Contaba el premio Nobel irlandés Seamus Heaney que de pequeño le gustaba ver a los mayores recoger con un cubo el agua de un pozo que había en mitad de los campos. Observaba siempre con tensión y misterio la canción repetida de la vieja polea que iba girando con lentitud, y la cuerda que descendía hacia lo oscuro, para después subir, hasta que aparecía el cubo bailando suavemente, suspendido en el aire, y derramando gotas de agua a su alrededor. Ese pozo estaba en una loma que descendía suavemente hasta el pueblo, y en la que se alzaban dólmenes y piedras milenarias, restos arqueológicos que eran solo una mínima parte de lo que ocultaba el prado verde; por lo que siempre pensaba que ese agua que después beberían, venía fresca ofrecida por los antepasados de los antepasados, bálsamo para el alma y la memoria que cruzaba desde el origen de los tiempos. Pasados los años aprendió y oyó por primera vez en la universidad la palabra griega omphalos, que significa ombligo, y su sonoridad, deletreada de forma lenta y espaciada, una y otra vez, le devolvió al sonido de la polea girando, y el cubo ascendiendo desde las entrañas de la roca y el ser de su pueblo. Om-pha-los, om-pha-los, om-pha-los. Ombligo, el agua que nos conecta a través de su curso a la vez oscuro y luminoso, con nuestra existencia colectiva. Los habitantes de tierra de dólmenes vivimos vinculados íntimamente al curso de la memoria que transcurre bajo tierra, a la luz revelada de la materia original; la piedra, los metales, el coral, agua que mana de lo profundo para nutrirnos y colmar de sentido y emoción nuestro presente. Ahí tenemos el asombro, la emoción. Y la emoción activa nuestra capacidad para encontrarnos y organizar la tarea común de protección y defensa de algo tan valioso como nuestros sueños. Esa ha sido nuestra experiencia en el territorio de Valencina-Guzmán. Vivimos en el mundo de hoy la contradicción entre la convocatoria universal a participar en el espacio público y la fragmentación de los intereses y discursos, la coexistencia en todos los niveles de la vida cotidiana de procesos que nos vinculan y hacen interdependientes, junto con el enquistamiento de diferencias que parecen insuperables. El espacio público es el ámbito en que organizamos nuestra experiencia colectiva; es donde los miembros de una sociedad producen una realidad común, como ciudadanos plenos, más allá de su condición de consumidores, electores, creyentes, expertos, y ensayan una integración, un reconocimiento en términos de compatibilidad que permite defender lo que es nuestro, y generar propuestas que mejoran la vida cotidiana y ensanchan las posibilidades de su entorno material y emocional. ; Explicava el premi Nobel irlandès Seamus Heaney que de petit li agradava veure els grans com recollien amb una galleda l'aigua d'un pou que hi havia al mig dels camps. Observava sempre amb tensió i misteri la cançó repetida de la vella corriola que anava girant amb lentitud, i la corda que descendia cap a la foscor, per després pujar, fins que apareixia la galleda ballant suaument, suspesa en l'aire, i vessant gotes d'aigua al seu voltant. Aquest pou estava en un turó que baixava suaument fins al poble, i on s'alçaven dòlmens i pedres mil·lenàries, restes arqueològiques que eren solament una mínima part del que ocultava el prat verd; per la qual cosa sempre pensava que aquesta aigua que després beurien, venia fresca oferta pels avantpassats dels avantpassats, bàlsam per a l'ànima i la memòria que creuava des de l'origen dels temps. Passats els anys va aprendre i va sentir per primera vegada a la universitat la paraula grega omphalos, que significa melic; i la seva sonoritat, lletrejada de manera lenta i espaiada, una vegada i una altra, li va retornar el so de la corriola girant, i la galleda baixant des de les entranyes de la roca i l'ésser del seu poble. Om-pha-los, om-pha-los, om-pha-los. Melic, l'aigua que ens connecta a través del seu curs alhora fosc i lluminós, amb la nostra existència col·lectiva. Els habitants de terra de dòlmens vivim vinculats íntimament al curs de la memòria que transcorre sota terra, a la llum revelada de la matèria original; la pedra, els metalls, el corall, aigua que raja de la profunditat per nodrir-nos i satisfer de sentit i emoció el nostre present. Aquí tenim la sorpresa, l'emoció. I l'emoció activa la nostra capacitat per trobar-nos i organitzar la tasca comuna de protecció i defensa d'una cosa tan valuosa com els nostres somnis. Aquesta ha estat la nostra experiència al territori de Valencina-Guzmán. Vivim en el món d'avui la contradicció entre la convocatòria universal a participar en l'espai públic i la fragmentació dels interessos i discursos, la coexistència en tots els nivells de la vida quotidiana de processos que ens vinculen i fan interdependents, juntament amb la perduració de diferències que semblen insuperables. L'espai públic és l'àmbit en què organitzem la nostra experiència col·lectiva; és on els membres d'una societat produeixen una realitat comuna, com a ciutadans plens, més enllà de la seva condició de consumidors, electors, creients, experts, i assagen una integració, un reconeixement en termes de compatibilitat que permet defensar el que és nostre, i generar propostes que milloren la vida quotidiana i eixamplen les possibilitats del seu entorn material i emocional. ; Irish Nobel Prize awarded Seamus Heaney narrated that when he was a child, he enjoyed observing adults collecting water with a bucket from a well in the middle of the countryside. He always watched with tension and mystery the song repeated by the old pulley while spinning slowly, meanwhile the rope was descending into the dark, and then pulled up, until the bucket appeared dancing gently in the air, and spilling-around water drops. That well was on a hill that sloped down to the village, where dolmens and ancient stones were erected, archaeological remains that were only a fraction of what was hidden on the meadow; He always thought that this water was offered by their ancestors, soul and memory balsam from the beginning of time. Over the years he learned and heard in the University for the first time the Greek word omphalos, meaning navel, and its sound, spelled slowly and spaced, over and over, took him to the sound of the spinning pulley and bucket pulling up from the rock bowels and the being of his people. Om-pha-los, om-pha-los, om-pha-los . Navel, water that connects us through his course, dark and bright at once, with our collective existence. The inhabitants of dolmens' land live intimately linked to the course of memory that runs underground, in terms of original matter; stone, metals, coral, water flowing from the deep to nourish us and fill our present with meaning and emotion. There we have the astonishment, the excitement. Excitement activates our ability to find ourselves and to organize the common task of protecting and defending something as valuable as our dreams. That has been our experience in Valencina-Guzman territory. We live in today's world the contradiction between the universal call to participate in the public space and the fragmentation of interests and discourses, the coexistence in every level of daily life of processes that bind and separate us, in addition to the entrenchment of differences that seem insurmountable. Public space is the sphere in which we organize our collective experience, where society members produce a common reality, as full citizens, beyond their role as consumers, voters, believers, experts, and where integration is tested, a recognition in terms of compatibility that allows defend our belongings, and generate proposals to improve daily life while widening the possibilities of their material and emotional environment.
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Today marks a solemn anniversary in Brazil: 60 years ago, the Brazilian military seized power from the government of João Goulart, marking the start of over two decades of military rule. Brazil's 2014 Truth Commission report is the country's only formal investigation into this period of dictatorial rule. The commission's 2,000-page report revealed some grisly details of the dictatorship's human rights abuses, identified over 400 individuals killed by the military, and shed light on Brazil's role in destabilizing other Latin American countries.To assist with the Truth Commission, then-Vice President Joe Biden hand-delivered declassified State Department records to former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff — who herself had been imprisoned and tortured by the military regime. The records offered details about the dictatorship and Washington's enabling of abuses, including a cable from former Ambassador to Brazil William Rountree arguing that condemning the regime's human rights "excesses" would be "counterproductive." Biden's delivery of the declassified records was symbolic, since the U.S. had supported the coup. The U.S. solidified its support for the putschists the year prior, drew up plans for a U.S. invasion if deemed necessary, and sent a naval task force to Brazil to support the military plotters. In the end, direct U.S. involvement wasn't needed — Goulart fled to Uruguay by April 4. The coup was carried out by Brazil's generals, but Washington celebrated it as a victory for its interests nonetheless. On the one hand, U.S. support for the coup laid bare the hypocrisy of America's supposed commitment to sovereignty and democracy. Gone was the Kennedy administration's promise to reject a "Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war." The Cold War logic of siding with anti-communist dictators for the purpose of defeating the Soviet Union prevailed. Washington may have lost China, but it won Brazil — or so the thinking went. However, even the most cynical arguments for aligning with undemocratic regimes for a strategic purpose often failed to bear fruit, given that many of these regimes departed from U.S. policy on key issues. Many historians of the U.S.-Brazil relationship contend that during this period their ties at times more closely resembled rivals rather than close partners. Rubens Ricupero, a former diplomat and minister of finance of Brazil, writes that, "Little by little, doubts turn[ed] into disappointment, and this le[d] to gradual disengagement in relation to the regime they had helped to create."When it first took power, Brazil's military dictatorship closely followed Washington's lead. Goulart was out, as was his "Independent Foreign Policy," a non-alignment stance that emphasized self-determination, decolonization, and non-intervention, devised by the ousted president's predecessor, Janio Quadros. In line with Washington's desires, the dictatorship, which rotated through five different military general-presidents between 1964 and 1985, broke off relations with Cuba and even assisted the U.S. in its occupation of the Dominican Republic in 1965.Washington also saw Brazil as a key ideological partner in destabilizing leftist regimes across Latin America. As one Brazilian general put it, the United States wanted Brazil "to do the dirty work." And it did. Most prominently, the Brazilian regime played a critical role in the overthrow of the democratically-elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile,. even secretly bringing members of the Chilean military to Brazil to discuss the potential coup. Brazil under the generals also participated in Operation Condor, the secret cooperation of right-wing military dictatorships in much of Latin America to assassinate, or "disappear" perceived leftists and other dissidents during the 1970s.Over time, the Brazilian regime's alignment with the U.S. waned and tensions bubbled up. Dr. Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira writes in his book "Brazil-United States: An Emerging Rivalry," that "automatic alignment with State Department guidelines could no longer continue for long, as it no longer effectively corresponded to the national interests of a developing country that aspired to become a power." Despite the fact that the U.S. wanted the benefits of outsourcing its dirty work, it was not willing to accept the consequences that came with greater military autonomy for Brazil. Dr. Eduardo Svartman, a political science professor at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, told Responsible Statecraft that one early issue that emerged was over Brazil's request for F-5 fighter jets."In the eyes of American politicians, if the great threat in Latin America was communist insurgents, there was no point to sell or transfer modern supersonic fighter jets to Latin American countries when helicopters would do the job much better," Svartman said. The Brazilian government disagreed, believing it was important to have a modern military in order to project power in South America. The generals accordingly grew more reliant on Europe, buying several Mirage fighter aircrafts from France. They eventually pushed the F-5 sale through several years later, but it was an early lesson that the U.S. may not be their most reliable partner. Though the U.S. remained an important supplier of critical components for Brazil's burgeoning national arms industry, Brazil's supply of U.S.-made arms imports decreased from 92% to 14% of its total arsenal over the course of the dictatorship. The U.S. also grew frustrated with Brazil's move towards positions associated with the non-aligned movement. Though Brazil was never a full member of the movement, in the early 1970s, it supported the decolonization of the Lusophone countries in Africa, emphasized non-intervention, and recognized the MPLA in Angola. Elements of the Independent Brazilian Foreign Policy had returned. Perhaps the biggest source of tension between the U.S. and Brazil was over the development of a nuclear program. Brazil refused to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, arguing that nuclear technology was vital for its development. After the U.S. suspended the supply of enriched uranium for Brazil's research reactors, the regime turned to West Germany and negotiated a major nuclear agreement in 1975.In an internal report, the CIA claimed that Brazil's nuclear ambitions posed a "fundamental challenge" to U.S.-Brazil relations. Without informing the Brazilians, newly-elected Vice President Walter Mondale tried to lobby the German government to cancel the agreement. Washington also grew frustrated with the generals' authoritarianism and human rights abuses. The regime passed a series of "institutional acts" — the first of which came just days after the coup — that gave them sweeping powers, including suspending the rights of opposition leaders and power to declare a recess in Congress. Ricupero writes that "with each new attack on the legal order or violation of rights, the embassy in Rio de Janeiro was forced into dialectical contortions to calm the State Department's unrest." Pressure on rising authoritarianism and the nuclear issue came to a head during the Carter administration, which applied human rights as a criteria for military assistance more directly. After the Carter State Department criticized Brazil for its human rights abuses in 1977, the Brazilian government retaliated by suspending the Joint Military Commission between the U.S. and Brazil, its Naval Mission, and a long-standing bilateral military accord. According to Washington's then-ambassador to Brasilia, Robert Sayre, "U.S.-Brazil relations just went to pieces."Despite a brief rapprochement with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, Brazil became critical of Washington's revival of more interventionist policies under his administration. Washington's decision to side with Britain against neighboring Argentina during the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982 confirmed Brazilian suspicions that the U.S. was not a reliable partner. For the first time ever, "the hypothesis of war with the United States became an object of study in the Armed Forces," writes Bandeira.Brazil also opposed the so-called Reagan Doctrine, which sought to overthrow leftist governments in Central America and southern Africa. The U.S. had become not just a distant partner but something altogether new: an emerging rival. Many of these disputes between the two countries remained well into the period of democratization that began in 1985. There is a lot that is still unknown about this chapter in Brazil's history, and the U.S.' relationship to the military regime. Peter Kornbluh, a senior analyst at the National Security Archive who also served as the liaison between the U.S. and Brazilian governments for the Truth Commission, estimates there are still thousands of records that remain classified, including many sensitive records from the CIA and the Department of Defense. "[T]he degree to which the United States is sitting on documentation about repression in Brazil is the degree to which the United States is not assisting Brazilian society in reminding itself about the horrors of what happened behind closed doors in secret detention centers," Kornbluh told Responsible Statecraft.To start, President Biden could honor a request from 16 Brazilian civil society organizations to declassify these records. The groups' appeal states that declassification would "provide valuable information about human rights violations committed during the Brazilian dictatorship and clarify the degree of the United States' involvement in or knowledge of these events. This act of transparency would also strengthen the foundations of the U.S.-America relationship, fostering trust and collaboration on important issues such as human rights, democracy, and regional stability." The Luiz Inácio "Lula" da SiIva government is unlikely to formally request these documents from Biden himself. In an effort to appease leaders of the Brazilian Armed Forces who still hold the 21-year dictatorship in high regard, Lula controversially canceled all formal demonstrations of the 60th anniversary. But even without an official commemoration, millions of Brazilians from Manaus in the Amazon to Florianopolis in the far south are organizing demonstrations to send a message of "dictatorship never again."
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Debates over foreign policy have played an unusually significant role in the intra-Republican party debate over the last year. Disagreements over aid for Ukraine were a driving force behind former Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy's ouster from his leadership position last October. When Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) endorsed Donald Trump's 2024 presidential campaign, he cited his foreign policy record as the primary reason, and Nikki Haley has made her aggressive brand of foreign policy central to her challenge to Trump.Now, the Republican Party will undergo another meaningful transition. Mitch McConnell, who has led the Senate Republican conference since 2007, announced last week that he will step down from his long-held perch following November's elections and retire from the Senate at the end of his current term. While McConnell's decision is not explicitly about foreign policy, it is a signal that the party's views on a number of major issues, including America's role in the world, are changing."It's a body blow for the establishment, interventionist wing of the GOP," Jacob Heilbrunn, editor of The National Interest and author of two books on Republican foreign policy, tells Responsible Statecraft.To be sure, there are other elements at play. McConnell is 82. He's had a number of health events in public in recent months. A Trump return to the White House looks like a distinct possibility, and, given McConnell's apparent distaste for the former president, the Kentucky Republican may not want to contend with the pressure of working with him for another four years. Nevertheless, there are reports that McConnell is considering endorsing Trump for a second term.The majority leader, however, has said that he will serve out the rest of his term, which expires in January 2027, so the decision was not entirely informed by his personal life. "It suggests to me that some of this does have to do with the changing composition of the Senate Republican Conference," Jim Antle, executive editor of the Washington Examiner magazine, tells RS.The dynamics of that changing composition are clear: During a vote in the Senate last month on legislation that would provide foreign aid to Ukraine and Israel, 18 of the 30 Senators who were first elected before 2016 supported the bill; only four of the 19 who came to office since voted in favor.McConnell's Foreign Policy LegacyThe post-Trump years have been atypical for McConnell. During his nearly 40 years in the Senate and his 16 years as party leader — the longest such tenure in history — McConnell has rarely made foreign affairs a policy priority and has, despite criticism from conservative activists, laboriously tried to avoid inserting himself into intra-party disputes.But after his relations soured with the former president, McConnell became a symbol of the Republican old guard in Washington that was working to reverse Trump's effects on the party — with a focus on one issue in particular."Of all the ways Trump has reshaped the Republican Party, it's clear that McConnell sees the drift toward isolationism as the most pernicious — particularly at a moment when the fate of Ukraine and perhaps even NATO countries could be determined by the resolve of the Republican Party," Politico's Jonathan Martin reported last summer."I didn't really think he was that important on foreign policy until the Republican consensus on foreign policy started being challenged. And he was a leader in pushing back against those challenges," says Antle."McConnell's legacy is often considered domestic. It certainly was his area of interest," adds Curt Mills, executive director of the American Conservative. "But I think, time and again, McConnell showed himself to be essentially a kind of unreconstructed George W. Bush-style Republican on foreign policy, and really did sort of stick his neck out there as the years went on."However, McConnell's brand of conservatism, particularly on the foreign policy front, has been going out of style. It is reviled by more right-wing members of the party, and old Republican purveyors of it are aging out and retiring.The conservative House Freedom Caucus mocked the departing Senate leader after his announcement, focusing on his recent rhetoric on foreign policy. "Our thoughts are with our Democrat colleagues in the Senate on the retirement of their Co-Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (D-Ukraine)," the group posted from their account on the social media platform X.What's Next?The Senate can be a slow place to transform. Six-year terms mean that Senators are not as subject to the whims of the voter base as their counterparts in the House. The most oft-mentioned replacements for McConnell are the so-called "Three Johns" — Thune of South Dakota, Cornyn of Texas, (the third, Barrasso of Wyoming, has announced on Tuesday that he was forgoing the opportunity to replace McConnell to run for the second leadership spot instead). They are more in the mold of the current majority leader in that they have a more temperamentally conservative approach to politics, unlike some newer GOP politicians who are willing to overthrow institutional norms in Washington.Even though the Senate was a place for more establishment Republicans to have some level of power during the Trump years, Mills argues that the more "America First" wing of the party is more aware of and prepared to push for control of these levers of power. "I do think we're getting to the point now, where the Senate Leader is high profile enough that they can't be this major outlier on the policy," he tells RS. In addition, he says, anybody in the party who has national aspirations will have to advocate for some degree of foreign policy restraint.In terms of policy, the most crucial question confronting Congress is the future of aid to Ukraine. McConnell has been a strong advocate for continuing aid and, for the time being, the spending package is stuck in the House of Representatives. If the House blocks passage of the bill or passes a different version of it, the Senate GOP's position on the issue will once again be tested. The Republican conference had largely been supportive of aiding Ukraine, but the most recent bill passed with support from fewer than half of the members.Despite facing criticism from conservative activists, McConnell has rarely been on the losing side of any debates within the Republican Party during his time as leader, says Antle. Ukraine aid could prove to be a significant exception. And perhaps, given his stance on the issue, McConnell may feel that his voice is better placed elsewhere in the caucus."Maybe now he wants to play more of a Mitt Romney role. Where he's seen as this elder statesman within the party, but he has the freedom to criticize Trump," Antle tells RS. "This is me speculating. But I think it's informed speculation. He may feel that he's reached a point where herding cats in private is less important than speaking out against some of these things in public."The Trump FactorWhere the next Senate GOP leader falls on this and other related issues will depend largely on the outcome of the 2024 presidential election. Trump has reportedly already been involved in the jockeying over McConnell's successor behind-the-scenes, urging Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), the chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, to run. Regardless of who the leader ends up being, they will likely need to be loyal to Trump personally, but the former president may be more flexible when it comes to his policy agenda."If Trump really wanted to push somebody who was different from McConnell on foreign policy, I think he could have an impact, but I don't think that those are the kinds of considerations that he's going to make," says Antle. "But it does suggest, I think, that that wing of the Senate Republican Conference is only going to get bigger and the kinds of pressures McConnell was resisting, are going to become more difficult to resist."Heilbrunn, on the other hand, contends that if Trump is elected, the battle for Republican foreign policy will effectively be over. "The one thing he actually cares about is foreign policy," he tells RS, adding that Trump will not settle for a Senate advocating for a different approach, and will be "pushing for someone who will be subservient to him."If Trump loses, however, there will be a more contested battle over how the Republican Party may understand the country's role in the world. While Cold War-era hawks have definitely lost the power they once had within the party, they could make the case that Trump represented a short-term outlier if he loses another election.Even if Trump loses, Mills says, "I'm still pretty bullish on the restraint end of the Republican Party," because the momentum in the party's base is aligned with that movement. Foreign policy, he says, is only growing more salient for GOP primary voters.In addition, younger and more recently elected Republicans' views on foreign policy can harken back to the GOP from before the Cold War, which often opposed foreign intervention. In this telling, Cold Warriors like McConnell and the neoconservatives that populated the George W. Bush administration are actually the outliers in the party's history."I think that what Trump represents is an older and probably more durable tradition," says Heilbrunn.
