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Despite being an issue of much concern, the relationship of the women's movement with news media has rarely been subjected to systematic analysis. This article presents the results of an extensive study of the interaction between the media and the women's movement in the Netherlands at the time of the movement's resurrection in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The core questions of this study concern the construction of a public identity of the movement in the media, which is conceived as the product not merely of a collision of discourses of gender and politics, but also of conflicting organizational routines of movement and media, and of diverging individual preferences of journalists and activists. Discourse analysis of news coverage shows that the movement's public identity is constructed within a liberal feminist framework and is built upon three `foundations': `emancipation' is legitimate, `feminism' is deviant; movement activists are quite different from and not representative of `ordinary' women; the movement is directed against men. The article argues that the observed construction of women's political activity is not particular to the Netherlands or to the particular time period.

Emphasis on Soviet contributions to antiwar actions and efforts to halt the nuclear arms race.

Over 30 years have passed since the beginning of the Reform Movement; however, women's initiatives in the Reform Movement of Lithuania have not been analysed. Commemorating the anniversary of the Reform Movement, Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania declared 2018 as the year of the Reform Movement and highlighted the period of 1988-1990 as a period of great importance in the Lithuania history when Seimas of the Reform Movement acted as a partial yet legal democratic representative of the nation in the Soviet occupation system.
The article analyses women's engagement into the initiative groups of the Sąjūdis, their participation in the initiative group and congress. The aim of this article is to shed light on the role of women in the building of the Soviet Union and the specific nature of the activities of the women's Sąjūdis, the degree of involvement, the problems raised and the solutions proposed.
In order to achieve this goal, the archival material contained in the fund of the Lithuanian Perestroika Sąjūdis of the New Archive of the Lithuanian State, the fund of the Kaunas Movement of the Kaunas Regional State Archive, the periodical press of the time were analysed, and the following scientific research was made available.

This volume presents a pioneering collection of analyses focused on the ideologies and activities of formal women's organizations and informal women's groups across a range of Arab countries. With contributions on Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq, Egypt, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, and the Arab diaspora in the United States, Mapping Arab Women's Movements delineates similarities and differences between historical and contemporary efforts towards greater gender justice. The authors explore the origins of women's movements, trace their development during the past century, and address the impact of counter-movements, alliances, and international collaborations within the region and beyond.

This article discusses the influence of internationalist perspectives on the women's movement in India. It provides a history of anti-imperialist feminism in general but focuses on some of the major women's organizations in India. The aim is to trace the legacy of anti-imperialist feminist politics as a response to the strategies of Western imperialist powers to counter the influence of radical and socialist politics, particularly after the Russian Revolution. The article also documents women's participation in radical and socialist struggles for independence and social transformation, which received strong political support from the Soviet Union in the postwar period and extends the analysis to the period of neoliberalism and the structural adjustment policies imposed on the South.

Black feminist scholars argued decades ago for working for peace and justice from the intersections of people's multiple identities. A body of scholarship focused on intersectionality subsequently arose since doing so is thought to have broader appeal and be more efficacious. However, the degrees to which social movements actually use intersectional discourses is undetermined. Quantitative and qualitative data analyses from a longitudinal study (1990–2005) of peace movement organizations (PMOs) reveals surprisingly low levels of use. A subset of data from the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), a group thought to be highly likely to use intersectional discourses, was used to further explore the disconnect between public statements and organizational sensibility. Findings show that while WILPF historically did not use intersectionality discourses, usage significantly increased in their recent civil society consultation process regarding women and security issues. The findings suggest that an ideological commitment to inclusion alone was not sufficient to produce intersectional discourses; a combination of an external mediated political opportunity and an internal demographic threat to the movement's longevity were necessary before discursive change occurred.