphy.THE MYSTERY OF LUDWIG LEICHHARDT. By Gordon Connell.WHIRLWINDS IN THE PLAIN: Ludwig Leichhardt — friends, foes and history. By E. M. Webster.STURT, THE CHIPPED IDOL: A study of Charles Sturt, Explorer. By Edgar Beale.UNDER ONE FLAG: The Northern Territory Elections 1980. Edited by Dean Jainsch and Peter Loveday.ABORIGINES IN COLONIAL VICTORIA 1835–86: By M.F. Christie.THE FRIGHTENED COUNTRY. By Alan Renouf.DIPLOMATIC WITNESS: Australian Foreign Affairs 1941–1947. By Paul Hasluck.GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION IN AUSTRALIA. By R. N. Spann.COLONIAL CAP AND GOWN. Studies in the Mid‐Victorian Universities of Australasia. By W. J. Gardner.REALITY AND RHETORIC: An alternative History of Australian Education. By Jean Ely.POLITICS AND THE WRITING OF AUSTRALIAN HISTORY: An Introduction to a structural Study. By John Lechte.THE PEOPLE OF PERTH: A Social History of Western Australia's Capital City. By C.T. Stannage.CRISIS OF COMMAND: Australian Generalship and the Japanese Threat, 1941–1943. By D.M. Horner.FALLING IN: Australians and 'Boy Conscription' 1911–1951. By John Barrett.CHILDREN AND FAMILIES IN AUSTRALIA: Contemporary Issues and Problems. By Ailsa Burns and Jacquelines Goodnow.WITH PEN AND TONGUE: The Jesuits in Australia, 1865–1939. By Ursula M.L. Bygott.AUSTRALIAN CHURCHES AT WAR: Attitudes and Activities of the Major Churches 1941–1981. By Michael McKernan.LAW‐MAKING IN AUSTRALIA. Edited by Alice Erh‐Soon Tay and Eugene Kamenka.IN PURSUIT OF JUSTICE: Australian Women and the Law 1788–1979. Edited by Judy Mackinolty and Heather Radi.AUSTRALIA AND BRITIAN: Studies in a Changing Relationship. Edited by A. F. Madden and W. H. Morris‐Jones.THE STRUGGLE FOR ASIA 1828–1914: A Study in British and Russian Imperialism. By David Gillard.ROAD TO EXILE: The Indonesain Nationalist Movement 1927–1934. By John Ingleson.THE MAKING OF A BUREAUCRATIC ELITE: The Colonial Transformation of the Javanese Priyaya. By Heather Sutherland.CLASS, RACE AND COLONIALISM IN WEST MALAYSIA: The Indian Case. By Michael Stenson.ISLANDS AND BEACHES: Discourse on a Silent Land: Marquesas 1774–1880. By Greg Dening.ETHNIC POWER MOBILIZED: Can South Africa Change? By Heribert Adam and Hermann Giliomme.WATERSHED IN INDIA 1914–1922. By Sir Algernon Rumbold.THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF CHINA: volume 3, Sui and T'ang China 589–906, part 1. Edited by Denis Twitchett.TANAKA GIICHI AND JAPAN'S CHIA POLICY. By William F. Morton.UNFULFILLED UNION: Canadian Federalism and National Unity. By Garth Stevenson.WORKER'S CONTROL IN AMERICA. By David Montgomery.JUAREZ AND DIAZ: Machine Politics in Mexico. By Laurens Ballard Perry.MODERNIZATION IN A MEXICAN EJIDO: A study in Economic Adaptation. By Billie R. DeWalt.FOREIGN IMMIGRANTS IN EARLY BOURBON MEXICO 1700–1760. By Charles F. Nunn.THE WORLD FOR A MARKET–PLACE: Episodes in the History of European Expansion. By John Parker.ECONOMIC EVALUATION OF SOVIET SOCIALISM. By Alan Abouchar.TITO'S YUGOSLAVIA. By Duncan Wilson.PRAXIS: Yugoslav Essays in the Philosophy and Methodology of the Social Science. Edited by Markovic and Gajo Petrovic.FOOLS AND HEROES: The Changing Role of Communist Intellectuals in Czechoslovakia. By Peter Hruby.THE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF ISRAEL. By Don Peretz.THE JEKYLL AND HYDE YEARS: Politics and Economic Policy Since 1964. By Michael Stewart.ROBERT HARLEY AND THE PRESS: Propaganda and Public Opinion in the Age of Swift and Defoe. By J.A. Downie.THE BRITISH PHILOSOPHY OF ADMINSTRATION. By R. Thomas.AN UNGOVERNABLE PEOPLE: The English and their law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Edited by John Brewere and John Styles.ARTISANS AND POLITICS IN EARLY NINETEENTH‐CENTURY LONDON: John Gast and his Times. By I.J. Prothero.SIR GEORGE ARTHUR, BART 1784–1854: Superintendent of British Honduras, Lietenant‐Governor of Van Diemen's Land and of Upper Canada, Governor of the Bombay Presidency. By A.G.L. Shaw.THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE: A Journey Through Time in Quest of Meaninin. By S. Rurus Davis.THE INHERITANCE OF INEQUALITY. By L. Broom, F.L. Jones, P. McDonnell and T. Williams.PHOENIX OF HIS AGE: Interpretations of Erasmus, c. 1550–1750. By Bruce Mansfield.MARXISM‐LENINISM AND THEORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. By V. Kubálková and A.A. Cruikshank.RATIONAL ACTION: Studies in Philosophy and Social Science. Edited by Ross Harrison.WORLD ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 1979 AND BEYOUND. By Herman Kahn (with the Hudson Institude).