This guide accompanies the following article: Doreen Anderson‐Facile and Shyanne Ledford, 'Basic Challenges to Prisoner Reentry', Sociology Compass 3/2 (2009): 183–195, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2009.00198.xAuthor's IntroductionCrime, incarceration and prisoner reintegration are pressing issues facing the United States today. As the prison population grows at record rates so, in turn, does the reentry of prisoners into society. The transition from prison to the outside world is often difficult for post‐release prisoners, their families, their communities and the larger society. Many formally incarcerated individuals do not have the skills or support to succeed outside prison walls. Unfortunately, when post‐release prisoners are not successfully reintegrated, they are often returned to prison and begin the cycle of incarceration.The following is a course designed around the basic challenges prisoners face upon reentry. The literature suggests that success depends in part on support and overcoming several barriers, such as homelessness and under/unemployment. This course begins with an examination of reentry barriers facing post‐release prisoners followed by an exploration of the relationship between prisoner reentry, race, gender, family, and employment and concludes with an assessment of ongoing research and public policy.Author RecommendsAnderson‐Facile, Doreen. (2009). 'Basic Challenges to Prisoner Reentry'. Sociology Compass, 3(2): 183–95.Anderson‐Facile's review of current research on prisoner reentry yields interesting results. Her article examines prisoner reentry as it relates to the barriers preventing successful reintegration. Anderson‐Facile begins with a look at incarceration and recidivism statistics leading readers through the barriers preventing reentry success. Barriers such as housing, family and community support, employment, and the stigma of a prison record make successful reentry difficult. Anderson‐Facile concludes with a look at current reentry programs. Anderson‐Facile highlights literature suggesting post‐release success begins with rehabilitation and ends with community support. The author notes that many successful programs are faith or character‐based. These programs focus on the individual and assist in substance abuse issues, vocational training, and transitional living arrangements. Finally, Anderson‐Facile notes that programs that work in one community may not show success in other communities, therefore concluding that matching programs with communities is a critical component for assuring post‐release success.Dhami, Mandeep K., David R. Mandel, George Loewesnstein, and Peter Ayton. (2006). 'Prisoners' Positive Illusions of Their Post‐Release Success'. Law and Human Behavior30: 631–47.Dhami et al. examine prisoners' forecasts of reentry success as this may have implications for how prisoners respond to imprisonment, release, and parole decisions. The authors examine sentenced US and UK prisoners' predictions for personal recidivism. The authors also asked UK prisoners how successful they will be compared to the average prisoner. Overall, both samples yielded overly optimistic, unrealistic beliefs about personal reentry success when compared to official data. The UK participants demonstrated a self‐enhancement bias by expressing that they would fair far better than the average prisoner. The authors conclude their article by discussing the implications of their findings and suggest future research possibilities.Holzer, Harry J., Steven Raphael, and Michael A. Stoll. (2002). 'Can Employers Play a More Positive Role in Prisoner Reentry? Urban Institute's Reentry Roundtable'.The authors report that in the early 21st century over 600 000 prisoners were released each year from prison and three million or more ex‐prisoners were in the general population. Holzer et al. indicate that one of the greatest hurdles for a newly released prisoner is finding employment because, as applicants, they are faced with an aversion on the employers part to hiring ex‐offenders. Holzer et al. explore the extent and nature of this aversion. Holzer et al. maintain that interventions by other agencies can help mediate employer aversions to hiring post‐release prisoners.La Vigne, Nancy G., Diana Brazzell, and Kevonne M. Small. (2007). 'Evaluation of Florida's Faith‐ and Character‐Based Institutions'. The Urban Institute.La Vigne et al. produced a summary of the findings from a 'process and impact' evaluation of two of Florida's faith and character‐based programs, also known as FCBIs. The authors' note that FCBIs are founded on principles of self‐betterment and faith development and are often ran by volunteers. The authors gathered data in the following ways: one on one interviews, semi structured interviews with staff members at all levels, focus groups with inmates, administrative data/official documents, and telephone and email communications with state corrections personnel. The authors noted that at six months, male FCBI housed participants were more successful than post‐released prisoners housed in Federal Department of Corrections (FDOC) facilities.La Vigne, Nancy G., Rebecca L. Naser, Lisa E. Brooks, and Jennifer L. Castro. (2005). 'Examining the Effect of Incarceration and In‐Prison Family Contact on Prisoners' Family Relationships'. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice21(4): 314–35.In this article, La Vigne, Naser, Brooks and Castro look at the role of the family in recidivism rates. Specifically, they examine the role of in‐prison contact with family members on released prisoner success. This article first defines family and then looks at the quality of familial bonds at imprisonment and during incarceration. Next, they examine the inter‐personal bonds in relationships, i.e., parent–child vs. husband‐wife of these post‐released prisoners. The authors' findings were inconsistent. For example, in some situations in‐prison contact was detrimental on family relationships and ties, wherein other cases the same contact served to strengthen the family and create a tighter network of family support for the newly released prisoner. These findings suggest further research is necessary.Pager, D. (2003). 'The Mark of a Criminal Record'. The American Journal of Sociology108(5): 937–75.Pager examined the relationship between prior incarceration and race on employment on two teams of subjects. One team consisted of two 23‐year‐old, white men and the other team was two 23‐year‐old, African‐American men. The two teams were nearly identical in personality, appearance, skills and employment history. The variables were race and criminal record. The findings suggest that race and employment history are important factors on post‐released employment. Thirty‐four percent of white applicants without criminal backgrounds received a call back while only 14 percent of black applicants without criminal backgrounds got called back. Seventeen percent of white applicants with criminal records received call backs while only 5 percent of black applicants with criminal records received call backs. These findings indicate that race and not prison record is a greater determinant of employment.Parsons, Mickey L. and Carmen Warner‐Robbins. (2002). 'Factors That Support Women's Successful Transition to the Community Following Jail/ Prison'. Health Care for Women International23: 6–18.Parson and Warner‐Robbins simply state the purpose of their article is to describe the factors that support the successful reentry of post‐release women into the community. The authors look at a specific program called Welcome Home Ministries (WHM), a community‐based program. The authors examine the demographics of the population, the rising incarceration rates, issues that lead to incarceration, and support for post‐release mothers. Through qualitative interviews with women who were participating in WHM programs upon release many themes emerged. The authors argue that these themes lead to implications about what future programs need to support women who are transitioning from prisoner to general public.Seiter, Richard P. and Karen R. Kadela. (2003) 'Prisoner Reentry: What Works, What Does Not, and What is Promising'. Crime and Delinquency49(3): 360–88.Seiter and Kadela examine the nature of the reentry issue and explore which reentry programs show success in reducing recidivism. The authors note a swing from modified sentencing to determinate sentencing which increases length of incarceration as an additional factor in successful reentry. Seiter and Kadela define reentry, categorize programs for prisoner reentry, and use the Maryland Scale of Scientific Method to determine program effectiveness. The authors find that programs that emphasized vocational training and employment development yield the most success.Travis, Jeremy and Joan Petersilia. (2001). 'Reentry Reconsidered: A New Look at an Old Question'. Crime and Delinquency47(3): 291–313.Travis and Petersilia drive prison reform by providing research‐based implications for revamping the current system of prisoner management. While prisoners have always been arrested and released, the authors point out that the numbers of both are increasing. They believe this is a call to action. Travis and Petersilia look at changing sentencing policies, changes in parole supervision, and how the removal and return of prisoners influence communities. The authors highlight the astronomical increase of prisoners at a time when sentencing policies are changing and are often inconsistent. They examine parole, the demographics of transitioning inmates, and the links between reentry and five social policies. The findings provide guidance for development of reentry policies.Wacquant, Loic. (2002). 'Deadly Symbiosis: Rethinking Race and Imprisonment in Twenty‐ First‐Century America'. Boston Review27(2): 22–31.Waquant begins his article with three abrupt facts about racial inequality and imprisonment in the United States all of which point to a 'blackening' of the nations prisons. The author points out that the high percentage of black people incarcerated in the United States is a direct result of four institutions; slavery, the Jim Crow System, the organizational structure of urban ghettos and the growing prison system. One of the main findings, according to Waquant, is that when laws and social reform restricted segregation (technically ended), the prisons picked up where society left off. Essentially he argues that, as evidenced by the ghettos and increasing numbers of African‐Americans behind bars, the prison serves to reaffirm racial inequality.Online MaterialsDepartment of Justice http://www.usdoj.gov/Urban Institute http://www.urban.org/California Departmen of Corrections and Rehabilitation http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Bureau of Justice Statistics http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjsLloyd Sealy Library at John Jay College http://www.lib.jjay.cuny.edu/Pew Center http://www.pewresearch.org/Sample Syllabus Week 1: Introduction to Prisoner Reentry Anderson‐Facile, Doreen. (2009). 'Basic Challenges to Prisoner Reentry'. Sociology Compass 3/2: 183–95.Visher, Christy A. and Jeremy Travis. (2003). 'Transitions from Prison to Community: Understanding Individual Pathways'. Annual Review of Sociology29: 89–113. Week 2: Introduction to Prisoner Reentry Continued Travis, Jeremy and Joan Petersilia. (2001). 'Reentry Reconsidered: A New Look at an Old Question.'Crime and Delinquency 47/3: 291–313.The Urban Institute. 'Beyond the Prison Gates: The State of Parole in America. A First Tuesday Forum.'http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=900567, November 5, 2002. Week 3: Incarceration, Reentry, and Race Pettit, Becky, and Bruce Western. (2004). 'Mass Imprisonment and the Life Course: Race and Class Inequality in US Incarceration.'American Sociological Review69: 151–169.Wacquant, Loic. (2002). 'Deadly Symbiosis: Rethinking race and Imprisonment in twenty‐first‐century America'. Boston Review 27/2 (April/May): 22–31.Marbley, Aretha Faye and Ralph Ferguson. (2005). 'Responding to Prisoner Reentry, Recidivism, and Incarceration of Inmates of Color: A Call to the Communities'. Journal of Black Studies 35/5(May): 633–49. Week 4: Incarceration, Reentry, and Gender O'Brien, Patricia. (2007). 'Maximizing Success for Drug‐Affected Women after Release from Prison: Examining Access to and Use of Social Services During Reentry'. Women & Criminal Justice 17/2&3: 95–113.Severance, Theresa A. (2004). 'Concerns and Coping Strategies of Women Inmates Concerning Release: 'It's Going to Take Somebody in My Corner"'. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 38/4: 73–97.Parsons, Mickey L. and Carmen Warner‐Robbins. (2002). 'Factors that Support Women's Successful Transition to the Community Following Jail/ Prison.'Health Care for Women International23: 6–18. Week 5: Incarceration, Reentry, and Family/ Home La Vigne, Nancy G., Rebecca L. Naser, Lisa E. Brooks, and Jennifer L. Castro. (2005). 'Examining the Effect of Incarceration and In‐Prison Family Contact on Prisoners' Family Relationships'. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 21/4 (November): 314–35.Pearson, Jessica and Lanae Davis. (2003). 'Serving Fathers Who Leave Prison'. Family Court Review 41/3(July): 307–20.Roman, Caterina Gouvis and Jeremy Travis. (2004). 'Taking Stock: Housing, Homelessness, and Prisoner Reentry,'The Urban Institute.http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=411096, March 8, 2004. Week 6: Incarceration, Reentry, and Employment Pager, Devah. (2003). 'The Mark of a Criminal Record,'American Journal of Sociology 108/5 (March): 937–75.Solomon, Amy L., Kelly Dedel Johnson, Jeremy Travis, and Elizabeth C. McBride. (2004). 'From Prison to Work: The Employment Dimensions of Prisoner Reentry'. Urban Institute Justice Policy Center. October 2004, pp. 1–32. Week 7: Incarceration, Reentry, and Employment Continued Holzer, Harry J., Steven Raphael, and Michael A. Stoll. (2002). 'Can Employers Play a More Positive Role in Prisoner Reentry? A Roundtable Paper'. The Urban Institute, March 20–21, 2002, pp. 1–16.Harrison, Byron, and Robert Carl Schehr. (2004). 'Offenders and Post‐Release Jobs: Variables Influencing Success and Failure'. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 39/3: 35–68. Week 8: Prisoner Reentry: What Works? MacKenzie, Doris Layton. (2000). 'Evidence‐Based Corrections: Identifying What Works'. Crime and Delinquency46: 457–71.Petersilia, Joan. (2004). 'What Works in Prisoner Reentry? Reviewing and Questioning Evidence'. Federal Probation 68/2 (September): 4–8.Seiter, Richard P. and Karen R. Kadela. (2003). 'Prisoner Reentry: What Works, What Does Not, and What is Promising,'Crime and Delinquency 49/3 (July): 360–88. Week 9: Incarceration, Reentry, Research and Public Policy Lynch, James P. (2006). 'Prisoner Reentry: Beyond Program Evaluations.'Criminology and Public Policy 5/2: 401–12.Pager, Devah. (2006). 'Evidence‐Based Policy for Successful Prisoner Reentry'. Criminology and Public Policy 5/3: 505–14.La Vigne, Nancy G. Diana Brazzell, and Kevonne M. Small. (2007). 'Evaluation of Florida's Faith‐ and Character‐Based Institutions'. The Urban Institute http://www.urban.org/url.cfm?ID=411561, October 1, 2007.Jacobson, Michael. (2006). 'Reversing the Punitive Turn: The Limits and Promise of Current Research'. Criminology and Public Policy 5/2: 277–84. Week 10: Incarceration, Reentry, and Outcomes Dhami, Mandeep K., David R. Mandel, George Loewenstein, and Peter Ayton. (2006). 'Prisoners Positive Illusions of Their Post‐Release Success'. Law and Human Behavior30: 631–47.Richards, Stephen C., James Austin, and Richard S. Jones. (2004). 'Kentucky's Perpetual Prisoner Machine: It's About Money'. The Review of Policy Research 21/1: 93–106.Suggested ReadingsEvans, Donald G. (2005). 'The Case for Inmate Reentry'. Corrections Today pp. 28–9.Lynch, James P. and William J. Sabol. (2001). 'Prisoner Reentry in Perspective'. Crime Policy Report3: 1–25.'One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008'. The Pew: Center on the States 2008, pp. 1–35.Petersilia, Joan. (1999). Parole and Prisoner Reentry in the United States, The University of Chicago.Petersilia, Joan (2003). When Prisoners Come Home: Parole and Prisoner Reentry. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0‐19‐516086‐x.Travis, Jeremy, Amy L. Solomon, and Michelle Waul. (2001). 'From Prison to Home: The Dimensions and Consequences of Prisoner Reentry'. The Urban Institute.Young, D. Vernetta and Rebecca Reviere (2006). Women Behind Bars. London: Lynn Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1‐58826‐371‐1.Focus Questions
Think about the kind of crimes for which people are imprisoned. What types of crimes do you think the majority of the prisoners commit? What precursors would lead to someone being arrested and eventually imprisoned for these types of crimes? What is the likelihood that these factors remain upon release? Do you think prison should be rehabilitative or punitive? Do you think prison is always the best option for criminal behavior (in other words, is the old adage 'if you do the crime you need to do the time' valid?). Why are incarceration and recidivism rates different across race and class? How do you explain the disparities in incarceration rates for people of color? What kind of programs, if any, do you feel should be incorporated into a prison sentence (i.e. job training, counseling, AA, NA, religious opportunities, etc.). Suggested Culminating Activity: Students are to design a pilot program to assist prisoners successfully reenter into the community. Students must have the following parts in their report/ presentation: Prison/Community Summary (what population and community do you want to serve), Program Summary and Justification (what is the program – how does it work and why do you think it is a valuable program), Requirements for Participation in Program, Barriers to Success, Assessment/ Measurement of Success/ Failure, and Conclusion. Students must briefly site articles from this course to support their methodologies and indicate the problems they suspect they will face as they try to determine the success or failure of their program. Budgets and money are a non‐issue. In the 'real' world budgets are always an issue but for the purpose of this assignment they are not. However, when designing your program you should consider whether your design is financially feasible.. The goal of such an assignment is for students to recognize the barriers prisoners face to successful reentry, the evidence and research that goes into creating prisoner policies, and that a program must be multi‐faceted and comprehensive in order to provide a platform for former inmate success.
This sample syllabus above is modeled after a 10 week term. It is recommended for longer terms, that the following book be utilized:Irwin, John. (2005). The Warehouse Prison. California: Roxbury Publishing Company.ISBN: 1‐931719‐35‐7.John Irwin derived his data from a prison in Solano County, California. Irwin watched as incarceration rates doubled between 1980 and 2000 despite crime levels staying relatively stable. Irwin notes that most of the prisoners in his study were incarcerated for 'unserious' crimes and were often treated in unethical ways. Irwin begins by examining incarceration rates, the demographics of the prison population, problems prisoners faced while incarcerated, post‐release difficulties and hurdles, and the societal costs of the prison super‐structure. Irwin offers a thorough examination of why prisoners are incarcerated, what they face while inside prison walls, what challenges they face once released, and the financial implications of imprisoning people.
