At the academic level and in political practice, participatory and evidence-based political processes are increasingly recognized as mechanisms that guarantee more efficient political decisionmaking. However, no theoretical framework that allows a clear definition of participatory and evidence-based policy processes and demonstrates the positive impact of these processes on political performance is currently available. In addition, no operational approach that allows for the empirical measurement and characterization of these processes currently exists. In this context, this chapter develops the evolutionary computable general political economy equilibrium model (eCGPE) as a theoretical framework and an empirically applicable tool for defining, evaluating and designing efficient participatory and evidencebased policy processes. We further demonstrate that based on the eCGPE approach, a political diagnosis can be made (i.e., political performance gaps can be identified). Furthermore, a political therapy (i.e., a set of adequate strategies for reducing existing performance gaps) can be derived via simulation analyses that are based on the eCGPE.
AbstractTo the detriment of liberal democracy, governments have struggled to prevent the exploitation of personal data for voter manipulation in the digital era. Laws pertaining to political microtargeting are often piecemeal and tend to derive from a combination of laws on electoral advertising and privacy. Evidence indicates that this approach is insufficient to curtail microtargeting. However, little is known about the regulation of microtargeting outside of the European and US contexts within which the bulk of anti‐microtargeting research has been undertaken. Accordingly, this paper aims to shed light on the preparedness of the law in Australia and New Zealand to mitigate the potential harms of political microtargeting. A comparative analysis of legislation pertaining to microtargeting is therefore undertaken using a blended approach of comparative law and content analysis. This paper: (1) identifies current legislation relevant to microtargeting in Australia and New Zealand; (2) assesses patterns of similarity and difference between each country's laws in relation to microtargeting; and (3) evaluates the preparedness of current legislation to curtail microtargeting in an evolving social media landscape. It finds that in both countries, legislation is sufficiently robust to mitigate microtargeting in some limited circumstances, but a cohesive regulatory approach is needed to constrain the most insidious microtargeting operations.
"How a journey through Italy casts light on secrets, stereotypes, and the manipulation of information in eighteenth-century science. In 1749, the celebrated French physicist Jean-Antoine Nollet set out on a journey through Italy to solve an international controversy over the medical uses of electricity. At the end of his nine-month tour, he published a highly influential account of his philosophical battle with his Italian counterparts, discrediting them as misguided devotees of the marvelous. Paola Bertucci's In the Land of Marvels brilliantly reveals the mysteries of Nollet's journey, uncovering a subterranean world of secretive and far more ambitious intelligence gathering masked as scientific inquiry.The advent of electricity was a pivotal phenomenon not only in the history of physical experimentation, but also in the cultivation of popular scientific interest. Nollet's journey was supposedly inspired by the need to investigate, and subsequently report on, claims of the use of electrified "medicated tubes" by their Italian inventor Gianfrancesco Pivati. Motivated by economic interests in the silk industry, Nollet's journey was in fact an undercover mission commissioned by the French state to discover the secrets of Italian silk manufacture and possibly supplant its international success. The event that sparked the medical controversy-the unusual cure of a bishop-was a complete fabrication. Bertucci insightfully contrasts published accounts of the event with private documents and discusses how eighteenth-century scientists published fictional events and results to bolster their careers, ultimately leading to long-lasting misrepresentations of scientific practice and enduring stereotypes. In the Land of Marvels reveals the constellation of historical actors, from reputed physicists to travel writers and electrical amateurs, who manipulated information to gain authority and prestige"--
Since the official end of apartheid, different state actors and non-state actors have beenchanting the creed of national reconciliation and reconstruction for a better and harmoniousSouth Africa. In fact, Desmond Tutu's vision of the "rainbow nation", to an extent, has been thedriving force behind the policies of successive regimes in South Africa following the trauma anddispossession of the past. Since literature can also be conceived as an interpretation of societyin time and space, the discourse of national reconciliation and reconstruction has found inroadsin the literary and cultural productions of post-apartheid South Africa. This paper, thus, seeks toshow the relationship between post-apartheid female narratives and post-apartheid politics. Inother words, it verifies the contributory role of South African female writers in re-negotiating,re-conciliating and re-constructing the post-apartheid nation. In this connection, this paper ispredicated on the premise that the post-apartheid South African female writer, just like her malecounterpart, is also involved in the political project of nation building through politicalnegotiation, reconciliation, and reconstruction. These writers, in their works, affirm the view thatwithout political dialogue and reconciliation, the nation-building project in post-apartheid SouthAfrica is a mere hoax and an exercise in futility.
This article studies the political behavior of an Indonesian Islamist party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). Critics have argued that there are undemocratic elements in the PKS ideology - such as mixing religion with politics and its perceptions on gender equality and religious pluralism - and thus its participation in democratic politics seems to be neither serious nor sustainable. Applying North's theory of new institutionalism, this research found that ideology is dominant as a guideline for party behavior whenever the formal institutions are ineffective, and it will be less so when the formal rules of the game function properly. ; This article studies the political behavior of an Indonesian Islamist party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). Critics have argued that there are undemocratic elements in the PKS ideology - such as mixing religion with politics and its perceptions on gender equality and religious pluralism - and thus its participation in democratic politics seems to be neither serious nor sustainable. Applying North's theory of new institutionalism, this research found that ideology is dominant as a guideline for party behavior whenever the formal institutions are ineffective, and it will be less so when the formal rules of the game function properly.