China has committed to implement both the 13th Five-Year Plan and the Official Position Paper on the 2030 Agenda. Both comprise components that address the SDGs and thus the following mapping exercise examines both documents together.The two guiding principles of the 13th Five-Year Plan (hereafter 'FYP') are as follows: 1) to undertake further reform to strengthen the decisive role of the market and improve the role of the state; 2) to maintain the leadership of the Communist Party and strengthen its capacity and role. These two guiding principles are intended to modernize and strengthen governing capacity, which is considered essential for the successful development of China.The Sustainable Development Goals (hereafter 'SDGs' or '2030 Agenda') and the 13th Five Year Plan or 'China's Position Paper on the Implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development' are broadly in alignment, with the exception of gender equality. However, it would be inaccurate to conclude that gender equality issues in China will not be addressed during the period 2016-20. Policies such as poverty alleviation, and improvement of equal access and affordability of education and healthcare services would automatically target women as they are currently the disadvantaged groups in these policy areas. However, some of the other policy areas do not address gender issues at all.Despite broad alignment between the FYP and the SDGs, differences can be observed at the target and indicator levels. The SDGs have 17 goals, 169 targets and 230 indicators, and the FYP contains 25 targets in four categories, of which 13 have quantitative requirements which are therefore binding. Our comparison reveals that 50 indicators in the SDGS are fully covered in the FYP, 70 indicators appear partially, and 119 indicators are not reflected. The highest numbers of common targets between the SDGs and the FYP occur in the areas of poverty reduction, health, clean water and protecting life on land. Conversely, indicators in the areas of reduced inequalities, gender inequality, decent work, peace and partnerships are under-represented in the FYP.The 2030 Agenda stresses the importance of reducing inequality. This is echoed in the FYP, which incorporates targets on narrowing the income gap and significantly improving the income of low income groups, in addition to increasing the proportion of the country's middle class. However, there is a significant divergence between the detailed targets on inequality in the SDGs and the FYP. The SDGs focus on reducing inequality through addressing inter-group disparities, particularly women and children, in all policy areas. The FYP does not have clear targets aimed at reducing inter-group inequality. However, potential exists for the detailed indicators in the SDGs to be built into the Accurate Poverty Reduction Agenda (APRA) and incoming national plans for education and health, respectively. Poverty is a national level priority and a whole set of institutional arrangements have been established to achieve this goal. This allows a considerable degree of certainty in predicting that China will continue as a world leader in eradicating absolute poverty and hunger. Poverty reduction in the FYP primarily focuses on people living below the poverty line. However, two concerns arise from the emphasis placed by the central government on this initiative. First, local governments, under pressure from the top, may take an easy approach to reducing poverty by "giving fish," rather than following guidance from the central government to combine "teaching how to fish" with "giving fish." In this regard, SDG targets such as the empowerment of vulnerable groups and mobilizing non-public sectors may help China to set up more targeted policy targets and make use of diverse resources to achieve poverty reduction goals. . The second concern relates to the near-poor, which are not addressed as part of the FYP poverty reduction initiatives. The concern in the SDGs about people at the periphery of poverty may provide impetus for China to strengthen its poverty reduction program in future.Both the SDGs and the FYP put great emphasis on innovation. The FYP highlights the importance of capacity-building for innovation, and considers innovation to be an important tool to achieve inclusive and sustainable growth. The 2030 Agenda links innovation to the delivery of social benefits and economic growth. The SDGs are therefore of assistance to China in specifying the desired social and environmental outcomes from growth.Many goals and targets in the SDGs and the FYP require inter-sectoral actions. This poses two challenges to China: there needs to be better coordination between different sectors, and measuring the performances in reaching these targets is more complicated. A large part of the FYP is devoted to capacity and institution-building to deliver complex policy agendas. The Chinese government has also established a set of dedicated institutions for planning, implementing and monitoring the progress of SDGs at both the national and global levels. However, these are not sufficient. There needs to be more resources for the implementation, and there should be sound performance measurement and evaluation to be able to implement the policies, and ultimately to be able to tell the actual outcomes. In China, funding and resources at various levels of governments often do not match. The governments' ability to collect data to monitor and evaluate the progress is also not yet up to the challenges posed by SDGs. These challenges, however, may inspire reforms in the tax system and public spending, stimulate technological innovation and create opportunities for public participation.