Part one of an interview with members of "La Banda" and others connected to the band.Topics include: Introductions to those present for the interview and a little information about their family histories. How the band was formed and why. Memories of learning to play instruments, being in the band, and receiving instruction. Family members, both past and present, that are also involved with music somehow, but not directly involved with La Banda. Examples of when and where La Banda performed. The evolution of the band name, from Banda Regione d'Italia to the Leominster Band. What the makeup of the band is now. Other local bands that members play in. ; 1 INTERVIEWER: Cindy Rosamund with the Center for Italian Culture. It's Wednesday, September 19th. We are at the home of Lucy and Mike Scaramuzzi in Leominster at 30 Elm Street. And we have invited people that are connected with, uh, the band from Leominster, La Banda – or at least it used it be called that. We have many people here gathered at Lucy and Mike's home. And at first I would like you to just introduce yourselves. If you could just tell me your name, when you were born, where you were born, and if you know when your parents came to this country. Okay. Yes. [Unintelligible - 00:00:44] Hold on. Oh you want to know… RESPONDENT: I think that they're in the hallway. INTERVIEWER: That's okay. You're a part of this discussion. And you're right. At first I thought I was coming here primarily to talk to people only in the band, but that's okay. I think all of you have some connection, if not with the band at least Leominster and that's what we're all about here. We're writing about the history of Leominster, particularly Italian-Americans. Okay? So first we'll start with you. RENA: Well, I'm Rena Bisceglia. And did you want – I forgot to say… INTERVIEWER: Oh that's okay. Just, um, introduce yourself, giving your entire name including your maiden name. RENA Okay. I'm… INTERVIEWER: If you would like to tell us when you were born, where and a little bit about your parents. RENA: Oh, I'm Rena Bisceglia, born here in Leominster September 16, 1922. And I'm married to Vincent Bisceglia and my father-in-law was Gaspare who started the Italian Colonial Band. And I am collecting um newspaper articles, whatever I can find of information to write down in a notebook. INTERVIEWER: Great.2 VINNIE: Oh yeah, I'm… my real name isn't what's put down in the birth certificate, which is [Regelio Vincenzo Bisceglia]. Because there were two Regelios, my cousin was named Regelio, I went by the name of Vincent. So I was ultimately known as Vincent Bisceglia. I was born in February 9, 1920 and my folks came over about 1909 I think. And they, my mother came over with her sisters and her uncle who's the chaperone to the four sisters. And the Bisceglia side tried to come over but they were stopped at Naples because my uncle had a little sty in his eye, so they wouldn't let the family come in. My grandfather had already been here. He was working in Connecticut somewhere, so they stayed in Naples; fortunately they had a relative there, Dorico, whom they stayed with. They stayed there six months until my grandfather went over and got them and brought them here. But can you imagine that a little sty in a kid's eye—and my uncle must have been around 9 or 10—and they stopped the whole family from coming over? [Laughs] INTERVIEWER: They came directly, well, they went to Connecticut and then they settled in Fitchburg? VINNIE: No, no my grandfather had been working in Connecticut, but then I think he moved to Leominster because there was an assortment of people from the old country to get a job with. This was known as a [unintelligible - 00:04:09] but my father's folks came in through Canada. And I think they stayed in Quebec for a number of months. In fact, they were thinking of settling in Quebec, but because they had so many relatives and friends here in Leominster, they finally came from Quebec here. INTERVIEWER: So which part… VINNIE: But they had a really roundabout route to here. INTERVIEWER: Right. Which part of Italy did they come from? VINNIE: San Giovanni, which is on the spur of the [unintelligible - 00:04:43] Antonio Gargano – the "spur of the boot." And it's, my 3 grandfather was born in Monte Saint'Angelo, which is a high mountain city, right on the spur of the boot. San Giovanni is a little lower down. They finally moved to San Giovanni. My grandfather was – besides being in La Banda in Italy under the direction of, he was famous at that time, Florante, who was a conductor of the local band. All the cities have bands in Italy. But he was a jeweler by trade. The whole family made jewelry and sold jewelry around the different towns. I remember one story my father told me. My grandfather was carrying his assortment of jewelry from Monte Saint-Angelo down to the seashore of Manfredonia, one of those seashore towns. And he was riding a donkey. Now my grandfather was pretty hefty, like a [unintelligible - 00:06:02] was, you know, good-sized height and very, very hefty. And he was riding the donkey, and the donkey was pretty smart. When my grandfather got on the donkey, he would walk right on the edge of the precipice. [Laughter] So my grandfather was afraid they would all topple down the precipice so he would get off the donkey. So when he got off, then the donkey would walk in a comfortable part. When he would get on again, he would walk on the precipice – pretty smart donkey. [Laughter] RENA: So he would get off. [Unintelligible - 00:06:42] making those trips and he went to live in San Giovanni and he married your grandmother. INTERVIEWER: Okay. So why don't we go to the next person and come back. ROLAND: Me. I'm Roland [Verson] and I was born 12-21-31 – December 21, 1931. I was from [unintelligible - 00:07:07] Italy. My father was from Foggia San Juan. VINNIE: San Juan. ROLAND: Provincia de Foggia, that's where the priest was from. Was it Pio?4 RENA: Father Pio. ROLAND: My mother was from Bisceglie, Italy – Bisceglie Bari, they call it. VINNIE: Yeah, we were there. ROLAND: You were there? VINNIE: I spent four days there when I was a kid in the summer. ROLAND: Oh yeah? VINNIE: Yeah, in [unintelligible - 00:07:49]. INTERVIEWER: Who traveled here to this country? Was it you? ROLAND: My father. INTERVIEWER: Your father. And what was his name? ROLAND: Michael [unintelligible - 00:08:00]. He, I think he was the first to come and then he sent for his mother and father and my… VINNIE: They all did it that way. INTERVIEWER: And they all come to Leominster first? ROLAND: Well, my mother was from Worcester when she came here. INTERVIEWER: And what was her name? ROLAND: Maria Misino. RENA: Misino, M-I-S-I-N-O. INTERVIEWER: Okay. ROLAND: All right. INTERVIEWER: Do you have a connection to the band? ROLAND: Oh yeah, boy, going on 50 years. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Well, I'll come back to you. Next. PELINO: My name is Pelino Masciongioli. I was October 15, 1939 in [unintelligible - 00:08:48], a province of Abruzzo in Italy. My mother and her family were here in the United States. My mother was born in Everett, Mass. in 1916. My maternal grandparents had come from Italy and they had their family, and in the early 20's they packed up and went back to Corfinio. My mother met my father, who was from Corfinio, and they got married in the late thirties. And then after the Second World War, my mother being 5 an American born citizen was allowed to come back into the country and bring me with her. We moved to Pennsylvania. That was in February 1949. In the fall of that year, my father and two younger sisters were able to join us in Pennsylvania. My father went to work in a coal mine. They had a lot of strikes at the time. We had other family here in Leominster and it was decided for the future of the family, and the children in particular, that we should move to Massachusetts, which we did, and both my folks worked in plastic factories and I was fortunate enough that they sent me to college. And moving to the United States, a younger brother was born in Pennsylvania and a younger sister was born in Leominster. It seems like every time my family moved [laughter] we got another member in the family. And I pretty much lived in Leominster since 1950. And all of the family is still in the area. INTERVIEWER: Now do you have a connection to the band? PELINO: No, I don't. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Let's go to the next… CHARLES: Charles Johns. I'm the oddball. I think I was the first non-Italian to join the Italian Colonial Band. I think I was about, I would say maybe age 12. I had been taking trumpet lessons from my [unintelligible - 00:10:59] old Fitchburg music store, and he decided to leave the area, so that night my father went looking around for somebody else to teach me and I ended up with John Bisceglia, who was Gaspare's brother. My mother was born in Canada and my father was born here in Leominster of English descent, so there's no Italian connection whatsoever. But my father got me started with lessons with John Bisceglia and after a little bit John suggested that I go down to their rehearsals at Lancaster Street School on Sundays and get some more experience. And I don't know, it must have been about two years and I was still wearing my Boy Scout uniform, they decided to let 6 me play in a band concert and I was playing [unintelligible - 00:12:11]. I can distinctly remember making a mistake that very first night and Gaspare looked at me like I could have crawled through the boards in the bandstand. But it's been quite an experience, quite a learning experience. I learned a lot from playing with them. INTERVIEWER: Okay, thank you. We'll go to Mike. MIKE: No, Lucy. INTERVIEWER: Lucy. Okay. LUCY: I am Lucy [unintelligible - 00:12:57]. I am Roland's sister. You just heard from him, so my information is the same as his. My only connection to the band is that my father was in it and I think he just about started out with Gaspare and I have about five uncles in it -- had five uncles in it and maybe two or three cousins besides my brother. INTERVIEWER: Tell me the names of your uncles. You said there were about five. LUCY: John [unintelligible - 00:13:27]. [Unintelligible - 00:13:34] that's Morris. Lorenzo Predicelli. [Francio Julius] was in it at one time. And I think Frank [unintelligible - 00:13:49] was in it at one time, wasn't he? I thought I saw him in one of the pictures. How many was that, four? INTERVIEWER: That's five. [Unintelligible - 00:14:05] SPEAKER: Frank Junior? LUCY: I thought I saw his picture. Maybe he wasn't. No. [unintelligible - 00:14:19] Then there was Joseph Predicelli who was in it too. RENA: Tommy? LUCY: Tommy Predicelli. We had more than our share. VINNIE: You had more than the Bisceglias. INTERVIEWER: Okay. LUCY: The five of those brought their children and… ROLAND: My father was the manager.7 INTERVIEWER: Your father? ROLAND: Yeah. Michael Predicelli. I was just a little kid. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember the year, approximately? Was it right from the beginning, 1920? ROLAND: No. It was actually – no, I just remember, when I was 10 or 11, he was the manager and he trained John Predicelli. Remember him? LUCY: I sure do. ROLAND: And he showed him the ropes. Then he took it over. INTERVIEWER: So some of the questions I ask may be repetitive and there are a few rules for that. One being there are a lot of people here and sometimes I'm concentrating on something else even though you just said something. I have to be honest. So why don't we first talk about why the band was formed in the first place. I have heard someone mention that it was a tradition in Italy? So… ROLAND: As I said, I think a while ago every town in Italy has its town band. So my grandfather was Capo Banda. He was sort of like a concert master or – not the conductor but like a concert master. And I remember, I think we have pictures, but I remember they took a picture in Italy with my grandfather, and my uncle and my father were little boys sitting down with him with their instruments. So actually when they came over here, there were three of them that were musicians. And then they just had music in their system so they, my father… Well, another thing, my father was an apprentice to this bandmaster. They didn't have copy machines in those days, so one of his jobs was to copy out all the parts for the band. So he told me that when he started out, he made quite a few mistakes, and of course the way they were taught in Europe—the way I was taught too—when you made a mistake you got banged around. [Laughter] So after a few times of that kind of treatment, you didn't make mistakes anymore. But I remember I got the same 8 treatment when made too many mistakes playing. My father would put the fiddle down and whack me. Of course, my cousins got the same treatment too. But one time he didn't put the fiddle down, he broke the bow. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Do you think that helped you learn? ROLAND: Well, made me hate it. I hated music until I was 50. But, you know, I did it because I had to do it and because I knew how to do it. RENA: Tell the story about the time you were practicing and you were reading comics. ROLAND: Oh, yeah, I was in the room. I had to practice three hours a day. So to while away the time, I would get some comic books and I was just doodling on the fiddle, you know, reading the comics and not paying any attention to the music. My father, he came in and said that sounds funny. He came through the door and he saw what I was doing, that I was reading the comic book. He put my fiddle down and whacked me. [Laughter] RENA: You couldn't fool him. ROLAND: No, I couldn't fool my father. RENA: He wasn't in the room but he knew… ROLAND: He was too savvy for that. INTERVIEWER: Charlie, did you .get that treatment when you were taking lessons with him? CHARLIE: No. No. He was very nice, very kind, but I'd be practicing and I'd get frustrated. He would go and take the trumpet, put it in the case, put it in the closet and not say another word. A couple of days later, I'd say where's my trumpet and he would go dig it out and I would get it back. But he played the smart play, I guess. I'll tell you when his father looked at me if I made a mistake—I'm telling you—it looked like daggers were flying. CHARLES: Oh yeah.9 LUCY: Mike has an expression your father used. Mike, are you here? MIKE: Yeah. LUCY: Mike was in the band for a little while, a short while. Mike, tell them about the time you made mistake with the [unintelligible - 00:19:55], remember? MIKE: I wasn't with them that long. LUCY: I know you weren't with them. But what would he say? He'd say, "Who made that [unintelligible - 00:20:06]?" MIKE: Oh, I remember. [Unintelligible - 00:20:08] INTERVIEWER: Can you tell me what that word means? [Unintelligible - 00:20:20] CHARLES: Yeah, bitter onions, bitter onions. INTERVIEWER: Mike, you need to introduce yourself, because when you deferred to Lucy, I thought you weren't connected to the band but now I have it, well you were. MIKE: I'm [unintelligible - 00:20:32]. INTERVIEWER: Well, that's okay. MIKE: [Unintelligible - 00:20:43] Lucy's husband connected to the band because I was a little kid. My father used to play in it, way back when I was a kid, so I became interested in it and when I was in junior high school, I took up the alto horn and was old enough to go down there to join the rehearsals, like Charlie said, with the Colonial Band, but I really wasn't that great. Just a few months and then I got too old for them and all that, or so I thought. But other than that… LUCY: He went to the Eagle Drum Corp because there were girls there. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Is that how he met you? LUCY: No.10 VINNIE: The Eagles was all men. There were a couple of twirlers. And Charlie was in there [unintelligible - 00:21:41]. We had the music that… INTERVIEWER: So you said your father was in the band? MIKE: He was, back when they first started. He started with the trombone. The trombone had the valve, like Lucy said, [unintelligible - 00:21:56]. I think he played baritone for a while and that's why I picked up the alto horn. INTERVIEWER: And what was his name? MIKE: [Unintelligible - 00:22:12] INTERVIEWER: And did he come to this country by himself or did he travel with someone? MIKE: I think he came from Italy alone, because he met my mother here in the States when they got married. LUCY: He was the only one from the family to come, right? MIKE: Right. [Unintelligible - 00:22:40] my mother came on [unintelligible - 00:22:44]. She was a [unintelligible - 00:22:51]. There were four of them that came. They met and they got married. INTERVIEWER: And what year did they come to this country? MIKE: 1912 or in that area. He was in the same village with Lucy's father. They were in the same town, Foggia. They both came from there and [unintelligible - 00:23:12] father also. They all came from Foggia. INTERVIEWER: And it was the same. At the beginning most of the members of the band were from Foggia, Italy? MIKE: Yeah. Most of them would have been. What I heard is they followed your father here because they don't have anything. [Laughter]11 CHARLIE: [Unintelligible - 00:23:44] they made a mistake by getting on a couple of [unintelligible - 00:23:43] it's pretty common, or after the war in Italy in 1946 or '47 in school, including a stick. CHARLES: That's how they taught us, with a stick. INTERVIEWER: How things have changed, huh? VINNIE: You can't touch them now. [Laughter] CHARLES: [Unintelligible - 00:24:00] I was taught the old way. The first thing you had in [unintelligible - 00:24:05] you were taught to read music. VINNIE: Oh yeah [unintelligible - 00:24:14]. CHARLES: I did that for a year before I got an instrument. And when I was taking my lesson, your father never knew that I couldn't understand or speak Italian. [Laughter] And I never told him. And I used to take my lesson and he used to swear up and down. And I could hear your mother would be in the kitchen and she would be sighing. She would be crocheting and sighing. It was funny because he used to swear at me for not knowing the lesson, but then in English, in broken English, he would tell me how good I was. [Laughter] LUCY: I can remember when my brother was taking lessons before he got his instrument, he would have to beat out the music. They had to go la-dah-dah-dah. CHARLIE: That's the solfeggio. VINNIE: Right. You sing the notes. LUCY: He would, sat up in bed one night in his sleep and he was doing this. CHARLES: My mother thought I was sick; I was going da-la-la-la-la-la. INTERVIEWER: So tell us more about that, how you learned music. Was that typical that…? VINNIE: Yeah. Solfeggio is reading the music by name. Like if you want to play the Star Spangled Banner, you go "fa-re-do-re-fa-ti, re-do-12 ti-la-re" you sing the notes and beat time. And that way you learn conducting at the same time and also following any conductor, but you've had your time pattern while you sang the notes. And even in the conservatory they taught us to memorize, say we had to memorize a concerto we would do it by solfeggio. Memorize the notes by name because – it's pretty tough at first but it helps to impress it on your memory. INTERVIEWER: How long before you got an instrument? VINNIE: A year. INTERVIEWER: A year? How… VINNIE: Well, we did it even after we would get the instrument. It's just the brain work instead of tactile. Then when you played it, you had the additional memory assist by the feel of the instrument, but this way, here, it's in your brain. You sing the notes and keep the time. INTERVIEWER: Who determined when you were ready to pick up an instrument? CHARLIE: Oh, he did. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: The father? VINNIE: He determined when I quit. He sent me to the nuns, to St. Cecilia's. I must have been 4 or 5, really young, having no knowledge doing it. And I remember taking lessons with Sister Mary who was, she was related to the royalty in England but she was a convert to Catholicism. So she would teach me and I would spend most of my time looking at her headdress. There was a slit in one corner of it and I was always trying to see what kind of hair she had. She had a crew cut, I remember. They wouldn't show their hair at all. They just had the headdress. That was my favorite – looking at it while I took the lesson. CHARLIE: Your father, was he also in strings or just brass? VINNIE: No, they were all brass men. It was funny how he chose the violin for me. I guess that's what I mean. He was able to teach on that. I don't know. He never, he just sent me to the nuns and then when 13 Carluccio came to town, you know, Carluccio was [unintelligible - 00:28:37]. He had had quite a role in playing violin. LUCY: He studied in Milan. VINNIE: So he finally started teaching me. Carluccio did. I didn't stay long with the nuns. maybe three years, and then I went to Carluccio. CHARLIE: Now Vinnie Longo did the same thing, then he went to the nuns, and went to Carluccio. INTERVIEWER: Did Vinnie ever play with the band? VINNIE: Violin? No. Not that I know of. CHARLIE: He was connected to the school band. INTERVIEWER: So who determined which instrument you would play? SPEAKERS: Gaspare. INTERVIEWER: Did he have that much influence over other band members, let's say their sons? VINNIE: He did. Well, I think so because whenever they needed instruments, he would probably suggest. But he didn't suggest to me. He told me to do it. [Laughs] CHARLIE: You know your father was very precise. VINNIE: Oh yeah. CHARLIE: When he directed. The beat was always there. You could always see it. Well, I grew up with your father there conducting, so when I started to play with other conductors I had no idea what the hell they were doing – really. VINNIE: Yeah, a lot of them are ballet dancers. CHARLIE: I won't mention his name, but he conducts [Axis]. My sister liked [unintelligible - 00:30:22] so the only thing he does for me is make me hungry. He looks like he's whipping up pizza. [Laughter] VINNIE: Well, that was one of the criticisms of Toscanini because he was one of the greatest conductors, but a lot of wise guys said he's just 14 a time beater. Well, what else is a conductor but a time beater? If you can't keep time, go home. [Laughter] You will hear that from a lot of people who don't know music. You know, they look at the conductor and they say, "Do you really need that guy up there?" Well, of course. MIKE: Was it fairly common for the kids to be sent to the nuns? Did they provide that kind of service in the community? CHARLES: Yeah. VINNIE: That was something they all did, the nuns did was teach music. ROLAND: They did. CHARLES: You got to pay them. VINNIE: Oh, yeah – of course, you pay them. MIKE: It wasn't just one nun. There was a group of them that all provided lessons [unintelligible - 00:31:19] instruments. INTERVIEWER: Which instruments? Can you tell us which ones they could teach? VINNIE: Well, because I only knew that they taught violin, that is what I learned; my cousins here took the other lessons. CHARLES: Sister Mary. VINNIE: The same one? I would think it would be violin and piano. I don't think they were in to band instruments. CHARLES: Maybe flute or something. INTERVIEWER: Now, Vinnie, which instrument did you play in the band? VINNIE: Well, when I went to school, I think junior high – I didn't play in the band until I got to junior high. Then I joined, they had an old flute hanging around and doing nothing so they gave it to me to play. So I learned it and, of course, I had already been playing violin so it wasn't too long before I could play it. So when I started with the flute, I joined my father's band and played flute in the band. And in fact later on, I kept playing flute and piccolo. When I was in the Army, I played flute and piccolo in the marching band. That's what I did for four years.15 SPEAKER 1: I know why you played the piccolo. It was the lightest instrument to carry. [Laughter] VINNIE: Yeah, my father would razz me a lot because when I played in his band I played the flute. It's a bigger instrument. So when we were marching along, there would be kids following us so I would have some kid carrying my flute until it was time to play and then I would pick it up. And my father used to say you're lazy to even carry your flute. Speaking of laziness, I had to practice three hours a day by the clock and so it sounded like a long time to me. So I practice maybe half an hour, look at that clock. So I go to the kitchen clock and advance it 10 minutes. Then I would go practice some more, errrr, got another two hours to go. I'd go to the kitchen clock and advance it 10 minutes. I kept doing that until three hours went by. And the strangest thing, nobody ever said anything. My father and my mother, they never caught on or told me they caught on what I was doing, but every day that clock would be fixed. I would probably advance it about an hour. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Roland, how did you learn your instrument and which instrument did you play? ROLAND: I played the clarinet and saxophone from Vinnie's father. INTERVIEWER: So he gave lessons too? ROLAND: Yeah, I took lessons from him. INTERVIEWER: So you also learned music first for about a year? ROLAND: Yeah, and went through high school and went to the Navy School of Music when I was in the service. VINNIE: Oh you played in the marching band too, huh? ROLAND: Yeah. We had a [unintelligible - 00:34:57] Washington, D.C., the police that were out there, they would come for the school and they would get half a dozen guys from the school and take us to the armory and they gave us uniforms and we would play twice a week. Once on the Capitol steps we would play a concert, like we 16 do here, and then [unintelligible - 00:35:28] place where cherry blossoms. Captain says it's a good duty. He said, "Every time you play you get two days off in a week. So if you want to be a policeman, you come and see me." [Laughter] No, I didn't want to be a policeman. It was a lot of fun. I made two world cruises playing in the band. INTERVIEWER: Now tell me more about your father, Roland. He was in the band also? ROLAND: Yeah, and he was… INTERVIEWER: And did he learn an instrument probably much the same, in the same way that you did? VINNIE: I don't know. It's possible my father and uncle [unintelligible - 00:36:15], you know, to play in the band when they [unintelligible - 00:36:20]. ROLAND: I think that's what happened. LUCY: We have a feeling all those who [unintelligible - 00:36:21] were born with these instruments in their hands. INTERVIEWER: But do you know if your father was in the band in Italy? ROLAND: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: He was. And what instrument did he play? ROLAND: He played trombone. In fact, he was in the Army for about three months, I guess, he was playing in the band. INTERVIEWER: Do either of you know if the traditions goes beyond that, for example your grandfathers? ROLAND: Yeah, my grandfather was a baritone player. VINNIE: Yeah, my grandfather was too. They were all brass men. RENA: Your grandfather played in America with your father. VINNIE: Oh yeah, he was part of the original band, my grandfather was. ROLAND: I got a story about your father. He used to go mushrooming in the war. And one day, we were just kids, [unintelligible - 00:37:20] and I, and someone else, I forget who, and your father was picking 17 up mushrooms, and all of the sudden he stood up and he smiled. And he always used to carry a little notebook in his shirt pocket and pencil, and all the sudden he took it out and he started writing like crazy. He heard this bird chirping and he wrote a tune out of it. VINNIE: Yeah, I know all about that. INTERVIEWER: Now, Vinnie, you said your grandfather actually played in this country. Maybe I missed something… VINNIE: He played with my father's band. INTERVIEWER: Your father's band here. VINNIE: But he also, he belonged to the band originally in Italy. INTERVIEWER: Did your grandfather live in Leominster? VINNIE: Oh yeah. INTERVIEWER: Did he move here? VINNIE: He started off in Connecticut then he moved to Leominster and then he brought his family here to Leominster. INTERVIEWER: Okay. ROLAND: So your father started a band and recruited his father to play? VINNIE: Yeah. I guess his father probably yelled at him. [Unintelligible - 00:38:39] RENA: He first came to this country alone. VINNIE: Yeah. RENA: And he was here for a while and someone wrote back to Italy that he was becoming very skinny, as your Aunt Grace put it, and so your grandmother got very alarmed about it and asked him about it. And she wanted him to send back a photo so she could see what he looked like. But he didn't have the money for a photo. So he drew… he stood in front of the mirror and drew a picture of himself and mailed it back to her so she could see what he looked like. [Laughter] And then after a year or so, I guess he went over there and came back with the whole family. 18 INTERVIEWER: Do you have any stories of perhaps a great-grandfather playing an instrument? VINNIE: No, I don't go back that far. I know my grandfather, but that's it. INTERVIEWER: Now do you want to talk about the great-grandfather who had the 20 children? VINNIE: Oh. [Laughter] When I was growing up, folks would tell me about my grandfather was one of 17 children. RENA: Now he's talking about the one we just talked about, Vincenzo. VINNIE: And I always took it with a grain salt, the 17 children. And they said that a couple of them were shot by bandits, so they always said, you know, fantastic number of children. So one time, just before he died, I asked Frank [Jethro] who grew up in that town. I said, "Hey, tell me the truth Frank, there weren't 17 children." He said, "No, no, no – there was 24." [Laughter] So there must have been some truth in this, but they're all scattered around the country. Some in Kansas City, Missouri, some in… RENA: They're probably… VINNIE: Arkansas, some in New York City. Let's see… RENA: A lot of them are optometrists and one of them got to be a Protestant minister in Kansas City and there's an Italian cultural center in his name in Kansas City. VINNIE: John Bisceglia. He had the same name as my uncle – Presbyterian minister. RENA: Well, they were befriended by this church when they came to this country and so they just turned around and went with them. Then there were others that were goldsmiths. VINNIE: Jewelers. RENA: Jewelers, goldsmiths, and optometrists. One of them wrote to Tony. I have a letter that he wrote to Tony, and Charles was his name, so it was the next generation. They sent all the kids to school. 19 ROLAND: Tony played in the band too. RENA: Yeah, he played clarinet. SPEAKER: Is he [unintelligible - 00:41:54]? RENA: Of course. VINNIE: And there was a Steve Bisceglia that was a football player I saw somewhere. I remember seeing his name somewhere. I remember seeing his name. He played for like Alabama? INTERVIEWER: University of Alabama. VINNIE: A few years back, he was playing for them. He was a well-known football player. He was one of those from that game… RENA: I saw it on television. I couldn't believe my eyes because my [uncle] is called Steve and he was about the same age. He was at the Naval Academy at the same time that this boy was in Alabama and I saw Steve Bisceglia #44 on the back of his shirt and he was playing football. So I had Kathy write him a letter and it developed that he is of the Bisceglia wine family in Fresno, California. VINNIE: Oh yeah, we went there once. RENA: So he invited my Steve to go visit him. He said, "We will compare and see if we use the same toothpaste." [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Roland, tell me about your grandfather. Do you know if he played an instrument? ROLAND: Yes. He played baritone, brass instruments, but it wasn't long before I was alive. I knew your father knew him. VINNIE: Oh he knew your grandfather? INTERVIEWER: And what was your grandfather's name? ROLAND: Joseph, Josepe Nicole [Franson] – Joseph Nicholas Franison]. INTERVIEWER: Now did he live in Leominster? ROLAND: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Okay. 20 LUCY: Now, [my brother] I think has an interesting story. He played a duet with Franklin. Didn't you? Didn't you play with your grandson at a band contest? So, that would be my grandfather, my father, [Roly] and Roly's grandson. INTERVIEWER: That's where I was going. MIKE: You're remembering middle school. INTERVIEWER: So do any of you have brothers that also played in the band? ROLAND: I didn't have any brothers. INTERVIEWER: You don't have any brothers? ROLAND: Two sisters. I had cousins. [Unintelligible - 00:44:20] INTERVIEWER: But if you had brothers, they would be expected to play in the band? VINNIE: Oh yeah, they all took a turn. Tony played too. ROLAND: Everybody did. LUCY: Now, of course, the Piermarini family, Cleto was the father, and all of his sons, Alfonz, Carl, Stephen and even Paul. Did Clyde ever play? ROLAND: I think Clyde was a piano player. VINNIE: Yeah, in Las Vegas. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Now, Vinni, you mentioned that you really hated music until you were about 50. VINNIE: Oh yeah. INTERVIEWER: You [unintelligible - 00:44:58]. Tell me a little bit about that. Was that you didn't want to let your father down, the community down – what was it? VINNIE: Well, uh… ROLAND: He didn't want to get whacked. [Laughter] VINNIE: No, it was just something I had to do. I accepted it. Didn't like it but I accepted it and I did the best I could. Of course, it's not good in a way because you only do it when you're pressured to do it. Even now I won't practice until I have to play somewhere and I 21 have to get ready, and that threat makes me, pushes me to practice. But I never practiced until, unless I was forced. LUCY: You were a music teacher in Fitchburg. Wasn't music the way you earned your living? VINNIE: Oh yeah, but I didn't operate the same way as my folks did. In fact, maybe I went the opposite way. I never pushed any kid, in fact, not on my kids. I never pushed them into music. They all like it and they all dabbled in it but I never pushed one of them because I remembered, you know. I never pushed them. RENA: May I interrupt and say that now you love it? VINNIE: Oh I like music, hell, yeah. RENA: And you found out that you… VINNIE: Since I was… RENA: Really, really love it. VINNIE: I thank my father. RENA: He did you a favor. VINNIE: For doing me a favor, right? INTERVIEWER: Do you regret that you didn't push your own children, now that you have a love for it? VINNIE: Sometimes I regret it. RENA: But he did, we did sent one of them to U. Mass and he majored in oboe. That was an instrument he wanted to play. But Vinnie tried it for two years and gave it up because he realized it just was not for him. [Laughter] He went into business and he had been CEO of all the companies and live onto and he has done fabulously well in business. So he just realized that even though he had the opportunity to be a musician that it wasn't for him. But his son is at B.U. and he is majoring in music. So this is, his grandson is majoring in music. INTERVIEWER: So the tradition continues. Didn't you feel pressure from your father to teach your children?22 VINNIE: No, just the opposite. I didn't want any kid to go through what I… INTERVIEWER: No, what I'm saying is, didn't your father give you pressure to teach your children… his grandchildren? VINNIE: No, well he had passed on by that time. But speaking of children playing music, I know one time there was something going on at St. Anne's, the band played and then we went inside and they had a little program with kids and my son Steve and another kid—I won't mention names because they might be embarrassed—but they had to play a number. My Steve was about 12 or 13, and the other kid was about the same age. They were pals. One played the piano and Steve played the violin. So they played this number and it sounded great. And all of the sudden, the piano player, they were about three-quarters through, he just discovered that his music was upside down. [Laughter] So he quickly turned it right side up but you never knew it because the kid sounded great. I'll never forget that. RENA: He was a pro from the beginning. VINNIE: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:49:24] LUCY: Vinnie, did your father finally find out that you loved music or had he passed on by that time? RENA: First, did he know you didn't like it? INTERVIEWER: Did he know that you didn't care for it? VINNIE: I never told him, no. I never told him I didn't like it. ROLAND: How old were you when you played with the San Antonio Symphony? VINNIE: Well, that was after the service. Wherever I was stationed I would play with the local symphony. I was Bangor and played with the Bangor Symphony. ROLAND: I thought you were there permanently.23 VINNIE: Went to Oklahoma and I played with the Oklahoma Symphony. But when the conductor at the Oklahoma became conductor of the San Antonio, the war was over, so then I went back as a civilian and played a couple of years with the San Antonio under the same conductor. ROLAND: Rena, tell your story about Vinnie, when he [unintelligible - 00:50:36]. I used to take my lessons on Saturday afternoon in Vinnie's living room. And I was taking my lesson and all of a sudden the phone rang and Vinnie's mother went to answer and was talking to Vinnie and then she says, "He wants to talk to you," talking to her husband, Vinnie's father. Vinnie was in New York, I guess – and you had joined the Navy without calling your folks. VINNIE: Oh yeah. ROLAND: So [unintelligible - 00:51:18]. VINNIE: You heard that? ROLAND: Yeah, I was taking my lesson. I was right there. RENA: Oh dear me. ROLAND: Your father used to sit at one of the dining room chairs and I had to stand up before he comes out breathing fire. So I'm standing there and I remember your father saying, "Well, you signed the papers; it's too late now. Be a good boy." [Laughter] VINNIE: I didn't know that. RENA: [Unintelligible - 00:51:54] I visited you in the barraks and he was saluting and everybody… VINNIE: Oh yeah. I was playing in Bangor, Maine, in the band, and they came up to visit me once here and of course everybody salutes anybody else. So he was starting to salute everybody, following the band. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So when the band was formed in Leominster, how – did you ever get the story of exactly how that happened? I understand that they, these people played instruments, they were carrying over the 24 tradition from Italy. But when was the decision made to gather together and create a band for the Italian community? VINNIE: Well, I guess my father was the one that decided right along, or actually with his father when he was an apprentice to this conductor in Italy, so it was his desire of being in band music. So I guess they had a few players that had played in bands overseas so he got them together. I think it was only 16. ROLAND: Yeah. That's what I already thought was all these musicians out there, they just got together here and started playing. RENA: Yeah. VINNIE: There were enough of them to start a band so they had this tradition of band playing… ROLAND: Then they grew as time went along. INTERVIEWER: When they created the band, was it to play for the Italian community? VINNIE: Well, initially I guess it was to play for the functions of the Italian community. INTERVIEWER: Give me some examples of when and where they played, when you were a youngster. VINNIE: They used to play up at St. Anthony's in Fitchburg, some religious feast of some kind; they had a procession with [unintelligible - 00:54:06] and people would pin money on a statute, on a flag, and we would march all the way up to St. Anthony's Church and back there, and then they would have a concert and then usually fireworks after the concert. But that was difficult. It had these religious processions. ROLAND: Did that in Boston too. VINNIE: It was in Boston, right? RENA: Worcester. ROLAND: We played in Worcester. INTERVIEWER: So the band played in Boston also for…25 VINNIE: Yeah, they went there [unintelligible - 00:54:46]. CHARLIE: Did they play in Worcester for the second time…? ROLAND: Plus the time we played in Boston, we played in the Worcester in the morning and got on a bus and went to Boston RENA: I remember one article they played in Rutland for veterans who were disabled and couldn't get out to see a concert, so they would go there where they were. And they were so appreciative. That was a nice -- Rutland, Vermont actually. INTERVIEWER: Vermont. CHARLES: When I started taking trumpet lessons from his Uncle John, my mother was working at Santa [Cloth Works]. VINNIE: Oh, yeah. My father and mother worked there. CHARLES: My mother knew of the association between John and Gaspare and she kept saying every so often, "[Unintelligible - 00:55:46] no music; you go around singing operas." I was working with John. When I started playing, I was still in school and I've got a severe narrow upper palate and this dentist wanted to take and pull some teeth out to see if he couldn't flatten it and I would say, "No way! I play trumpet, so leave my teeth alone." He said, "Well, we'll take one out in the back on this side and one out in the back on this side, and we'll see what happens." I was also playing some dance work occasionally and I was playing, like Vinnie said – oh, I can't say. Well, I got into the band; it was almost every other week during the summer I had to [unintelligible - 00:56:51], went up to Fitchburg, and by Sunday night I could take my front teeth and push them back and forth; they were actually loose. And actually I was just taking out the two lower teeth; my teeth was actually pushed back just from playing all that time. VINNIE: Really? INTERVIEWER: Now at the beginning of this interview today, you had mentioned that when you got frustrated with the trumpet –26 CHARLES: Practicing. INTERVIEWER: That your mother would just put it away. CHARLES: She would get mad. Well, she would get mad and say, "That's enough," put it in the case, close the case up, and put it in the closet. INTERVIEWER: It sounds like you had a different experience than Vinnie. CHARLES: Nobody ever slapped me around. I slapped myself around. [Laughs] INTERVIEWER: I didn't quite mean that, but did you feel as much pressure? Was anyone looking to you to join a band? CHARLES: No, no. When I was in school, I was in the band at school and then, like I say, John was giving me lessons and he said, well – and I was there and everybody was kind of [fumbling], "Well, why don't you start coming down to the rehearsals on Sundays down at [unintelligible - 00:58:05] school?" Okay. When I went down there, I was so frustrated when I left that first day. None of the music was trumpets. Everything was manuscript. You put this thing out past and started to play and I don't think will [unintelligible - 00:58:30] I didn't have a clue as to where I was. I sat down. But after a while, I kept on it and… VINNIE: Yeah, I remember when Charlie – because he was so small, his feet wouldn't touch the floor; they would just dangle over the edge. Of course, now he's a big six-footer. But I can remember him rehearsing and I would see everybody else kind of growing up, and there's Charlie; he's just barely over the edge of the chair and playing his trumpet – probably one of the youngest to ever get into the band. ROLAND: They remember Charlie as the band was growing and they were trying to bring in good musicians. And the only good ones were the kids. Charlie Johns, [unintelligible - 00:59:13] and that's when the band started picking up.27 CHARLES: If I had one thing to say that I was sorry about, as far as belonging to the Leominster Colonial Band, it's, typical stupid young kid, I never learned the language. I had a golden opportunity to learn. But one thing that used to get to me was, for some reason, something would go wrong and his father would start after somebody and they were going back and forth in Italian and I didn't have a clue what was going on, but I always thought it's my fault [unintelligible - 01:00:03]. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So I take… I'm sorry. SPEAKER 2: As far as the tradition of playing on feast days, you know, because most towns in Italy had patron saints, you know, as a church, so that was a fairly common occurrence and you could go from town to town playing in feasts. But some of these social clubs that we started here, you know, like my folks belonged to the [Cofigno] Club. CHARLIE: Sons of Italy. SPEAKER 2: Okay, Sons of Italy, you know, Faggio Club, [Salodini], I imagine that, as I remember, they used to have dinners on occasion and dances. And so, the local bands would've been called on to come in. CHARLIE: Oh yeah. SPEAKER 2: And play on a lot of those functions. Another way for people in the regions to get together, you know, they had common interests and backgrounds. SPEAKER 1: Oh great. SPEAKER 2: And we'd socialize. CHARLIE: I think it's a shame that that has gone by the books today, because a lot of the young people are never going to get to experience some of those things. INTERVIEWER: Are you talking about the social clubs or are you talking about the band?28 CHARLIE: No. Well, mainly the social clubs, but the bands – what Vinnie said, we used to go out… sometimes we'd play on a Friday night, then we'd go out on Saturday night, play another concert, [unintelligible - 1:01:25] on a Sunday; you'd march the society to church and then, God knows, we walked all over the water skirt barrier on a Sunday afternoon. SPEAKER 2: Oh yeah. CHARLIE: Went to [unintelligible - 1:01:37] and people will never get to see that anymore. It doesn't exist, except in Boston; you've got to learn to look down there. SPEAKER 2: They kept up the traditions better there. CHARLIE: Yeah. RENA: If I'm not mistaken, all those social clubs had a patron saint. CHARLIE: Right. RENA: And they would celebrate the feast of that saint by having a concert and dinners and so forth. VINNIE: They'd have a procession receiving everything. INTERVIEWER: Was the band paid a fee for performing? VINNIE: Oh yeah, oh yeah. They get paid the union dues, once we all joined the union, yeah. And they added up all the costs and that's how they charged the different societies. RENA: They joined the union in 1956, so before that? CHARLES: Well, they still got paid before '56. INTERVIEWER: By the Sons of Italy? CHARLIE: Because I went out to St. Louis in '53 and I was already in the union because I played out there a couple times. INTERVIEWER: You were in the union earlier? CHARLIE: '53, I think, I took the band out there in about '53 – because I was still in high school. When I got out of high school, then I transferred my union membership out there. RENA: Maybe the whole band wasn't in until a few years later.29 CHARLIE: I think the last time I played before I went out to St. Louis we had just joined the union then and played a concert in Barry. ROLAND: Before that, the city used to pay us. CHARLIE: Oh yeah, that's right, the city. ROLAND: And the pass was 3 dollars. [Laughter] RENA: I know, I know. [Laughs] ROLAND: And if you were just a kid, like Charlie and I were back then… CHARLIE: A buck-fifty. ROLAND: You got half price, a dollar fifty. [Laughter] CHARLIE: I remember when I put [unintelligible - 1:03:57]. RENA: And you rehearsed free of charge. CHARLIE: And the dagger looks when you made a mistake. [Laughter] VINNIE: His father could cut you off without touching you. He didn't have to slap you on the side of the head. CHARLIE: Well, I remember the first memory I had of the band; I was about 3 years old. My father used to take me to the band rehearsals. Now he would go to either Phillip [Carecci's house or my grandfather's house. But they didn't have a setup with stands or chairs. They all stood up. And, you know, they'd read out their lines. So it was just… quite a lack of room, out of the whole band, everybody's standing up. I was just barely 3, so I didn't know what to do with myself. So I see all these legs there, so I'm going under their legs like bridges; I'm going under this musician's legs and out the other one. I guess I kept it up too long, because my father stopped bringing me to the rehearsals. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: How often did they rehearse? CHARLIE: How long? INTERVIEWER: How often? How many times? ROLAND: Oh once a week. INTERVIEWER: Once a week? ROLAND: Oh yeah that was set; every week there'd be a rehearsal. 30 CHARLIE: What was it, Sunday? ROLAND: Sunday morning. CHARLIE: Sunday morning, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Sunday morning? CHARLIE: I guess this [unintelligible - 01:05:27], down in the basement. RENA: And all the neighborhood kids would peer through the windows and watch. I remember going there. INTERVIEWER: So was it prestigious belonging to the band? VINNIE: Was there a procedure? INTERVIEWER: No prestigious. ROLAND: It was an honor. INTERVIEWER: Was it an honor? VINNIE: Oh yeah. I would guess. CHARLIE: I always considered it an honor, especially when I was the first one who couldn't speak the language. VINNIE: Until it was time to practice. [Laughter] CHARLIE: Yeah. SPEAKER 2: Everybody's seeing that a little kid in the Italian band. CHARLIE: Yeah, in the Boy Scout uniform. INTERVIEWER: So Charlie, when did you join the band? CHARLIE: I'd say it would have to be… oh, I'd say the late 40s. INTERVIEWER: And prior to that, there weren't any non-Italians? CHARLIE: Not that I know of. INTERVIEWER: And why was that? ROLAND: Well, it was an Italian band. It used to be made up of fathers and sons, you know, they came from Italy. It was the Leominster Italian Colonial Band. CHARLIE: Right. ROLAND: So then when Charlie came in, we had to change the name. [Laughter] No, [unintelligible - 1:06:47].31 INTERVIEWER: Now getting to the name change, are you saying that in jest? When it was no longer just Italians, is that when the name changed? VINNIE: Yeah. CHARLIE: Yeah. They started to get different, you know, out of the city there were very few. VINNIE: As the groups came in, so they decided to change it to just Leominster Band. CHARLIE: I can remember one time when they were playing, practicing, Roland was in there then, and something went wrong and then they got into a big feud about something. And Nicholas' father walked over behind him, standing right behind him and he's calling a mile a minute, and all of a sudden Roland reaches in his pocket, pulls out his handkerchief and puts it on the top of his head. [Laughter] I'd just sit there and I didn't have a clue as to what was going on. INTERVIEWER: Well, the band changed its name in about 1953? CHARLIE: No, I think it was later than that. RENA: Probably when they went on union – in 1956? But they made two changes: 1910 originally they were Banda Regione d'Italia, in honor of the people who backed them. And then the second time was 1916, I think, when they became Italian Colonial Band. INTERVIEWER: Was it the Italian or the Italian-American Colonial Band? RENA: I always heard of it as the Italian Colonial Band. VINNIE: Italian Colonial. RENA: Because it was still completely… VINNIE: Mostly Italian, yeah. RENA: And then in '53. VINNIE: They dropped the "Italian." RENA: Leominster Colonial Band. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Now why was the word "Colonial" chosen? Does anyone know?32 RENA: Because they were a colony of the Italians in the beginning, right? ROLAND: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Because it was a colony? VINNIE: An Italian colony in Leominster. INTERVIEWER: Okay. And who chose the name? Did a group of people get together and talk about it or…? ROLAND: I don't know. Maybe the sponsoring group – who was it? Regione d'Italia was the sponsoring group? RENA: I have no idea about that. VINNIE: It just grew up that way. INTERVIEWER: Could it be your father did that too? VINNIE: Yeah. I think it was just common usage you know. RENA: You know, one thing I haven't found out yet is they had women come in. When did that happen? Who was it that was first in… is a girl? VINNIE: That was late [unintelligible - 1:09:40]. INTERVIEWER: Was she Italian? ROLAND: There were always men you know, that played in the thing way back then. RENA: But I think it was when you started; you started letting the girls come in. [Laughter] CHARLIE: Well, why not? INTERVIEWER: Did a woman approach you and want to join the band? CHARLIE: No, it just grew up that way. The kids at school were learning instruments and the girls were too. So then when you needed an instrument, a particular instrument, like a lot of the flute players. Yeah, some of my students that I taught flute now play in [unintelligible - 1:10:24] she played flute in the band. You know, [unintelligible - 1:10:32], I taught them flute. So when they needed flute players, you know, the girls could play flute, so they 33 came in. There was no specific move to put women in or include women; it just grew that way. ROLAND: Wasn't it that their high school and… they could play so then they decided to get in? CHARLIE: Yeah, they started playing… the girls started playing in high school, so then they… RENA: It's interesting that up to a point it was all male. CHARLIE: Yeah, it was originally, yeah. RENA: It's nice to see some girls join. ROLAND: Some of them, a lot of them are music teachers; they teach in a public school. CHARLIE: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: That are now members of the band? VINNIE: Oh yeah a lot of women in the band now. RENA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How many members are in the band now? CHARLIE: It usually is around 30. Isn't that about the number they use now? ROLAND: About 30, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Now is that typical? Is that how many there were when you were younger? RENA: No. CHARLIE: Probably a little smaller. INTERVIEWER: Smaller? CHARLIE: Probably around 20-something, or 28, 26 maybe. ROLAND: I noticed when I was a kid they used to have three tubas, and you know, probably the tradition of just-male membership came from Italy. CHARLIE: Oh yeah. ROLAND: And that tradition was carried over. And I would guess that the term "Colonial Band" is probably their attempt at translating to join, the Banda Regione d'Italia. Okay? Try to translate that to an 34 American, probably the word Colonial was placed in there to refer to the "Regione" which means region. RENA: Region. Yeah, that sounds possible. CHARLIE: Oh I've got to tell this story before we forget it. We were just a little small town band but there was one time we made the national news, all over the country. And I won't mention his name, please don't say it because he feels embarrassed. But we were marching to the center of Leominster… ROLAND: Oh, yeah. CHARLIE: You remember that? And from Evergreen Cemetery marching in Leominster, we'd take a right on West Street. Well, there was a player on the extreme left front end and we took the turn on West Street, but he was so engrossed in his music, he kept walking straight [laughter] towards Pleasant Street and he didn't notice until he was almost up to Pleasant Street. He turned around, there was no band there. [Laughter] He went all the way back and somebody had taped the whole thing and they sent it in to some news channel and they put it on television. That was the only time we ever made the national news. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: If they taped it, it had to be pretty recent, right? CHARLIE: Well, it was quite recent. You guys remember. But he always felt so bad about it that I won't mention his name. But he made a statement. INTERVIEWER: About what year was that? Do you know? ROLAND: It would've been after the war, I would imagine. CHARLIE: Oh about 8 years ago, rather recent. ROLAND: Oh recent? CHARLIE: It was rather recent. ROLAND: You think so? INTERVIEWER: So it's kind of someone – home movie collection? CHARLIE: Somebody's got the tape.35 RENA: What is the program where they put on several funny ads and then people vote? INTERVIEWER: America's Funniest Home Video or something. RENA: Home videos. CHARLIE: I want to see that. RENA: Somebody should enter it in to that program. Did he know that that was sent in? CHARLIE: Well, he found out eventually. [Laughter] He always gets up and he gets mad when he hears about it. ROLAND: Actually, somebody asked him if they could do it on that home video TV program. And he said, "Well, you can but don't mention my name." It was funny because what the band would do is every year they would take a luck coming out of a mechanic strike. And then that was way back when they had the wooden bandstand and it was right in the middle of town. So you automatically figured you're going to take a left. This year, they decided they were going to march up by… RENA: West Street by the common. ROLAND: Yeah, where the city hall parking lot is. RENA: Yeah. ROLAND: And what he did, he automatically went to the left because they used to give their speeches and everything. And that was great. INTERVIEWER: Now there was a band in Fitchburg also, and that disbanded. So did some of those members come over to Leominster? CHARLIE: Well, they still have a band in Fitchburg. ROLAND: Yeah, I play with them; Charlie and I play with them. CHARLIE: Yeah, Fitchburg Military Band. INTERVIEWER: All right, so was there an Italian band in Fitchburg? VINNIE: Not specifically. Probably most of the same musicians played in that band too. Like how many – are there more than you two that play in the Fitchburg's Military from Leominster?36 ROLAND: There's Gene. VINNIE: Gene? CHARLIE: Yeah. ROLAND: And most of the brass players. CHARLIE: Yeah, there's a lot of exchange between town bands. VINNIE: John used to be in it? CHARLIE: Oh yeah, they used to play in the Townsend Band. My father played in the Townsend band. They all shared the bands around here. ROLAND: On Memorial Day we would play in the morning, and then in the afternoon we used to play in Greenfield. And it was all hills. And we remember once we did the same thing; we were going up this tall one, and I don't know if Charlie remembers, but Roger Pascarelli, he was, they used to put the clarinets up front. CHARLIE: Yeah, yeah. ROLAND: And he was on one end, and I forgot – John Pacceli was on the other end, and we were marching and we came to this fork. And the first time we played, we didn't know where we were going. And it was funny it was like somebody split the band up. [Laughter] And there were two guys there, engrossed in their music and they were going this way, and the other guys were going that way. Remember that, Charlie? CHARLIE: Yep. ROLAND: [Unintelligible - 1:18:14] road you're taking, right? RENA: You go that way. INTERVIEWER: So when did – did the music change over time, the repertoire of the band? ROLAND: Yeah it did. Because in those days, the music was really heavy; it was quite long and everything, you know.37 VINNIE: Yeah, there were a lot of operatic excerpts played by the band. Now they have regular concert band music, you know, worldwide. But in those days, it was mostly operatic excerpts. ROLAND: Manuscript. VINNIE: Arranged for the band. RENA: And some of the music is about 200 years old and it is still played by this band, although they do play the modern as well. But as I think I read in one of the articles, it's like preserving a museum piece in the museum and they have preserved this music. They still have it; they have the music and they can play it if they want to. But now they're beginning to play more and more of the show tunes. INTERVIEWER: Now I was wondering, are there any bylaws or something that tries to preserve the culture of the band, for example, the 200-year-old music? Is there something in place that will hopefully keep this music alive for generations to come? CHARLIE: Well, just in the light read…/AT/jf/kg/ee
WOS: 000432038500001 ; This paper presents combinations of inclusive and differential measurements of the charge asymmetry (A(C)) in top quark pair (t(t)over-bar) events with a lepton+jets signature by the ATLAS and CMS Collaborations, using data from LHC proton-proton collisions at centre-of-mass energies of 7 and 8 TeV. The data correspond to integrated luminosities of about 5 and 20 fb(-1) for each experiment, respectively. The resulting combined LHC measurements of the inclusive charge asymmetry are A(C)(LHC7) = 0.005 +/- 0.007 (stat) +/- 0.006 (syst) at 7 TeV and A(C)(LHC8) = 0.0055 +/- 0.0023 (stat) +/- 0.0025 (syst) at 8 TeV. These values, as well as the combination of A(C) measurements as a function of the invariant mass of the t(t)over-bar system at 8 TeV, are consistent with the respective standard model predictions. ; ANPCyT (Argentina)ANPCyT; YerPhI (Armenia); ARC (Australia)Australian Research Council; BMWFW (Austria); FWF (Austria)Austrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS (Azerbaijan)Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC (Belarus); FNRS (Belgium)Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS; FWO (Belgium)FWO; CNPq (Brazil)National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); CAPES (Brazil)CAPES; FAPERJ (Brazil)Carlos Chagas Filho Foundation for Research Support of the State of Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ); FAPESP (Brazil)Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); MES (Bulgaria); NSERC (Canada)Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRC (Canada); CFI (Canada)Canada Foundation for Innovation; CERN; CONICYT (Chile)Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CAS (China)Chinese Academy of Sciences; MoST (China)Ministry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC (China)National Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS (Colombia)Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSES (Croatia); CSF (Croatia); RPF (Cyprus); MSMT CR (Czech Republic)Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR (Czech Republic)Czech Republic Government; VSC CR (Czech Republic)Czech Republic Government; DNRF (Denmark); DNSRC (Denmark)Danish Natural Science Research Council; SENESCYT (Ecuador); MoER (Estonia); ERC IUT (Estonia)Estonian Research Council; ERDF (Estonia)European Union (EU); Academy of Finland (Finland)Academy of Finland; MEC (Finland)Spanish Government; HIP (Finland); CEA (France)French Atomic Energy Commission; CNRS/IN2P3 (France)Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); SRNSF (Georgia); BMBF (Germany)Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); DFG (Germany)German Research Foundation (DFG); HGF (Germany); MPG (Germany)Max Planck Society; GSRT (Greece)Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC (Hong Kong SAR, China)Hong Kong Research Grants Council; OTKA (Hungary)Orszagos Tudomanyos Kutatasi Alapprogramok (OTKA); NIH (Hungary)United States Department of Health & Human ServicesNational Institutes of Health (NIH) - USA; DAE (India)Department of Atomic Energy (DAE); DST (India)Department of Science & Technology (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland)Science Foundation Ireland; ISF (Israel)Israel Science Foundation; I-CORE (Israel); Benoziyo Center (Israel); INFN (Italy)Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT (Japan)Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS (Japan)Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; MSIP (Republic of Korea); NRF (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); MOE (Malaysia); UM (Malaysia); BUAP (Mexico); CIN-VESTAV (Mexico); CONACYT (Mexico)Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT); LNS (Mexico); SEP (Mexico); UASLP-FAI (Mexico); CNRST (Morocco); NWO (Netherlands)Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; MBIE (New Zealand); RCN (Norway); PAEC (Pakistan); MNiSW (Poland)Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; MSHE (Poland); NCN (Poland); NSC (Poland); FCT (Portugal)Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA (Romania); JINR (Dubna); MES (Russian Federation); MON (Russian Federation)Russian Federation; NRC KI (Russian Federation); RosAtom (Russian Federation)Russian Federation; RAS (Russian Federation); RFBR (Russian Federation)Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR)Russian Federation; RAEP (Russian Federation); MESTD (Serbia); MSSR (Slovakia); ARRS (Slovenia)Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS (Slovenia); DST/NRF (South Africa); MINECO (Spain); SEIDI (Spain); CPAN (Spain); PCTI (Spain); FEDER (Spain)European Union (EU); SRC (Sweden); Wallenberg Foundation (Sweden); ETH Board (Switzerland); PSI (Switzerland); SERI (Switzerland); SNSF (Switzerland)Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); UniZH (Switzerland); Canton of Bern (Switzerland); Canton of Geneva (Switzerland); Canton of Zurich (Switzerland); MOST (Taipei); ThEPCenter (Thailand); IPST (Thailand); STAR (Thailand); NSTDA (Thailand); TUBITAK (Turkey)Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK); TAEK (Turkey)Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; NASU (Ukraine); SFFR (Ukraine)State Fund for Fundamental Research (SFFR); STFC (United Kingdom)Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE (United States of America)United States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF (United States of America)National Science Foundation (NSF); BELSPO (Belgium)Belgian Federal Science Policy Office; FRIA (Belgium)Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS; IWT (Belgium)Institute for the Promotion of Innovation by Science and Technology in Flanders (IWT); BCKDF (Canada); Canada Council (Canada); CANARIE (Canada); CRC (Canada); Compute Canada (Canada); FQRNT (Canada)FQRNT; Ontario Innovation Trust (Canada); Leventis Foundation (Cyprus); MEYS (Czech Republic)Czech Republic Government; EPLANET (European Union)European Union (EU); ERC (European Union)European Union (EU)European Research Council (ERC); ERDF (European Union)European Union (EU); FP7 (European Union)European Union (EU); Horizon 2020 (European Union)European Union (EU); Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions (European Union)European Union (EU); Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex (France)French National Research Agency (ANR); ANR (France)French National Research Agency (ANR); Region Auvergne (France)Region Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes; Fondation Partager le Savoir (France); AvH Foundation (Germany)Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; Herakleitos program - EU-ESF; Thales program - EU-ESF; Aristeia program - EU-ESF; Greek NSRF (Greece); CSIR (India)Council of Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR) - India; BSF (Israel)US-Israel Binational Science Foundation; GIF (Israel)German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; Minerva (Israel); BRF (Norway); HOMING PLUS programme of the FPS - EU Regional Development Fund (Poland); Mobility Plus programme of the MSHE (Poland); OPUS programme of the NSC (Poland); NPRP by Qatar NRF (Qatar); Generalitat de Catalunya (Spain)Generalitat de Catalunya; Generalitat Valenciana (Spain)Generalitat Valenciana; Programa Clarin-COFUND del Principado de Asturias (Spain); Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship, Chulalongkorn University (Thailand); Chulalongkorn Academic into Its 2nd Century Project Advancement Project (Thailand); Royal Society (United Kingdom)Royal Society of London; Leverhulme Trust (United Kingdom)Leverhulme Trust; A. P. Sloan Foundation (United States of America); Welch Foundation (United States of America)The Welch Foundation; Weston Havens Foundation (United States of America) ; We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT (Argentina); YerPhI (Armenia); ARC (Australia); BMWFW and FWF (Austria); ANAS (Azerbaijan); SSTC (Belarus); FNRS and FWO (Belgium); CNPq, CAPES, FAPERJ, and FAPESP (Brazil); MES (Bulgaria); NSERC, NRC, and CFI (Canada); CERN; CONICYT (Chile); CAS, MoST, and NSFC (China); COLCIENCIAS (Colombia); MSES and CSF (Croatia); RPF (Cyprus); MSMT CR, MPO CR, and VSC CR (Czech Republic); DNRF and DNSRC (Denmark); SENESCYT (Ecuador); MoER, ERC IUT, and ERDF (Estonia); Academy of Finland, MEC, and HIP (Finland); CEA and CNRS/IN2P3 (France); SRNSF (Georgia); BMBF, DFG, HGF, and MPG (Germany); GSRT (Greece); RGC (Hong Kong SAR, China); OTKA and NIH (Hungary); DAE and DST (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland); ISF, I-CORE, and Benoziyo Center (Israel); INFN (Italy); MEXT and JSPS (Japan); MSIP, and NRF (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); MOE and UM (Malaysia); BUAP, CIN-VESTAV, CONACYT, LNS, SEP, and UASLP-FAI (Mexico); CNRST (Morocco); NWO (Netherlands); MBIE (New Zealand); RCN (Norway); PAEC (Pakistan); MNiSW, MSHE, NCN, and NSC (Poland); FCT (Portugal); MNE/IFA (Romania); JINR (Dubna); MES, MON, NRC KI, RosAtom, RAS, RFBR and RAEP (Russian Federation); MESTD (Serbia); MSSR (Slovakia); ARRS and MIZS (Slovenia); DST/NRF (South Africa); MINECO, SEIDI, CPAN, PCTI and FEDER (Spain); SRC and Wallenberg Foundation (Sweden); ETH Board, ETH Zurich, PSI, SERI, SNSF, UniZH, and Cantons of Bern, Geneva and Zurich (Switzerland); MOST (Taipei); ThEPCenter, IPST, STAR, and NSTDA (Thailand); TUBITAK and TAEK (Turkey); NASU and SFFR (Ukraine); STFC (United Kingdom); DOE and NSF (United States of America).r In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BELSPO, FRIA, and IWT (Belgium); BCKDF, the Canada Council, CANARIE, CRC, Compute Canada, FQRNT, and the Ontario Innovation Trust (Canada); the Leventis Foundation (Cyprus); MEYS (Czech Republic); EPLANET, ERC, ERDF, FP7, Horizon 2020, and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions (European Union); Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, Region Auvergne and Fondation Partager le Savoir (France); AvH Foundation (Germany); the Herakleitos, Thales, and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF (Greece); CSIR (India); BSF, GIF, and Minerva (Israel); BRF (Norway); the HOMING PLUS programme of the FPS, co-financed from the EU Regional Development Fund, the Mobility Plus programme of the MSHE, and the OPUS programme of the NSC (Poland); the NPRP by Qatar NRF (Qatar); Generalitat de Catalunya, Generalitat Valenciana, and the Programa Clarin-COFUND del Principado de Asturias (Spain); the Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship, Chulalongkorn University, and the Chulalongkorn Academic into Its 2nd Century Project Advancement Project (Thailand); the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust (United Kingdom); the A. P. Sloan Foundation, the Welch Foundation, and the Weston Havens Foundation (United States of America).