Book reviewed in this article:THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW SOUTH WALES. By R. S. ParkerDOCUMENTS ON AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY 1937–49. Vol III: January–June 1940. Edited by H. Kenway, H. J. W. Stokes and P. G. EdwardsPUBLIC EXPENDITURES AND SOCIAL POLICY IN AUSTRALIA. Volume I: The Whitiam Years. 1972–75. Edited by R. B. Scotton and Helen FerberFROM WHITLAM TO FRASER: Reform and Reaction in Australian Politics. Edited by Allan Patience and Brian HeadILLUSIONS OF POWER: The fate of a reform government. By Michael SextonPOLITICS BETWEEN DEPARTMENTS: The fragmentation of executive control in Australian government. By Martin Painter and Bernard CareyCAPITALISM, SOCIALISM OR BARRARISM? The Australian Predicament: Essays in Contemporary Political Economy. By E. L. WheelwrightTRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS IN SOUTH EAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC. Volume I. By Ernest Utrecht (with contributions by Kate Short)OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL OF AUSTRALIAN CORPORATIONS. By Michael LawriwskyFOREIGN INVESTMENT AND TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS IN AUSTRALIA: An Annotated Bibliography. By G. J. CroughAUSTRALIAN URBAN POLICY. By Max NeutzeFEDERAL POWER IN AUSTRALIA'S CITIES: Essays in Honour of Peter Till. Edited by Patrick N. TroyAUSTRALIAN CAPITAL CITIES: Historical Essays. Edited by J. W. McCarty and C. B. SchedvinTHE LAND RACKET: The Real Costs of Property Speculation. By Leonie SandercockPROTEST AND PUNISHMENT: The Story of the Social and Political Protesters transported to Australia 1788–1868. By George Rudè'THIS SIN AND SCANDAL': Australia's Population Debate 1891–1911. By Neville HicksTHE CONFIDENT YEARS: Australia in the Twenties. By Robert MurrayDEPRESSION DOWN UNDER. By Daisy McWilliams and others. Edited by Len FoxTHE ECONOMIC STATUS OF AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES. By Jon C. Altman and John Nieuwenhuysen. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979)KULINMA: Listening to Aboriginal Australians. By H. C. CoombsKAROBRAN: The Story of an Aboriginal Girl. By Monica ClareRACE POLITICS IN AUSTRALIA. By C. M. TatzERNEST GILES: EXPLORER AND TRAVELLER 1835–1897. By Ray EricksenJAPANESE PRISONERS OF WAR IN REVOLT: The Outbreaks at Featherston and Cowra during World War II. By Charlotte Carr‐GreggDIE LIKE THE CARP!: The Story of the Greatest Prison Escape Ever. By Harry GordonLEGACY: The First Fifty Years. By Mark LyonsPOLITICS IN A UNION: The Hursey case. By Tas BullBIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER OF THE NEW SOUTH WALES PARLIAMENT 1901–1970. By Heather Radi, Peter Spearritt and Elizabeth HintonA SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF AUSTRALIAN MILITARY HISTORY 1891–1939. By Jean Fielding and Robert O'NeillLAST OF LANDS Antarctica. By J. F. Lovering and J. R. V. Prescott. (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1979)PAPUA NEW GUINEA: Its Economic Situation and Prospects for DevelopmentPRACTICE WITHOUT POLICY: Genesis of Local Government in Papua New Guinea. By D. M. FenburyPOLITICS AND MODERNIZATION IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA Edited by Robert N. KearneyPEASANTS AND POLITICS: Grass Roots Reaction to Change in Asia. Edited by D. B. MillerMILESTONES ON MY JOURNEY: The Memoirs of Ali Sastroamijoyo, Indonesian Patriot and Political Leader. Edited by C. L. M. PendersPACIFIC ISLANDERS UNDER GERMAN RULE: A Study in the Meaning of Colonial Resistance. By Peter J. HempenstallTAIM BILONG MANI: The evolution of agriculture in a Solomon Island society. By John ConnellJAPAN'S POLITICAL SYSTEM. By Robert E. WardA THEORY OF JAPANESE DEMOCRACY. By Nobutaka IkeCHINA'S ROLE IN WORLD AFFAIRS. By Michael B. YahudaCADRES, COMMANDERS, AND COMMISSARS: The Training of the Chinese Communist Leadership, 1920–45. By Jane L. PriceTHE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF HONG KONG. By Norman MinersCONGRESS AND THE RAJ: Facets of the Indian Struggle 1917–47. Edited by D. A. LowCOLLECTIVE IDENTITIES, NATIONALISMS AND PROTEST IN MODERN SRI LANKA. Edited by Michael RobertsDOCUMENTS OF THE CEYLON NATIONAL CONGRESS AND NATIONALIST POLITICS IN CEYLON 1929–1950. Edited by Michael RobertsARMIES AND PARTIES IN AFRICA. By Henry BienenA POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF AFRICA. By E. A. BoatengEXPANSION AND REACTION: Essays on European Expansion and Reactions in Asia and Africa. Edited by H. L. WesselingTHE IMPERIAL IMPACT: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India. Edited by Clive Dewey and A. G. HopkinsRACISM AND POLITICAL ACTION IN BRITAIN. Edited by Robert Miles and Annie PhizackleaTHE ORIGINS OF ENGLISH INDIVIDUALISM: The Family, Property and Social Transition. By Alan MacfarlaneEMIGRANT GENTLEWOMEN: Genteel poverty and female emigration, 1830–1914. By A. James HammertonECONOCIDE: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition. By Seymour DrescherBEYOND ORANGE AND GREEN: The Political Economy of the Northern Ireland Crisis. By Belinda ProbertGERMANY 1866–1945. By Gordon A. CraigBONES OF CONTENTION: An Enquiry into East–West Relations. By Terence GarveyPOLITICS AND SOCIETY IN THE USSR. Second Edition. By David LaneSOVIET POLITICAL ELITES: The Case of Tiraspol. By Ronald J. HillTHE SHADOW OF THE WINTER PALACE: The Drift to Revolution 1825–1917. By Edward CrankshawWOMEN IN SOVIET SOCIETY: Equality, Development and Social Change. By Gail Warshofsky LapidusAPOSTLES INTO TERRORISTS: Women and the Revolutionary Movement in the Russia of Alexander II. By Vera BroidoMIDDLE EAST CONTEMPORARY SURVEY, vol. 1, 1976–77. Edited by Colin Legum and Haim ShakedARMED STRUGGLE IN PALESTINE: A Political‐Military Analysis. By Bard E. O'NeillTHE PHILOSOPHY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. By Morton WhiteU. S. OCCUPATION IN EUROPE AFTER WORLD WAR II: Papers and Reminiscences from the April 23–24, 1976 Conference held at the George C. Marshall Research Foundation, Lexington, Virginia. Edited by Hans A. SchmittPOLITICAL CORRUPTION IN AMERICA. By George C. S. BensonCORRUPTION: A Study in Political Economy. By Susan Rose‐AckermanPOLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN LATIN AMERICA. Volume I: Citizen and State. Edited by John A. Booth and Mitchell A. SeligsonTHE THIRD WORLD REVOLUTION. By Fred J. CarrierMY MISSIONS FOR REVOLUTIONARY BOLIVIA, 1944–1962. By Victor AndradeMODERN REVOLUTIONS AND REVOLUTIONISTS: A Bibliography. By Robert BlackeyCLASS IDEOLOGY AND ANCIENT POLITICAL THEORY. By Ellen Meiksins Wood and Neal WoodMARX'S THEORY OF POLITICS. By John M. MaguireTHE WEALTH OF SOME NATIONS. By Malcolm CaldwellTHE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DISTRIBUTION: Equality versus Inequality. By Michael Don WardGRACCHUS BABEUF: The First Revolutionary Communist. By R. B. RoseCRISIS MANAGEMENT: Confrontation and Diplomacy in the Nuclear Age. By Phil WilliamsPEOPLE AND AGENCIES. By Bernard Schaffer and Elizabeth O'KeeffeLIBERALS AND SOCIAL DEMOCRATS. By Peter ClarkeVICTORIANS AT HOME AND AWAY. By Janet and Peter PhillipsTHE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT OF HERBERT SPENCER. By DavidNO MAN'S LAND: Combat and Identity in World War I. By Eric J. LeedTHE SCIENTIFIC PUBLICATION SYSTEM IN SOCIAL SCIENCE: A Study of the Operation of Leading Professional Journals in Psychology, Sociology, and Social Work. By Duncan LindseySPORT IN HISTORY: The Making of Modern Sporting History. Edited by Richard Cashman and Michael McKernan