Viime vuosiin asti kansalaisten osallistumisen on uskottu toteutuvan kahta tietä: joko edustuksellisen demokratian kautta tai ihmisten konkreettisella toiminnalla oman ja lähiyhteisön terveyden vaalimisessa. Suomessa ei kuitenkaan ole tutkittu riittävästi yhteisön ja kansalaisten osallistumista ja terveyteen liittyvien prosessien käytännön hallintaa. Ei tiedetä miten ihmisten ja yhteisöjen osallistuminen terveyttä koskevaan päätöksentekoon toteutuu paikallistasolla ja miten sitä voidaan edistää. Myös Suomen Terveyttä kaikille vuoteen 2000-yhteistyöohjelmassa kansalaisten osallistumista terveyden edistämiseen pidettiin 1990-luvun haasteena. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli paikallisten kokeiluhankkeiden avulla selvittää miten ihmiset ja yhteisöt voidaan saada itse aktiivisemmin mukaan terveyden edistämiseen ja miten yhteisölähestymistapa voidaan ottaa siinä paremmin huomioon. Tutkimuksen teoreettisessa osassa tarkastellaan kansalaisten, ammattiauttajien ja kunta/valtiohallinnon suhteiden kehitystä 1900-luvulla. Tutkimus pyrkii kuvaamaan ja ymmärtämään kehitystä vuorovaikutuksessa, jossa päämääränä on yhteisön kansalaishallinta terveysasioissa. Tutkimus analysoi miten osallistumisen ja terveyden kansalaishallinnan käsitteet ja lähestymistavat ovat kehittyneet sekä kansainvälisesti että kansallisesti. Terveyden kansalaishallinnalla (empowerment) tässä tutkimuksessa tarkoitetaan prosessia, jossa vahvistetaan ihmisten mahdollisuutta tehokkaasti osallistua ja vaikuttaa sellaisten rakenteiden synnyttämiseen ja terveyspolitiikan ja -ohjelmien kehittämiseen, joiden päämääränä on yhteisön itsensä määrittelemien tarpeiden tyydyttäminen. Ihmiset osallistuvat tähän kehittämisprosessiin ja jakavat siitä saavutetut hyödyt. Tutkimuksen empiirisessä osassa analysoidaan kansalaisten osallistumista ja terveyden kansalaishallinnan kehittymistä vuosina 1992-1996 toimintatutkimus -tyyppisesti toteutetuissa Terve Somero- ja Terve Järvenpää -hankkeissa tutkimuksen teoreettisessa osassa kehitetyillä indikaattoreilla ja menetelmillä. Tutkimusaineistona olivat vuosina 1992, 1994 ja 1996 toteutetut kyselyt hankkeeseen osallistuneille ja teemahaastattelut vuodelta 1996, osallistuvasta havainnoinnista syntyneet päiväkirjamerkinnät ja muistiot sekä kuntalaisten omat toimintasuunnitelmat ja -kertomukset. Analyysimenetelminä olivat kvalitatiivinen evaluaatio ja sisällönanalyysi. Somero-Järvenpää -hankkeiden tarkoituksena oli määräajoin toistuvien koulutustilaisuuksien, konsultaation ja muun tuen keinoin vahvistaa terveyttä edistäviä verkostoja, yhteistyötä ja terveyden kansalaishallintaa. Alkuvaiheessa keskityttiin vahvistamaan yhteisöllisyyttä ja sitouttamaan osallistujat pitkäjänteiseen kehittämistyöhön, jossa kuntalaiset itse selvittivät oman kuntansa terveystilannetta haastattelemalla asukkaita ja terveyden ammattilaisia sekä tekemällä tilasto- ym. selvityksiä. Hankkeen ulkopuoliset kouluttajat eivät antaneet vastauksia kysymyksiin, vaan tukivat yhteistyötä ja asukkaiden omien toimintasuositusten valmistelua. Hankkeseen osallistuneet virittivät käytännön toimintaa ja kävivät vuoropuhelua terveysasioista kaupungin päättäjien kanssa. Tutkimus osoitti että ihmiset ovat kiinnostuneita terveyden edistämisestä ja haluavat vaikuttaa kuntansa terveyttä koskevissa asioissa. Kokeiluohjelmat Somerolla ja Järvenpäässä onnistuivat hankkeeseen osallistuneiden terveyden kansalaishallinnan tunteen ja valmiuksien sekä yhteisöllisyyden synnyttämisessä. Kumpaankin kuntaan muodostui noin parinkymmen hengen ydinryhmä, joka osallistui ja toimi aktiivisesti koko kehittämishankkeen ajan. Vuoteen 1996 mennessä Terve Somero hankkeesta muotoutui kansalaisten toimintafoorumi, jonka päätarkoituksena oli uusien ideoiden ja projektien synnyttäminen. Järvenpäässä hankkeesta muotoutui kansalaisjärjestöjen ja viranomaisten yhteistyö- ja suunnitteluryhmä. Tutkimus osoitti, että kummassakin kunnassa oli hyvät edellytykset yhteisön kansalaishallinnan kehittymiselle ja että osallistumiseen perustuva terveyden edistäminen kuntatasolla on mahdollista, mutta että tällaisen toiminnan vakiinnuttamiseksi tarvitaan suunnitelmallista ja monivuotista yhteistyötä sekä ulkoista tukea, kouluttajia ja muutoksia vallitsevissa organisaatiokulttureissa. Mikäli tuki ja koulutus lopetetaan liian aikaisessa vaiheessa on seurauksena toiminnan hiipuminen. Tutkimuksessa käytetty osallistumisen ja terveyden kansalaishallinnan malli antaa käytännön osviittoja siitä miten tällaista toimintaa voidaan ylipäätään saada aikaan ja ylläpitää kunnissa. Lisäksi tukimus tarjoaa tietoa siitä miten terveyden edistämiseen tähtääviä projekteja voidaan arvioida laadullisilla menetelmillä. ; At the beginning of the 1990's the move towards a greater autonomy at the local level in Finland required that citizens assume an increasing activity in managing their own affairs. However, when the Finnish Health for All 2000 programme (launched in 1986) was evaluated in 1991 by WHO, a low degree of citizen participation in planning and implementing the programme was pointed out. Starting form this critical comment the Finnish Centre for Health Promotion (FCHP= Terveyden edistämisen keskus ry., a national non-governmental organization representing ca. 100 other non-governmental bodies) initiated community action programmes in two towns, Somero (agricultural small town with 10 000 inhabitants) and Järvenpää (small urban town near the capital with 30 000 inhabitants) in 1992. The goal of the Somero-Järvenpää Programme was to enhance control over health of the community (community competence) through citizens' active participation in health policy formulation, evaluation and implementation. The Programme was implemented during 1992- 1996. Regular education occasions and consultation meetings using critical consciousness raising education strategies introduced by Freire (1970), were the main means. Formulation of theme groups was the first step of the intervention. The theme groups consisted of members of local non-governmental organizations, authorities and other citizens, who then selected the health promotion themes they wanted to work with. The purpose of the theme groups was to act as the first "structure" for action and to strengthen the sense of community, which have been discovered as essential elements in building up collaboration, and in making the people commit themselves to the process. The Programme was continuously assessed during its life in order to give feedback to the project organization and to the oarticipants. The study in hand was believed to produce understanding, concepts, and theoretical considerations applicable in the Finnish practice of health promotion and furthermore in developing empowerment and control over health. The principal objective of the present study was to develop instruments to assess empowerment both at individual and community levels, and furthermore, through using these tools in the analysis of empirical data to elaborate a model for empowerment practice, and finally to develop the theory of empowerment. The theoretical part of the study consisted of a literature review on the development of the concepts of citizen participation, empowerment in health, and community organisation, and an elaboration of the empowerment approach and evaluation instruments used in this study. The literature review revealed that the empowerment process of the 90s and beyond is not only a politital question, but also a methodological question. Empowermet approach requires action-orientation (the philosophical basis of which rises from critical theory) and qualitative research methods favouring theme interviews, observation and participstory methods. Citizen participation (Zimmerman and Rappaport 1988), sense of community (Chavis and Wandersman 1990) and empowerment (e.g. Zimmerman and Rappaport 1988, Wallerstein 1992) were selected as the main focus of the evaluation of the Healthy Somero and Järvenpää Programme. Empirical data was collected during the life of the Somero-Järvenpää Programme (observation notes, surveys [n=lOO in 1992, n=75 in 1994 and n=73 in 1996) and theme interviews of participants [n=36 in 1996), and various written documents). The overall method was triangulation - combination of several theories and approaches including both quantitative and qualitative measures. Qualitative programme evaluation, content analysis, hermeneutic understanding and grounded theory were used in the analysis. The main focus was on the development of community empowerment. The results revealed that about a "core group" of about 20-30 people participated as actors all the time during the first three years, planning and implementing different activities within the programme. In Somero the majority of the participants represented NGOs, whereas in Järvenpää a little less than a half of the participants represented authorities and the second half others. The Programmes were successful in strengthening psychological empowerment, sense of community and decision making skills of the participants. In summer 1996 the Healthy Somero was characterized as a publit health movement, the most important role of which was to initiate new projects and team groups at the local level. It had recruited in some extent more people into health promotive action. The main meaning of the existence of the programme was to function as an arena of social relations and social action. The role of health services remained minor. The Healthy Järvenpää Programme had taken the shape of a joint planning and co-operation arena of authorities and NGO's by the summer of 1994. Tasks and duties were shared and coordinated between the counterparts. The role of health services in the process had been major until the year 1994. However, the core croup shrank to about 10 people by the year 1996, and no new people entered the Programme. In the beginning the interest of the local population towards the Programme was greater than expected and there were good prerequisites for proceeding to the community level of empowerment in 1994. However, the strategy of decreasing the consultation and education support by the organizers of the Programme in 1994 followed by an almost total withdrawal in 1995 leaving the communities to manage on their own, showed to lead to a collapse of the development of empowerment. The conclusion was that the period of 1992-1996 was too short for generating community empowerment. The process of empowerment proved to need continuous training and practice in which new roles and ways of action, as well as working as a group can be exercised for several years. Furthermore, to be sustainable empowerment must be built up step by step, strengthening the psychological level of empowerment long enough before proceeding to the next stage. Consultancy and project leaders are necessary for guiding and assessing the development process. The programme indicated that health promotion based on participation of people is possible in general, but generating community empowerment calls for long lasting external supportive mechanisms, as well as changes in the prevailing organisation structures. The results of the study led to a theory labelled as a "Model of Reasoned Empowerment Action". The theory comprises a typology of four different roles, which are hypothesised to be existing and necessary elements in the empowerment process and, which characterize those supposed to be empowered and engaged as actors in the process.
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Today, Afghanistan is a nightmarish place for many Afghans, marked by a lack of rights and opportunities. It's crucial to recognize this reality. However, it's also important to acknowledge that numerous predictions from Washington did not materialize as expected. For all the admonishments of the Biden administration, Afghanistan has not become a gift for China or Russia, or a hotbed of transnational terrorism.President Biden faced relentless criticism for the withdrawal, decried as squandering "20 years of blood and sacrifice" by Republican Senator Jim Risch and branded "fatally flawed" by Democratic Senator Bob Menendez. Former Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, who oversaw the end of the U.S. surge in Afghanistan during President Obama's tenure, likened the evacuation to the infamous Bay of Pigs fiasco, even before the tragic loss of 13 U.S. service members and at least 170 Afghans in an ISIS attack. Meanwhile, former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who less than one year earlier had proudly stood for a photo op with the Taliban's chief negotiator, after agreeing to withdraw U.S. troops, told Fox News that the "Biden administration has just failed in its execution of its own plan." In April, the Wall Street Journal's Editorial Board partly attributed Russia's invasion of Ukraine to "U.S. surrender in Afghanistan" and during a Congressional hearing in July, Congressman Michael McCaul labeled the withdrawal "a mistake of epic proportions." Failure is, indeed, an orphan.One of the most frequently cited reasons for why the U.S. military had to remain in Afghanistan was rooted in counterterrorism efforts. Indeed, fighting terrorism was the reason for the authorization for the use of military force that allowed U.S. troops to be deployed to Afghanistan in the first place. President Biden drew criticism from certain pundits when he asserted on August 16, 2021, that "Our only vital national interest in Afghanistan remains today what it has always been: preventing a terrorist attack on [sic] American homeland." He emphasized that the original mission was, in fact, a response to a terrorist attack and had a primary focus on counterterrorism. Some pundits might find this fact inconvenient, especially those who have come to believe that our presence in Afghanistan was primarily about nation-building, rather than acknowledging that nation-building itself was an ill-conceived strategy within the context of the War on Terror. In the lead-up to the withdrawal, the notion of over-the-horizon counterterrorism capabilities was often ridiculed as ineffective. During the fall of 2021, the Pentagon assessed that the Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISKP), an ISIS offshoot in Afghanistan, could potentially launch an attack on the U.S. within as little as 6 months. Yet, nearly two years later, no ISKP attack originating from Afghanistan has targeted U.S. soil. Furthermore, senior analysts at the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC) recently evaluated that the group relies on "inexperienced operatives in Europe" to carry out attacks abroad. In other words, the next generation of 9/11 hijackers is not being trained in Afghanistan. The Biden administration showcased its ability to secure significant over-the-horizon victories against terrorists, such as when a U.S. drone killed al-Qaeda chief Ayman al-Zawahiri in a Kabul apartment on July 31, 2022. As of last March, Nicholas Rasmussen, the Department of Homeland Security's counterterrorism coordinator, viewed the likelihood of a 9/11-style attack as "almost inconceivable." The world of today is different than on the morning of September 11, 2001. Back then, Afghans had extremely limited communication with the outside world. In contrast, today, over 60 percent of adults own a cell phone, with more than 80 percent having access to one. This trend holds true for other once-isolated parts of the world as well. This connectivity will pose challenges to the Taliban's ability to enforce their draconian restrictions over the long-run. It has also changed the way terrorists operate. In the realm of terrorism, the world is indeed flat. Extremist ideologies can be disseminated, and terrorists can recruit overseas operatives to inflict harm. But this may not be such a big win for terrorist groups like ISKP. While their capacity for recruitment is more substantial than in the past, their ability to train and direct quality recruits without interference is actually diminished. Meanwhile, the capacity of potential target nations to intercept such plots is stronger than ever before. Instead of participating in a global campaign of terrorist whack-a-mole, it is our domestic defenses that are best positioned to protect the homeland. This isn't meant to downplay the potential of ungoverned spaces to serve as breeding grounds for adept and motivated terrorists. However, concerning the case of Afghanistan, NCTC analysts concluded that the Taliban's activities have "prevented the branch [ISKP] from seizing territory that it could use to draw in and train foreign recruits for more sophisticated attacks."While it's true that terrorism can be managed and nation-building wasn't the purpose of going to war, it was still shocking for many Americans to witness the swift collapse of a government that so many U.S. lives, tax dollars, and lives of our Afghan partners had contributed to building. One reason for the astonishment shared by lawmakers, media, and the American public over the evacuation debacle, the vanishing of Afghan security forces, and the hasty departure of the Ghani administration, stems from a steady flow of falsehoods regarding the war. Rather than a deliberate effort of intentional deceit, it was more of a collective exercise in self-deception, omission, and hopeful exaggeration. As the U.S. war in Afghanistan trudged onward, a carefully curated liturgy of talking points was repeated in Washington. Our leaders were well aware that Afghanistan was an archipelago of cut-off cities and forward operating bases, while the Taliban dominated the countryside, roads, and the night. It was no secret that Ashraf Ghani was surrounded by a circle of sycophantic advisors. The economy was sustained by a continuous flow of aid and war-related industries. Yet, speaking candidly about this was rare until after the Afghan government collapsed.A cognitive dissonance made it acceptable for U.S. lawmakers, foreign elites, military-aged men who had fled their conflict-ridden countries, and even human rights organizations to not only call for the perpetual deployment of American soldiers but to claim we owed such a commitment. Of course, the U.S. military was more than enthusiastic to oblige. And for soldiers, there is an unrelenting desire and pressure to deploy. I too volunteered to deploy. However, the enthusiasm of young warfighters shouldn't grant a blank check for putting them in harm's way.Since the U.S. withdrawal, unsettling truths emerged. Although tens of thousands of Afghan soldiers made the ultimate sacrifice, when push came to shove — even before the Americans' departure — Afghan forces fell to the Taliban. Their supplies ran out and corrupt leaders in Kabul left them to die or surrender. The strongman warlords, elevated by Washington and summoned by Ashraf Ghani to save the republic, fled to neighboring countries. Over the years, the Taliban were dismissed as a proxy of Pakistan, disconnected from Afghan society, yet, it was the Afghan government, created through an international conference in Bonn, Germany, and supported with billions of U.S. aid, that failed to inspire Afghans to fight for its survival at a crucial moment. Many observers, myself included, were confident that Afghans would fiercely resist the Taliban and the country would rapidly descend into civil war. The country has instead fallen into a haunting silence.One prediction that has come true is the dire situation for women under the Taliban's rule that can only be described as gender apartheid. They have progressively restricted girls'and women's right to education, closed gathering places and livelihoods like beauty parlors, and even banned women from a national park. Their actions seem more driven by an obsession with control of every aspect of women's lives than religious doctrine. Additionally, the Taliban have stifled dissent and used torture against rivals. We must confront these harsh realities and take meaningful actions, but we must also avoid making promises we cannot fulfill, both for the sake of Afghans and our own credibility.Today, Afghanistan is not at war for the first time in twenty years, with violent deaths decreasing from well over 20,000 per year in the years leading up to the U.S. withdrawal to under 2,000 last year. The country hasn't turned into a narco-state. The Taliban also haven't abandoned their extremist beliefs, disavowed al-Qaeda, or restrained the Pakistani Taliban. However, their current focus seems to be inward on Afghanistan. The Afghan economy is struggling, partly due to Taliban mismanagement, though it doesn't appear to be much worse than the previous government at management, and their corruption seems to be less. Their cruelty, however, seems unfailing.It's worth reflecting on why so many of our predictions were inaccurate. The U.S. facilitated Afghanistan's development, but it also prolonged the war. Now, Taliban rule and the isolation it creates has plunged Afghans into deeper poverty and created a nightmare for women, a bargain from hell, created by Washington and its partners in Kabul, but that ultimately can only be resolved by Afghans themselves.
학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 체육교육과,글로벌스포츠매니지먼트전공, 2020. 8. Yongho Lee. ; 국문초록 신체활동과 완성의 실천권(스포츠)은 인간이 창조된 이래의 기본적 인권이다. 패럴림픽 스포츠는 특히 용기, 결단력, 평등, 영감을 보편적으로 유지시키고 최소의 비용으로 높은 영향력을 행사한다. 장애인스포츠 개발은 불가피하게 정책의호의성 정도와 지방당국, 중앙정부 및 다른 개발파트너들의 역동성에 의존한다. 카메룬에서의 법적프레임 워크의 평가는 2004년과 2018년에 통과되고 지방개발과 통치가 그들의 핵심추진력이라는 지방분권법을 밝히게되었다. 본 연구의 제목은 패럴림픽 스포츠발전에 대한시의회(MC)의 역할과 카메룬의 지속가능한 개발(SD)에 미치는 영향이다. 본연구의 목표는 카메룬에서 2016-18년 기간 동안의 정책, 조직구성, 인적자원개발전략, 장애인스포츠시설 소유 및 관리, 장애인스포츠 개발 예산할당, 장애인스포츠 및 기타경기 조직 등을 탐구함으로써 장애인스포츠발전에 대한 MC들의 역할 및 공헌을 알리는것이다. 본 연구는 카메룬에서의 장애인스포츠 개발과정은 정책, 제도적틀, 인적자원, 그리고 모든 이해당사자들이 장애인스포츠 개발을 완전히 실행할 수 있는 재정준비상태에 달려있다고 주장한다. 기존 연구에 따르면 카메룬의 스포츠는 기술, 사회-경제, 문화, 특히 정부의 주도적 영향과 종종 축구에 주어지는 우선 순위의 다수에 직면해있다(Joanne Clarke & John Ojo, 2017). 이것이 유엔기구가 2015년 회원국들에 대한 결의안 A/RES/70/1을 채택하고, 세계적으로 인간 삶의 질을 개선하기 위한 청사진으로 17개의 SDG (Sustainable Développent Goals) Agenda 2030을 채택한 이유를 설명한다(UN, 2018) 상기 고려사항을 기반으로 장애인 스포츠에 대한 관심이 커지고 있으며, 최근 몇년 동안 정부가 더 이상 그 다양성과 범위에서 스포츠 발전을 위한 모든 것을 단일적이고 공평하게 제공할 수 없다는 사실을 인지하였다. 이에 따라 본 연구는 카메룬 스포츠 산업의 지속가능한 개발을 위한 수단으로서 2016, 2018년 기간 동안 장애인 스포츠의 개발에 대한 시의회들의 역할과 카메룬의 지속가능한 발전에 미치는 영향에 초점을 맞추었다. 본 연구는 이와 같은 목표를 달성하기 위하여 제1장에서는 서론, 제2장 문헌검토, 제3장 방법론, 제4장 결과, 제5장 논의와 제안으로구성하였다. 연구는 다음과 같은 데이터 수집과 분석으로 진행했다. 대상으로 두 시의회를 고려했으며 첫번째는 Yaoundé VI Etoug-Ebe, 두번째는 Yaoundé III Efoulan으로 선택하였다. 연구방법으로 자료수집은 문헌검토, 설문 및 인터뷰를 시행하였다. 총 50명의 응답자를 대상으로 설문을 실시하였고, 총 40명의 응답을 데이터를 이용하였으며 온라인 인터뷰는 총 12명을 대상으로 실시하였다. 데이터 수집의 과정을 용이하게 하기위해, 설문지는 시의회 정책, 예산할당, 경기조직, 스포츠시설의 소유와관리, 운동선수와 직원의 전환, 고정관념과 같은 주제들에 초점을 맞추었다. 수집된 데이터 분석 결과는 다음과같다: 시의회들은 장애인스포츠 개발을 촉진하기 위해 효과적인 정책이 필요하고, 스포츠교육과 스포츠의 실천과 학습을 용이하게 하기 위한 스포츠시설을 소유하고 관리할 필요가 있으며, 인적자원의 개발이 필요한 것으로 나타났다. 또한시의회들은이와같은지속가능한개발을촉진할준비가되어있고의지가있으며, 2030년까지지속가능한개발의이점을충분히얻기위해 NPC, UCCC, 국제지방당국연합, 카메룬의다른시의회,그리고해외사이에상호연계가필요하다고나타났다. 따라서 본 연구는 각 시의회에 장애자문위원회(DAC)를 조직하고, 위원장은 UCCC 위원으로 공동활동을 할 것으로 제안한다. 또한 장애인 스포츠 발전을 위한 기금은 총회중 DAC 위원장이 만들고, 관리하고, 책임지고 UCCC와 각 시의회는 스포츠교육, 레저, 레크리에이션의 실천을위한 시설을 저렴한 비용으로 조성 및 재활용해야할 것을 제안한다. 주요어: 지속가능한개발, 패럴림픽스포츠, 시의회 ; Abstract The role of Municipal Councils on Paralympics sports development and its impacts on Sustainable Development in Cameroon OBEN Philip Apai Global Sport Management, Department of Physical Education The Graduate School Seoul National University The right to the practice of physical activity and sports is a fundamental Human Right since human creation. The Paralympics sports has the immense build-in virtues notably courage, determination, equality and inspiration. These values remain universal, least costs yet uphold high impacts, and which would hardly be harnessed by any other normative activity away from Para sports. Para sport development in any context inevitably relies on the extent of the dynamism of the actors involves precisely local authorities, central governments, and other development partners. In Cameroon, an assessment of its legal framework would reveal that the decentralization laws were passed in 2004 and 2018 with local development and governance as key thrust The title of my research is the role of Municipal Councils (MCs) on Paralympics sports development and its impacts on sustainable development (SD) in Cameroon. My key aim is to inform on the active role/contributions of MCs on the development of Para sports in the domains of policies, organizational set up, human resources development strategies, ownership and management of Para sports facilities, budget allocation for Para sports development, and the organization of Para sports and other competitions during the period 2016 and 2018 in Cameroon I claim that the process of Para sports development in Cameroon like elsewhere depends on policies, institutional frameworks, available and equipped human resources, and financial readiness to enable all stakeholders to fully initiate and implement Para sports development initiatives. Academic literature reveal that sports in Cameroon is faced with a plurality of technological, socio-economic, cultural, and especially Government-led influences with priority often given to football (Joanne & John, 2017). However, in order to optimize the gains from sports development, the UN adopted Resolution A/RES/70/1 in 2015 for member states, known as 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Agenda 2030 as blueprint to improve on the quality of human life globally It is with the above considerations, the growing interests in Para sports as a vehicle for the SD of the Cameroonian sports industry, and the fact that Governments in recent years can no longer single and even-handedly provide everything for sports development in its diversity and scope (Holly Collison…et al, 2019), that I shall focus on the role of MCs on the development of Para sports and its impacts on sustainable development in Cameroon during the period 2016 to 2018 In order to attain the above-mentioned objective, I considered two (2) MCs; Yaoundé VI (big), and Efoulan Yaoundé III (small yet sensitive MC) for my data collection and analyses. Equally, to facilitate the understanding and evolution of my study, it shall be presented in five chapters as follows: chapter one shall treat the introduction, chapter two- literature review, chapter three-methods I used for data collection and analyses, chapter four- results, and chapter five- discussions and recommendation As a research procedure, I stated with data collection from my literature review, the administration of questions to both MCs, and documents from the libraries of the Universities of Yaoundé 1&11, Buea, and Seoul National Universities. I targeted a total population of fifty (50) participants but effectively got data from forty (40) participants. Twelve (12) semi-structured and twenty eight (28) structured questions in total were administered. In order to facilitate the process of data collection, my questions were focused on themes such as MCs policies, budget allocation, organization of competitions, ownership and management of sports facilities, athletes and staff transition, and stereotypes By and large, the socio-political, and security situations in Cameroon prohibited public gatherings, and retarded my data collection schedule. The following conclusions were arrived at the end of my study: that MCs need effective policies in order to foster Para sports development; that MCs need to own and manage sports facilities to ease the practice and learning of PE and sports for all; that there is readiness and willing by MCs to promote sustainable development; that there is need for human resource development; that there is need for an inter alia between the NPC, UCCC, International Union of Local Authorities, other MCs in Cameroon and abroad for engage the process of SD, and facilitate benefits of Para sports by 2030 in Cameroon. It was deduced from data collected that a Disability Advisory Committee (DAC) be created in each MCs to serve as the technical organ, and that a chairperson of DAC be co-opted as a member of the UCCC, that a Solidarity Fund for the development of Para sports be created by the 360 MCs in Cameroon. This fund should be managed and be accountable for by the chairperson of DAC during the General Assembly meetings of the UCCC and also that each MC should create and/or rehabilitate a permanent space, and facilities for the practice of PE, leisure and recreation for all at affordable costs Keywords: Sustainable Development, Paralympics Sports, Municipal Councils ; CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Background to the study 2 1.2 Statement of the problem 4 1.2.1 Research Purpose 4 1.2.2 Research Questions 5 1.2.3 Justification and significance of this study 5 1.2.4 Area of research study Cameroon 7 1.2.5 Definition of basic concepts and notions 9 Sustainable Development 10 Municipal Council 10 Physical Activity 10 Sports 11 Condition and impairment 11 Functional classification 11 2.1 Strategies for Paralympic sports development and SD in Cameroon 16 2.1.1 Disability Advisory Committee DAC 16 2.1.2 Terms of Reference 16 2.1.3 Duties and areas the DAC should be consulted upon 17 2.1.4 Functions of the DAC 17 2.1.5 Membership and Composition of DAC 18 2.1.6 Criterion for the selection of DAC Members 18 2.1.8 Treatment of vacancies at DAC 19 2.1.9 Expression of Interest through a public advertising process in DAC 19 2.1.10 Treatment of observers at DAC 20 CHAPTER 3. METHODS 25 3.1 Sample Size of population for the present study 25 3.2 Measurements 26 3.3 Data collection methods and analyses used in my research 30 3.3.3 Stage 2: Creation of initial codes 29 3.3.4 Stage 5: Define themes 31 3.3.5 Stage 6: Writing-up 31 3.4 Research Design 32 3.4.1 Data collection process 33 3.4.2 Semi-structured Questions/Interviews 34 3.4.3 Observations 34 3.4.4 Data Analyses 35 3.4.5 Triangulation, peer examination, member-checking 36 3.4.6 Audit Trail 36 3.4.7 Role I played in this Research 36 3.5 Primary Research 37 3.5.1 Secondary research 37 3.5.2 Measurement 37 3.5.3 Selection of the topic 38 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS 42 4.1 Personally Enrichment 42 4.2 Sports development and growth 43 4.3 Research Enhancements 44 4.4 Impacts of Para sports on Sustainable Development in Cameroon 44 4.5 Challenges of SDGs 48 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 49 5.1 Conclusion 49 5.2 Recommendations 50 5.3 Limitations 51 5.4 Future Research 52 References 53 ; Master
WOS: 000404472000001 ; A measurement of the production cross section for two isolated photons in proton-proton collisions at a center-of-mass energy of root s = 8 TeV is presented. The results are based on an integrated luminosity of 20.2 fb(-1) recorded by the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider. The measurement considers photons with pseudorapidities satisfying vertical bar eta(gamma)vertical bar 40 GeV and E-T,2(gamma) > 30 GeV for the two leading photons ordered in transverse energy produced in the interaction. The background due to hadronic jets and electrons is subtracted using data-driven techniques. The fiducial cross sections are corrected for detector effects and measured differentially as a function of six kinematic observables. The measured cross section integrated within the fiducial volume is 16.8 +/- 0.8 pb. The data are compared to fixed-order QCD calculations at next-to-leading-order and next-to-next-to-leading-order accuracy as well as next-to-leading-order computations including resummation of initial-state gluon radiation at next-to-next-to-leading logarithm or matched to a parton shower, with relative uncertainties varying from 5% to 20%. ; ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW, Austria; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPq, BrazilNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERC, CanadaNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRC, Canada; CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CERN, Chile; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CAS, ChinaChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST, ChinaMinistry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CR, Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; VSC CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF, Denmark; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRS, FranceCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; SRNSF, Georgia; BMBF, GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF, Germany; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISF, IsraelIsrael Science Foundation; I-CORE, Israel; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, PolandMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalPortuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia, Russian FederationRussian Federation; NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR, Serbia; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS, SloveniaSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC, Sweden; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, Switzerland; SNSF, SwitzerlandSwiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Canton of Bern, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE, United States of AmericaUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); BCKDF, Canada; Canada Council, Canada; CANARIE, Canada; CRC, Canada; Compute Canada, Canada; FQRNT, CanadaFQRNT; Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); ERC, European UnionEuropean Union (EU)European Research Council (ERC); ERDF, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); FP7, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Horizon, European Union; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); ANR, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Region Auvergne and Fondation Partager le Savoir, FranceRegion Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes; DFG, GermanyGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; Herakleitos; Thales and Aristeia programmes by EU-ESF; Greek NSRF, Israel; BSF, IsraelUS-Israel Binational Science Foundation; GIF, IsraelGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya; Generalitat Valenciana, SpainGeneralitat Valenciana; Leverhulme Trust, United KingdomLeverhulme Trust; Canton of Geneva, Switzerland; Royal Society, United KingdomRoyal Society of London; ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW, Austria; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPq, BrazilNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERC, CanadaNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRC, Canada; CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CERN, Chile; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CAS, ChinaChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST, ChinaMinistry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CR, Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; MPO CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; VSC CR, Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF, Denmark; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRS, FranceCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; SRNSF, Georgia; BMBF, GermanyFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF, Germany; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISF, IsraelIsrael Science Foundation; I-CORE, Israel; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXT, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSW, PolandMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalPortuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia, Russian FederationRussian Federation; NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR, Serbia; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS, SloveniaSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC, Sweden; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, Switzerland; SNSF, SwitzerlandSwiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Canton of Bern, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE, United States of AmericaUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); BCKDF, Canada; Canada Council, Canada; CANARIE, Canada; CRC, Canada; Compute Canada, Canada; FQRNT, CanadaFQRNT; Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); ERC, European UnionEuropean Union (EU)European Research Council (ERC); ERDF, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); FP7, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Horizon, European Union; Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); ANR, FranceFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Region Auvergne and Fondation Partager le Savoir, FranceRegion Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes; DFG, GermanyGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; Herakleitos; Thales and Aristeia programmes by EU-ESF; Greek NSRF, Israel; BSF, IsraelUS-Israel Binational Science Foundation; GIF, IsraelGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya; Generalitat Valenciana, SpainGeneralitat Valenciana; Leverhulme Trust, United KingdomLeverhulme Trust; Canton of Geneva, Switzerland; Royal Society, United KingdomRoyal Society of London ; We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; SRNSF, Georgia; BMBF, HGF, and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF, I-CORE and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, the Canada Council, CANARIE, CRC, Compute Canada, FQRNT, and the Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET, ERC, ERDF, FP7, Horizon 2020 and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, Region Auvergne and Fondation Partager le Savoir, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF; BSF, GIF and Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Generalitat Valenciana, Spain; the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (UK) and BNL (USA), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers. Major contributors of computing resources are listed in Ref. [63].
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Germany is one of the few industrialized nations in which the tobacco industry remains a legitimate force in business, government, science and society at large. Though Germany has been an international leader in environmental protection, the German tobacco industry has been successful in preventing the translation of knowledge of the dangers of pollution from secondhand smoke into effective public health policy through a carefully planned collaboration with scientists and policymakers and a sophisticated public relations program which it initiated in the 1970's and has been quietly running ever since. The tobacco industry in Germany founded the Verband der Cigarettenindustrie, a trade association, in 1948. Located in Germany's capital cities in order to as best as possible influence political decisions, the Verband includes all the multinational and national tobacco companies doing businessin Germany (7 in 2006). In Germany, secondhand smoke emerged as a political issue in the early 1970s, but the federal government failed to enact a proposed statutory law on protection from tobacco smoke. To date, there has been no passage of effective legislation for the protection against tobacco in public places. Understanding that secondhand smoke was the crucial issue for the tobacco industry's viability, the Verband engaged the issue long before the German government and the main voluntary health agencies, leading to the industry's continuing success in preventing government action to protect citizens from the toxic chemicals in secondhand smoke. The Verband influenced science and policy by challenging the scientific evidence linking secondhand smoke to disease by conducting or financing research, recruiting independent scientists, influencing high-level working groups and commissions, and by coordinating, sponsoring and participating in scientific conferences. In 1975, the "Research Council Smoking & Health" was created as an advisory body to the scientific department of the Verband to convey the impression that the tobacco industry was committed to objective exploration and further development of its product. Research that was deemed to be too sensitive to be contracted to outside researchers was conducted in a laboratory in Munich, headed by Franz Adlkofer. In 1992, the Research Council was replaced when the Verband created the VERUM foundation with Adlkofer as Scientific and Executive Director. The Medical Action Group on Smoking or Health, a small nongovernmental organization active in the protection of nonsmokers since the 1970s founded by medical scientist Ferdinand Schmidt, made numerous attempts to influence governmental health policy in Germany. The tobacco industry successfully responded by framing the Medical Action Group and Schmidt as out of the mainstream. Probably the most important health authority allied with the tobacco industry from the 1980s onwards was Karl Überla, President of the German Federal Health Office until 1985 and simultaneously head of a private research institute, the GIS, in Munich. In 1982, the Verband contracted with Überla's GIS for a study on "passive smoking and lung cancer." In 1983, a working group on smoking-related cancer risks was set up by the Federal Ministry of Health as part of Germany's contribution to the EU "Europe Against Cancer" program. Of the 24 members the Ministry invited to comprise this working group, at least five individuals, Franz Adlkofer, Dietrich Schmähl, Gerhard Lehnert, Klaus Thurau and Jürgen v. Troschke, had worked for or received funds from the Verband. Overall, the tobacco industry in Germany has been able to maintain a level of respectability that allowed it access to high-level authorities and scientists who either themselves held a policy-relevant office or served on political advisory bodies, including Karl Überla, President of the Federal Health Office, Dietrich Henschler, Chairman of the MAK-commission, and Helmut Valentin, President of the Bavarian Academy for Industrial and Social Medicine. Despite the fact that public attitudes in Germany were very supportive of government action to restrict smoking, the industry worked to cast tobacco control as a serious threat to the European culture that was portrayed as too open, modern and enlightened for such action. Secret tobacco industry polling showed even higher levels of support for smoking restrictions in Germany than in the United States; still, the German tobacco industry portrayed policies protecting workers from secondhand smoke as examples of US extremism. Several unsuccessful efforts to pass non-smoker protection legislation followed in subsequent years, and on October 3, 2002, a revised workplace ordinance took effect that nominally puts the duty on employers to protect their employees from secondhand smoke in the (non-hospitality) workplace; still, the ordinance overall failed to guarantee smokefree workplaces and as of January 2006, the German government had not established any meaningful program to promote implementation and enforcement of the ordinance. In 2003, approximately one-third (32.5%) of Germans were smokers. Recent data shows at least 9 persons die from passive smoking each day in Germany. As this calculation only takes into account frequent domestic exposure of nonsmokers, the actual death toll is likely to be much higher. Still, as of 2006, with few smokefree laws in place, none of the major voluntary health agencies in Germany had continuously made secondhand smoke a major topic. Public health policymaking in Germany remains dominated by tobacco interests. KURZFASSUNG Deutschland ist eines der wenigen industrialisierten Länder in denen die Tabakindustrie heute in derGeschäftswelt sowie vonseiten der Regierung, der Wissenschaft und der Gesellschaft im Allgemeinen noch als eine legitime Größe angesehen wird. Obgleich Deutschland im Umweltschutz international eine Führungsrolle einnimmt, hat es dieTabakindustrie in Deutschland erfolgreich verstanden, die Umsetzung der Erkenntnisse über die Schädlichkeit des Passivrauchens in wirksame Gesundheitspolitiken zu verhindern. Sie bediente sich hierzu einer sorgfältig geplanten Kollaboration mit Wissenschaftlern und politischen Entscheidungsträgern, und eines ausgeklügelten PR-Programms das in den 1970er Jahren eingeleitet wurde und seitdem still betrieben wird. Die Branchenorganisation, der Verband der Cigarettenindustrie (VdC, kurz "Verband") wurde im Jahr 1948 von der Tabakindustrie in Deutschland gegründet. Der Verband vertritt sowohl nationale als auch multinationale Tabakkonzerne, die in Deutschland ihre Geschäfte treiben und war bzw. ist in der bundesdeutschen Hauptstadt (Bonn, Berlin) ansässig, um politische Entscheidungen bestmöglich zu beeinflussen. Bereits in den frühen Siebzigerjahren wurde das Thema Passivrauchen in Deutschland zum Politikum, doch die Bundesregierung schaffte es nicht, einen damals existierenden Gesetzesvorschlag für eine Rechtsvorschrift zum Schutz vor Passivrauchen zu erlassen. Vielmehr hat die Bundesregierung es bis heute versäumt, eine wirksame Gesetzgebung zum Schutz vor Tabakrauch im öffentlichen Raum zu erlassen. Aufgrund der Einsicht dass Passivrauchen der entscheidende Faktor für Lebensfähigkeit der Tabakindustrie ist, hat sich der Verband bereits lange vor der Bundesregierung und den wichtigsten Organisationen im Gesundheitswesen und Interessengemeinschaften dieses Thema zu eigen gemacht. Dies hatte zur Folge, dass die Tabakindustrie Regierungshandeln zum Schutz der Bürger vor den giftigen Inhaltsstoffen des Tabakrauchs erfolgreich verhindert hat. Der Verband hat Einfluss auf Wissenschaft und Politik genommen indem er die wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse über den Zusammenhang von Passivrauchen und Krankheit bestritten hat, Forschungsarbeiten durchgeführt oder finanziert hat, unabhängige Wissenschaftler rekrutiert hat, Einfluss auf hochrangige Arbeitsgruppen und Kommissionen genommen hat sowie an wissenschaftlichen Tagungen teilgenommen, diese koordiniert oder finanziell gefördert hat. Im Jahr 1975 wurde der "Forschungsrat Rauchen und Gesundheit" gegründet. Er diente der Wissenschaftlichen Abteilung des Verbandes als Beratungsorgan und sollte den Eindruck vermitteln, dass die Tabakindustrie sich der objektiven Erforschung und Weiterentwicklung seines Produktes verschrieben hat. Untersuchungen die als zu heikel galten, um sie an externe Wissenschaftler zu vergeben wurden in einem Labor in München durchgeführt das von Franz Adlkofer geleitet wurde. Im Jahr 1992 wurde der Forschungsrat Rauchen und Gesundheit ersetzt durch die vom Verband gegründete Stiftung VERUM, deren Wissenschaftlicher und Geschäftsführender Direktor wiederum Adlkofer wurde. Der Ärztliche Arbeitskreis Rauchen und Gesundheit, eine kleine Nichtregierungsorganisation, die seit den 1970er Jahren im Bereich Nichtraucherschutz aktiv ist und von Ferdinand Schmidt gegründet wurde, machte zahllose Versuche, die Regierungspolitik Deutschlands zu beeinflussen. Die Tabakindustrie reagierte darauf- erfolgreich - damit, dass sie den Ärztlichen Arbeitskreis Rauchen und Gesundheit und Schmidt als jenseits der politischen Mitte darstellte. Vermutlich die wichtigste Autorität im Gesundheitsbereich, die mit der Tabakindustrie seit den 1980er Jahren verbündet war ist Karl Überla, bis 1985 Präsident des Bundesamtes für Gesundheit und zugleich Leiter einer privaten Forschungseinrichtung in München, der Gesellschaft für Information und Statistik in der Medizin (GIS). Im Jahr 1982 nahm der Verband Überla's GIS unter Vertrag für eine Untersuchung über "Passivrauchen und Lungenkrebs". Im Jahr 1983 stellte das Bundesgesundheitsministerium eine Arbeitsgruppe über "Krebsgefährdung durch Rauchen"zusammen, als ein Beitrag vonseiten Deutschlands zum EU-Aktionsprogramm "Europa gegen den Krebs". Von den 24 Mitgliedern, die das Ministerium geladen hatte, hatten zumindest fünf Personen, Franz Adlkofer, Dietrich Schmähl, Gerhard Lehnert, Klaus Thurau und Jürgen v. Troschke für den Verband gearbeitet oder von diesem Finanzmittel erhalten. Im Großen und Ganzen ist es der Tabakindustrie in Deutschland gelungen, einen Grad der Angesehenheit aufrechtzuerhalten, die ihr Zugang zu hochrangigen Autoritäten und Wissenschaftlern verschaffte, die entweder selbst politikrelevante Ämter innehatten oder die als Sachverständige oder Mitglieder von wissenschaftlichen Beiräten direkten Zugang zur Politik hatten. Beispiele hierfür sind Karl Überla, Präsident des Bundesgesundheitsamtes, Dietrich Henschler, Vorsitzender der MAK-Kommission, und Helmut Valentin, Präsidentder Deutschen Gesellschaft für Arbeitsmedizin sowie der Bayrischen Akademie für Arbeits- und Sozialmedizin. Trotz der Tatsache, dass die Einstellung der deutschen Bevölkerung Einschränkungen des Rauchens deutlich unterstützt, war die Tabakindustrie bemüht, die Tabakkontrolle als eine ernsthafte Bedrohung für die Europäische Kultur darzustellen, indem diese als zu offen, modern und aufgeklärt für derartige Aktivitätenporträtiert wurde. Ungeachtet der Tatsache, dass Umfragen die von der Tabakindustrie durchgeführt und geheim gehalten wurdenfür Deutschland sogar eine stärkere Befürwortung von Einschränkungen des Rauchens zeigten als in den Vereinigten Staaten, karikierte die Tabakindustrie in Deutschland Maßnahmen zum Schutz der arbeitenden Bevölkerung vor Passivrauch als US-amerikanischen Extremismus. Etliche erfolglose Anläufe zur Verabschiedung eines Nichtraucherschutzgesetzes folgten in den Jahren darauf und am 3. Oktober 2003 trat die novellierte Arbeitsstättenverordnung in Kraft, die die Arbeitgeber nominelldazu verpflichtet, ihre Angestellten am Arbeitsplatz vor dem Tabakrauch zu schützen (ausgenommen sind Arbeitsstätten mit Publikumsverkehr). Durch diese Verordnung werden jedoch übergreifend keine rauchfreien Arbeitsplätze geschaffen und bis Januar 2006 hatte die Bundesregierung noch kein bedeutsames Programm aufgelegt um die Umsetzung und Vollzug der Verordnung zu fördern. Im Jahr 2003 waren nahezu ein Drittel (32,5%) der deutschen Bevölkerung Raucher, neueste Daten zeigen, dass in Deutschland täglich mindestens neun Menschen an den Folgen des Passivrauchens sterben. Da dieser Berechnung lediglich die häufige Exposition von Nichtrauchern zu Hause zugrunde liegt, ist die wirkliche Zahl der Todesopfer wahrscheinlich deutlich höher. Dennoch garantieren bisher nur wenige Gesetze Rauchfreiheit und auch sonst hat bis heute keine der wichtigsten Gesundheitsorganisation in Deutschland sich kontinuierlich dem Passivrauchen angenommen bzw. dieses zu einem Hauptthema gemacht. Die Gesundheitspolitik wird in Deutschland bis zum heutigen Tag von Tabakindustrieinteressen dominiert.