Book reviewed in this article:CITIZEN TO SOLDIER: Australia before the Great War: Recollections of Members of the First A.I.F. Edited by J.N.I. Dawes and L.L. RobsonTHE FEMINISTS: Women's Emancipation Movements in Europe, America and Australasia, 1840–1920. By Richard J. EvansA GROUP CALLED WOMEN: Sisterhood and Symbolism in the Feminist Movement. By Joan CassellA PORTRAIT OF MARGINALITY: The Political Behavior of the American Woman. Edited by Marianne Githens and Jewel I. RestageRACE RELATIONS AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND: A Comparative Survey 1770s‐1970s. By K.R. HoweT.J. RYAN: A Political Biography. By D.J. MurphyPOINTS AND POLITICS: A History of the Electrical Trades Union of Queensland. By Archie DawsonMUNGO'S CANBERRA. By Mungo MacCallumNEW FEDERALISM IN AUSTRALIA: Rhetoric or Reality? By A. Peachment and G.S. ReidTOWARDS A NATIONALLY INTEGRATED HEALTH‐WELFARE SYSTEM FOR AUSTRALIA. By Michael CourtMELBOURNE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1977. Edited by Stephen Murray‐SmithA PLACE OF DIGNITY: Report of a Survey of Homeless People and Homeless Persons Assistance Centres. Published by Department of Social SecurityGOVERNMENT REGULATION AND THE PRINTED MEDIA INDUSTRY. By Kenneth W. Wiltshire and Charles H. StokesTHE CONTROL OF FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN A FEDERATION: Canadian and Australian Experience. By Garth StevensonAUSTRALIAN MANUFACTURING COMPANIES IN INDONESIA: A Case Study. By Kate ShortADELAIDE AT THE CENSUS 1971: A Social Atlas. By Blair Badcock, Dean Jaensch and Michael WilliamsA NATION FOR A CONTINENT: The History of Australia 1901–1975. By Russel WardBRITISH PATERNALISM AND AFRICA 1920–1940. By Penelope HetheringtonISLANDS AND EMPIRES: Western Impact on the Pacific and East Asia. By Ernest S. DodgeCOMMUNIST PARTY POWER IN KAMPUCHEA (CAMBODIA): Documents and Discussion. Edited by Timothy Michael CarneyCHANGING IDENTITIES IN MODERN SOUTHEAST ASIA. Edited by David J. BanksPOLITICAL CHANGE IN JAPAN. By Taketsugu TsurutaniJAPAN, CHINA AND THE MODERN WORLD ECONOMY: Toward a Re‐interpretation of East Asian Development ca 1600 to ca 1918. By Frances V. MoulderAGRARIAN STRUCTURES AND AGRARIAN REFORM: Exercises in Development Theory and Policy. By S.1. CohenMALAYS AND MODERNIZATION: A Sociological Interpretation. By Tharn Seong CheeTHE CONGRESS IN TAMILNAD: Nationalist Politics in South India, 1919–1937. By David ArnoldTHE NEW INTERNATIONAL MONETARY SYSTEM. Edited by Robert A. Mundell and Jacques J. PolakINTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: A Policymaker Focus. By Robert L. WendzelTHE WORST DISASTER: The Fall of Singapore. By Raymond Callahan.THE SOUTHERN OCEANS AND THE SECURITY OF THE FREE WORLD: New Studies in Global Strategy. Edited by Patrick WallTHE FRENCH POLITY. By William SafranNAPOLEON AND THE RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS: The completed portion of Macaulay's projected History of France, from the Restoration of the Bourbons to the Accession of Louis Philippe. By Thomas Babington MacaulayPOLAND IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. By M.K. DziewanowskiPOLITICAL CULTURE AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN COMMUNIST STATES. Edited by Archie Brown and Jack GrayWINTER INTO SPRING: The Czechoslovak Press and the Reform Movement, 1963–1968. By Frank L. KaplanTHE HUNGARIAN LABOR SERVICE SYSTEM 1939–1945. By Randolph L. BrahamTRADITION VERSUS REVOLUTION: Russia and the Balkans in 1917. By Robert H. JohnstonC.P. TREVELYAN 1870–1958: Portrait of a Radical. By A.J.A. MorrisSOCIAL CONTROL IN NINETEENTH CENTURY BRITAIN. Edited by A.P. DonajgrodzkiCOLLECTIVE BARGAINING: What You Always Wanted to Know about Trade Unions and Never Dared to Ask. By Clive Jenkins and Barrie ShermanBY COLOUR OF LAW: Legal Culture and Constitutional Politics in England, 1660–1689. By Howard NennerREFORM AND REFORMATION: England 1509–1558. By G.R. EltonTHE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES HARRINGTON. Edited by J.G.A. PocockTHE LOCKE READER: Selections from the Works of John Locke with a general introduction and commentary. By John W. YoltonMARX AND EDUCATION IN RUSSIA AND CHINA. By Ronald F. PriceAN INFANTILE DISORDER? The Crisis and Decline of the New Left. By Nigel YoungPOLITICAL PARADOXES AND PUZZLES. By Arun BosePOLITICAL SOCIOLOGY. A Macrosociology of Politics. By Edward W. LehmannFEUERBACH. By Marx W. WartofskyMARX'S 'CAPITAL' AND CAPITALISM TODAY. Volume One. By Antony Cutler, Barry Hindess, Paul Hirst and Athar HussainDER 'FABIER' EDUARD BERNSTEIN: Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des evolutiončren Sozialismus. By Helmut HirschBERNSTEINS KONSTRUKTIVER SOZIALISMUS: Eduard Bernsteins Beitrag zur Theorie des Sozialismus. Thomas MeyerSCANDAL SENSATION AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: The SPD Press and Wilhelmine Germany 1890–1914. By Alex HallIM SCHATTEN DER ARBEITERBEWEGUNG: Zur Geschichte des Anarchismus in Osterreich und DeutschlandTHE IMPACT OF HITLER: British Polltics and British Policy 1933–1940. By Maurice CowlingGERMANY IN THE PACIFIC AND THE FAR EAST. 1870–1914. Edited by John A. Moses and Paul M. Kennedy

Francisco Franco's long dictatorship far from easing the pain caused by the Spanish Civil War, only increased the ache of the wounds. The country, which had faced a fratricidal conflict between 1936 and 1939, would continue to endure violence and intolerance that would become the quintessence of the winning regime. Communists were demonized and, as such, they would be treated later by the Francoist authorities. Laws enacted during the Second Republic were abolished. In this way, divorces were annulled and the rights granted to women, abolished. Both sexes inmates filled the prisons: overcrowding, diseases and a cruel treatment for the reds became a priority for the Generalísimo and his followers. Violence was crystallized as another component of prison life. On the other hand, women were humiliated, subjected to excessive punishments and executed after trials in which their rights were not respected, and they suffered the worst of the torments: the expropriation of their children. The children were separated from their parents to "demarxitize them", this is why many were removed from their biological families and given to regime related families, and many times, after exchanging money. With the death of Franco, in 1975, many Spaniards sheltered the idea of carrying out trials that would repair wounds. However, the laws once again ignored ignominy. Oblivion and silence seemed to win the battle. More than 30,000 children were "abducted." But the culprits were never judged or punished. With this work, we aim to analyze the representation of those children, whose family life was taken from them, based on the documentaries Los niños perdidos del franquismo (2002), by Montserrat Armengou and Ricard Belis and El silencio de otros (2018), by Almudena Carracedo and Robert Behar. Parting from them, the hidden forms of violence in Francoism methods and the replication of violence due to the Silence policy and prohibition established by the laws sanctioned in democracy, would be exposed.Dictatorship – audiovisual representation – children - memory ; La larga dictadura de Francisco Franco lejos de echar paños fríos sobre las heridas producto de la Guerra Civil Española, solo sirvió para incrementarlas. El país que se había enfrentado en una contienda fratricida entre los años 1936 y 1939, seguiría padeciendo la violencia y la intolerancia que se habría de convertir en la quintaesencia del régimen vencedor. Los comunistas fueron demonizados y, como tales, sería posteriormente el tratamiento que recibirían por parte de las autoridades