Public interest litigation is a mechanism of intervention in a matter that concerns the public. It could be about human rights, government policy, or some other issue that could present a challenge to public life. Public interest litigation is important because it presents hope to the powerless and offers justice where there might not previously have been the opportunity. The aim of public interest litigation is to recognise injustice and give a voice to the concerns of members of society who might not have the means to articulate them. In Nigeria there is a high tendency for people of low socioeconomic status to experience police brutality, or even become victims of extra-judicial killing. In this article, it was argued that although public interest litigation is a good strategy to engage the injustice of extra-judicial killings, the recurrence shows that the solution lies more in addressing a systemic problem. ; Dorcas A. 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International audience ; According to the mainstream literature in economic geography, agglomeration economies are so powerful drivers for polarization in the larger metro areas that a center-periphery pattern is almost inescapable, making any peripheral location clearly disadvantageous for firms (Dicken and Lloyd, 1992; Fujita and Thisse, 2003). Urban studies also support such views by demonstrating the growing, steadily trend towards metropolization.However these statements are not fully confirmed by some empirical results. Indeed the stated entrepreneurs' locational preferences of firms localized in medium-sized (and even small) cities situated in peripheral areas do not always meet these theoretical interpretations. Innovative entrepreneurs and successful companies are usual in such locations, making necessary to explain such unexpected location choices and how they can be successful despite their so-called locational constraints due both to their remote position in badly connected peripheries (as demonstrated by population and economic potential models at the national and European scales) and to the lack of localized external economies of scale.To enlighten such apparently irrational business location choices, we could refer to the behavioural approach (Pred, 1967) as the perception of the quality of location characteristics has been neglected by the literature (Eickelpasch and al., 2015). Indeed the mental maps of the peripheral entrepreneurs –as revealed by our survey– do not exhibit the same perception of their working-area as expected from the theoretical works that consider peripheral locations are damaging due to various backwash effects (Myrdal, 1957; Haggett, 1979). As it has often been established by numerous surveys, the first locational factor of SMEs is often the birthplace of their manager, especially for family-owned companies, considering that entrepreneurial spirit is often more common in areas dominated by small firms (Baudelle and Ollivro, 2000; Ejermo and Hansen, 2015). Therefore the rationale of their location choice does not necessarily match the requisites of profit maximization. But despite this kind of path dependency due to the faithfulness of these entrepreneurs to their native region, we need to understand how such firms can be innovative and therefore successful notwithstanding their non- optimal location in small and medium-sized cities of peripheral areas.At this point we need another theoretical framework, namely the institutional approach (Granovetter, 1973). This perspective is required to explain why and how entrepreneurs can be successful in spite of their non-metropolitan location in modest cities situated far not only from the core of Europe but also from the national and sub-national metropolises. More specifically our study mobilizes the sociology of networks (Krauss, 2011 & 2013) to explain the paradoxical success-stories of peripheral firms. Such an approach is congruent with the evolutionary perspective that is paying more and more attention (but not so much) to networks and institutions as parts of complex adaptative systems to explain regional resilience (Boschma, 2015).Therefore our theoretical assumption is the following: professional networks and personal networking are crucial for these companies and their managers to give them access to various kinds of resources that are necessary to run their business. This is consistent with the theory striking the need for embeddeness among the entrepreneurs to make them possible to run their business with success (Granovetter, 1973; Krauss, Sternberg, 2014). The final goal of the study is to understand how the access to various informational and human resources is made possible by the construction of networks used by innovating companies to develop their business. Consequently the objective is to identify the configuration of the networks –strong or weak, local or distant, central or peripheral– of the interviewed entrepreneurs to understand their possible role in their success stories.The field-study area is a corridor along the Southern Brittany Coast (France). In this area of about 939 000 inhab., there is no large metropolis. The three main cities (Lorient, Quimper, Vannes) are simply medium-sized cities: their built-up areas have respectively 115 000, 80 000 and 75 000 inhab. only and their travel-to-work areas 180 000, 120 000 and 135 000 people. Outside them, only small cities can be found.Moreover these cities are far from the rest of France and Europe and even from the larger metro area in Western France, Nantes (622 000 inh.), which is more than 3 hours away by car from Western Brittany and even 4 hour and a half by train. Even from the closest city (Vannes) the journey to Nantes requires more than 2 hours. Paris, the national capital-city, remains from 3h30 to 6h30 away by train. Some local domestic airports compensate this remoteness but not totally and with a high flight cost due to monopolies. As a result this area is a typical periphery, far from the metropolitan engines of the globalizing economy. The French division of labour between Paris metro area and the province even worsens the gap between the Breton Western periphery and the French World City.To understand how the entrepreneurs overcome such a physical distance, a sample of about 20 successful business leaders were interviewed (Marinos, 2015). The selected companies (mainly SMEs) are deliberately very competitive ones: they are intensive in technology, exhibit a high level of innovation (as demonstrated by the number of patents) allowing high added values and significant export rates, they attract international investors and look for clients and suppliers all around the world.The objective of the study was to evaluate how important the networks are to compensate the possible theoretical locational constraints due to peripheral sites (Krauss, 2009). The literature often points out the possible negative locking effects of excessive local inward-looking ties, suggesting a trade-off between immediate adaptation and later adaptability (Grabher, 1993; Boschma and Frenken, 2010; Braun and Schulz, 2012; Boschma, 2015). However our study shows clearly that such a distinction between strong local, proximate connections and weak, outward-looking networks does not fit with our empirical results, which leads to reconsider the present literature about the connectedness of entrepreneurs working in peripheries seen as so-called autarkic and poorly connected places.The survey reveals that the entrepreneurs do not ignore the drawbacks of peripheral locations. However the professionals met for the survey express great satisfaction about their business in Southern Brittany. The participation of three quarters of them in local networks (business associations, chambers of commerce, development agencies.) is presented as necessary for their business development process, and even crucial during the start-up stage. It allows them to open up to their immediate environment and to enhance their external visibility. Belonging to a network also improves their collective capacity for concerted actions. Doing so, entrepreneurs become more audible by politicians and influence local public policies.Small and medium-sized cities are perceived as a favorable ground to confident relationships even if that kind of links rarely exceeds the TTWA boundaries. Local political staff and administration are more easily approachable and quicker to react than in bigger cities.More surprisingly, these employers are involved in the local economic life even if their clients are not local. The more entrepreneurs operate on the globalized market, the more they express that need for local commitment: "my company needs roots to have wings".The local territory acts as a medium between stakeholders: "partnerships, collaborations, it is first and foremost a human-based process". A collaborative way of working is considered essential. The importance of trusting is at the heart of networks' efficiency because it facilitates the exchanges and improves the flow of information. The information quality control is operated by network members. Immaterial resources access constitutes a favorable ground for entrepreneur's social capital. Thisaccess opportunity participates to the process of innovation. Therefore mutual trust can be regarded as an implicit knowledge transmission accelerator that fosters innovation.Higher education (including alumni associations) is complementarily highly structuring for entrepreneurs' networks, offering good opportunities to develop sustainable partnerships. When they exist, links with experts and academic researchers are sustainable and lead to success. These relations take time and depend on the leader's background. They vary a lot according to how long the company has been based on the territory. However most of the local research fields are different from those which are of interest to local companies to such an extent that some companies prefer working with metropolitan research organizations, particularly for those which operate in niche activities.In terms of cooperation, employers display a very pragmatic behavior: they get to the closest companies, sometimes even at the expense of the quality of the resource. Geographic proximity fosters working together, a round trip in the afternoon being considered as the symbolic border. This is particularly true for interpersonal networks, restricted to everyday life territory. But for commercial partnerships there is no geographic border.Eventually these networks are helpful to overcome some challenges such as hiring talented employees or getting a convenient job for their partners in small TTWAs. But they do not solve all the usual problems the peripheral entrepreneurs face to such as good air connectivity within an hour drive ("If the airport closes, I leave"). Moreover the companies operating in specialized activities or in a niche productions do suffer from the lack of dense sectorial networks, generating a feeling of isolation. This can impact the open innovation process and even inhibit the organization of events supposed to provide new interactions.Finally the network approach helps to understand why companies located in peripheral areas do not move towards larger central metro areas despite of their locational disadvantage underlined by the neoclassic locational theory.
International audience ; According to the mainstream literature in economic geography, agglomeration economies are so powerful drivers for polarization in the larger metro areas that a center-periphery pattern is almost inescapable, making any peripheral location clearly disadvantageous for firms (Dicken and Lloyd, 1992; Fujita and Thisse, 2003). Urban studies also support such views by demonstrating the growing, steadily trend towards metropolization.However these statements are not fully confirmed by some empirical results. Indeed the stated entrepreneurs' locational preferences of firms localized in medium-sized (and even small) cities situated in peripheral areas do not always meet these theoretical interpretations. Innovative entrepreneurs and successful companies are usual in such locations, making necessary to explain such unexpected location choices and how they can be successful despite their so-called locational constraints due both to their remote position in badly connected peripheries (as demonstrated by population and economic potential models at the national and European scales) and to the lack of localized external economies of scale.To enlighten such apparently irrational business location choices, we could refer to the behavioural approach (Pred, 1967) as the perception of the quality of location characteristics has been neglected by the literature (Eickelpasch and al., 2015). Indeed the mental maps of the peripheral entrepreneurs –as revealed by our survey– do not exhibit the same perception of their working-area as expected from the theoretical works that consider peripheral locations are damaging due to various backwash effects (Myrdal, 1957; Haggett, 1979). As it has often been established by numerous surveys, the first locational factor of SMEs is often the birthplace of their manager, especially for family-owned companies, considering that entrepreneurial spirit is often more common in areas dominated by small firms (Baudelle and Ollivro, 2000; Ejermo and Hansen, 2015). Therefore the rationale of their location choice does not necessarily match the requisites of profit maximization. But despite this kind of path dependency due to the faithfulness of these entrepreneurs to their native region, we need to understand how such firms can be innovative and therefore successful notwithstanding their non- optimal location in small and medium-sized cities of peripheral areas.At this point we need another theoretical framework, namely the institutional approach (Granovetter, 1973). This perspective is required to explain why and how entrepreneurs can be successful in spite of their non-metropolitan location in modest cities situated far not only from the core of Europe but also from the national and sub-national metropolises. More specifically our study mobilizes the sociology of networks (Krauss, 2011 & 2013) to explain the paradoxical success-stories of peripheral firms. Such an approach is congruent with the evolutionary perspective that is paying more and more attention (but not so much) to networks and institutions as parts of complex adaptative systems to explain regional resilience (Boschma, 2015).Therefore our theoretical assumption is the following: professional networks and personal networking are crucial for these companies and their managers to give them access to various kinds of resources that are necessary to run their business. This is consistent with the theory striking the need for embeddeness among the entrepreneurs to make them possible to run their business with success (Granovetter, 1973; Krauss, Sternberg, 2014). The final goal of the study is to understand how the access to various informational and human resources is made possible by the construction of networks used by innovating companies to develop their business. Consequently the objective is to identify the configuration of the networks –strong or weak, local or distant, central or peripheral– of the interviewed entrepreneurs to understand their possible role in their success stories.The field-study area is a corridor along the Southern Brittany Coast (France). In this area of about 939 000 inhab., there is no large metropolis. The three main cities (Lorient, Quimper, Vannes) are simply medium-sized cities: their built-up areas have respectively 115 000, 80 000 and 75 000 inhab. only and their travel-to-work areas 180 000, 120 000 and 135 000 people. Outside them, only small cities can be found.Moreover these cities are far from the rest of France and Europe and even from the larger metro area in Western France, Nantes (622 000 inh.), which is more than 3 hours away by car from Western Brittany and even 4 hour and a half by train. Even from the closest city (Vannes) the journey to Nantes requires more than 2 hours. Paris, the national capital-city, remains from 3h30 to 6h30 away by train. Some local domestic airports compensate this remoteness but not totally and with a high flight cost due to monopolies. As a result this area is a typical periphery, far from the metropolitan engines of the globalizing economy. The French division of labour between Paris metro area and the province even worsens the gap between the Breton Western periphery and the French World City.To understand how the entrepreneurs overcome such a physical distance, a sample of about 20 successful business leaders were interviewed (Marinos, 2015). The selected companies (mainly SMEs) are deliberately very competitive ones: they are intensive in technology, exhibit a high level of innovation (as demonstrated by the number of patents) allowing high added values and significant export rates, they attract international investors and look for clients and suppliers all around the world.The objective of the study was to evaluate how important the networks are to compensate the possible theoretical locational constraints due to peripheral sites (Krauss, 2009). The literature often points out the possible negative locking effects of excessive local inward-looking ties, suggesting a trade-off between immediate adaptation and later adaptability (Grabher, 1993; Boschma and Frenken, 2010; Braun and Schulz, 2012; Boschma, 2015). However our study shows clearly that such a distinction between strong local, proximate connections and weak, outward-looking networks does not fit with our empirical results, which leads to reconsider the present literature about the connectedness of entrepreneurs working in peripheries seen as so-called autarkic and poorly connected places.The survey reveals that the entrepreneurs do not ignore the drawbacks of peripheral locations. However the professionals met for the survey express great satisfaction about their business in Southern Brittany. The participation of three quarters of them in local networks (business associations, chambers of commerce, development agencies.) is presented as necessary for their business development process, and even crucial during the start-up stage. It allows them to open up to their immediate environment and to enhance their external visibility. Belonging to a network also improves their collective capacity for concerted actions. Doing so, entrepreneurs become more audible by politicians and influence local public policies.Small and medium-sized cities are perceived as a favorable ground to confident relationships even if that kind of links rarely exceeds the TTWA boundaries. Local political staff and administration are more easily approachable and quicker to react than in bigger cities.More surprisingly, these employers are involved in the local economic life even if their clients are not local. The more entrepreneurs operate on the globalized market, the more they express that need for local commitment: "my company needs roots to have wings".The local territory acts as a medium between stakeholders: "partnerships, collaborations, it is first and foremost a human-based process". A collaborative way of working is considered essential. The importance of trusting is at the heart of networks' efficiency because it facilitates the exchanges and improves the flow of information. The information quality control is operated by network members. Immaterial resources access constitutes a favorable ground for entrepreneur's social capital. Thisaccess opportunity participates to the process of innovation. Therefore mutual trust can be regarded as an implicit knowledge transmission accelerator that fosters innovation.Higher education (including alumni associations) is complementarily highly structuring for entrepreneurs' networks, offering good opportunities to develop sustainable partnerships. When they exist, links with experts and academic researchers are sustainable and lead to success. These relations take time and depend on the leader's background. They vary a lot according to how long the company has been based on the territory. However most of the local research fields are different from those which are of interest to local companies to such an extent that some companies prefer working with metropolitan research organizations, particularly for those which operate in niche activities.In terms of cooperation, employers display a very pragmatic behavior: they get to the closest companies, sometimes even at the expense of the quality of the resource. Geographic proximity fosters working together, a round trip in the afternoon being considered as the symbolic border. This is particularly true for interpersonal networks, restricted to everyday life territory. But for commercial partnerships there is no geographic border.Eventually these networks are helpful to overcome some challenges such as hiring talented employees or getting a convenient job for their partners in small TTWAs. But they do not solve all the usual problems the peripheral entrepreneurs face to such as good air connectivity within an hour drive ("If the airport closes, I leave"). Moreover the companies operating in specialized activities or in a niche productions do suffer from the lack of dense sectorial networks, generating a feeling of isolation. This can impact the open innovation process and even inhibit the organization of events supposed to provide new interactions.Finally the network approach helps to understand why companies located in peripheral areas do not move towards larger central metro areas despite of their locational disadvantage underlined by the neoclassic locational theory.