franquistas. Las leyes promulgadas durante la Segunda República fueron abolidas. De este modo, quedaron sin efecto los divorcios y fueron derogados los derechos logrados por las mujeres. Las cárceles se poblaron de reclusos de ambos sexos: hacinamiento, enfermedades y un cruel tratamiento para los rojos devinieron en las prioridades del Generalísimo y sus seguidores. La violencia se cristalizaba como un componente más de la vida carcelaria. Las mujeres, por su parte, fueron humilladas, sometidas a castigos excesivos y fusiladas en juicios en los cuales no se respetaron sus derechos, sufrieron el peor de los tormentos: el expolio de sus hijos. Los niños eran separados de sus padres para "desmarxitizarlos", motivo por el cual muchos fueron alejados de sus familias biológicas y dados a familias del régimen, muchas veces, a cambio de dinero. Con la muerte de Franco, en 1975, gran parte del pueblo español albergó la idea de llevar adelante juicios que sirviesen para restañar las heridas. Sin embargo, las leyes una vez más pasaron por alto la ignominia. El olvido y el silencio parecieron ganar la batalla. Más de 30.000 niños fueron "robados". Los culpables nunca fueron juzgados ni castigados. Con este trabajo, nos proponemos analizar la representación de esos niños cuya vida familiar les fue arrebatada, a partir de los documentales Los niños perdidos del franquismo (2002), de Montserrat Armengou y Ricard Belis y El silencio de otros (2018), de Almudena Carracedo y Robert Behar. A partir de ellos, las formas de la violencia escondidas tras los métodos implementados por el franquismo y la reduplicación de la misma debido al silenciamiento y la prohibición dadas por las leyes sancionadas en democracia, quedarían expuestas. ; A longa ditadura de Francisco Franco ao invés de reduzir as feridas produto da Guerra Civil Espanhola, só serviu para aumentá-las. O país que enfrentou uma disputa fratricida, entre 1936 e 1939, continuaria sofrendo a violência e a intolerância que se tornariam a quintessência do regime vencedor. Os comunistas foram demonizados e, como tais, mais tarde seria o tratamento que receberiam das autoridades franquistas. As leis promulgadas durante a Segunda República foram abolidas. Desse jeito, os divórcios eram nulos e os direitos conquistados pelas mulheres foram revogados. As prisões eram habitadas por prisioneiros de ambos os sexos: superlotação, doenças e tratamento cruel para os vermelhos tornaram-se as prioridades do Generalíssimo e os seguidores dele. A violência cristalizou-se em um outro componente da vida na prisão. As mulheres, por outro lado, foram humilhadas, submetidas a punições excessivas e baleadas em julgamentos onde os direitos delas não foram respeitados, sofreram o pior dos males: a pilhagem de seus filhos. As crianças foram separadas de seus pais para "desmarxizá-las", razão pela qual muitas foram apartadas de suas famílias biológicas e dadas às famílias do regime, muitas vezes, em troca de dinheiro. Com a morte de Franco, em 1975, grande parte do povo espanhol abrigou a idéia de fazer julgamentos que servissem para curar feridas. No entanto, mais uma vez as leis ignoraram a ignomínia. O esquecimento e o silêncio pareciam ganhar a batalha. Mais de 30.000 crianças foram "roubadas". Os culpados nunca foram julgados nem punidos. Com este trabalho, nós propomos analisar a representação das crianças dos quais a vida familiar foi tirada, com base nos documentários Los niños perdidos del franquismo (2002), de Montserrat Armengou e Ricard Belis e El silencio de otros (2018), de Almudena Carracedo e Robert Behar. A partir deles, as formas de violência ocultas por de trás dos métodos implementados pelo regime de Franco e a reduplicação da mesma como produto do silêncio e da proibição como resultado de leis promulgadas na democracia, seriam expostas.