This present essay reviews the realizations and contradictions of chavism experience in Venezuela, as well as the recent situation of Maduro's government. For almost two decades, the chavist reformism accomplished relevant social and democratic achievements, but its poor burocratic and economic management and the crisis of its dependent rentier model have canceled those achievements. In fact, the social class antagonism, as a way of producing and organizing material, social and political life within a social formation, has given place to rising conflicts in and out of the Venezuelan political system. ; Este ensayo de interpretación hace revisión de los alcances y las contradicciones de la experiencia chavista en Venezuela, así como la situación reciente del gobierno de Maduro. En casi más de dos décadas, el proceso reformista del chavismo logró importantes conquistas sociales y democráticas, pero la deficiente gestión burocrática y económica del país y la crisis de su modelo rentista-dependiente han eliminado dichos avances. En efecto, el antagonismo social de clase, como forma de producción y organización de la vida material, social y política en una formación social, ha dado lugar a una serie de conflictos en ascenso dentro y fuera del sistema político venezolano.
The year 2009 was full of political events for Kyrgyzstan, the most noteworthy being re-election of the current president, Kurmanbek Bakiev, to a second term and reformatting, in a certain sense, of relations with the country's main partners on the world arena. The latter had an influence on the alignment of domestic political forces, whereby it was revealed that Western sponsors and partners had little interest in the Kyrgyz opposition. This prompted the government's supporters to talk about a period of "stability" and a transition to a new stage of administrative reforms called upon to consolidate the position of the ruling elite even more. In this context, several experts believe that Bakiev's victory put an end to the post-March period, which can be described as a time of struggle of all against all. Energetic activity on the part of the opposition should now slow down, which will allow Kurmanbek Bakiev's team to take up a key position. In addition, it is very likely that the authoritarian development model will be reproduced, in compliance with which power will go to a successor, while democratic institutions will be strictly formal and serve the interests of a narrow circle of people.
Capacity building is a frequent tonic prescribed for local governments in poor performance health. Such initiatives purport to get to the heart of governance with technical approaches that are free of partisanship and political controversy. Data from municipal governments newly affected by decentralisation and democratisation indicate that, contrary to expectations, the destiny of capacity building initiatives is dependent upon politics. In the first instance, capacity building initiatives are dependent on the orientation of elected and appointed leaders who choose to invest in or ignore them. Second, capacity building initiatives are significantly affected by electoral cycles. Third, capacity building initiatives are dependent on the formal and informal institutions that determine how much scope public officials have for introducing change. Thus, while part of the popularity of capacity building programs and projects is their apparent distance from politics, those who wish to see the performance of government improved need to be sensitive to how it is affected by political preferences, calendars, and institutions. Data on 57 capacity building initiatives carried out in 30 medium sized municipalities in Mexico suggest the ways in which such factors shape the destinies of capacity building initiatives. (InWent/GIGA)
Through her silencing thesis, Langton has contributed to the study of epistemic injustice by highlighting a possible cause of such a phenomenon: She asserts that the pornographic representation of (straight) sexual relationships affects the felicity conditions of speech uttered by women, so this speech is not understood as an illocution by men. This fact arguably undermines women's credibility, since their testimony is not even registered in men's testimonial sensibility. However, this thesis entails problematic consequences from at least two standpoints. From a theoretical perspective, it enacts a circularity when it comes to the empirical individuation of the subordinative effects of pornography. I will point out that this problem arises from Langton's substantive conception of power, i.e. from her notion of authority as an attribute which can be ascribed to preexisting subjects. From a political perspective, such conception of power allows Langton to performatively rank women as credible when testifying sexual violence, but it also leads her to silencing alternative political strategies, e.g. the ones proposed by Butler. Hence, I propose to consider this form of silencing as a specific kind of epistemic injustice, one that neutralises the performative value of political discourses. ; La posición que mantiene Langton sobre el silenciamiento contribuye al estudio de la injusticia epistémica al poner de relieve una posible causa de dicho fenómeno: en concreto, afirma que la representación pornográfica de las relaciones sexuales (heterosexuales) afecta a las condiciones de éxito de las proferencias realizadas por mujeres, de tal modo que estas proferencias no son interpretadas como un acto ilocutivo por parte de los hombres. Se puede pensar que este proceso socava la credibilidad de las mujeres ya que su testimonio no se registra en la sensibilidad testimonial de los hombres. Sin embargo, esta posición implica consecuencias problemáticas desde al menos dos puntos de vista. Por un lado, desde una perspectiva teórica incurre en una circularidad al tratar la individuación empírica de los efectos subordinados de la pornografía. Señalaré que este problema surge a raíz de la concepción sustantiva de poder que sostiene Langton, es decir, de su noción de autoridad como un atributo que puede ser atribuido a sujetos preexistentes. Por otro lado, desde una perspectiva política, mantendré que tal concepción de poder permite a Langton clasificar performativamente a las mujeres como creíbles cuando testifican acerca de la violencia sexual, pero también la lleva a silenciar estrategias políticas alternativa como, por ejemplo, las propuestas por Butler. Propongo, por tanto, considerar esta última forma de silenciamiento como un tipo específico de injusticia epistémica que neutraliza el valor perfomativo de los discursos políticos.
This article analyses the political mobilisation of the Kurdish internal diaspora outside of the Kurdish region in Turkey. The paper engages with the long held proposition that diasporas tend to support more radical political actors. It discusses the PKK's mobilisation in western Turkey and the manner in which it has contributed to the revival of a broader Kurdish collective identity. The paper considers historic patterns of Kurdish migration before detailing the role of state repression, ethnic alienation and socio-economic marginalisation on recent Kurdish migrants. It concludes by proposing that it was the specific ideological and spatial strategies deployed by the PKK rather than broader contextual factors which permitted the PKK to win mass support among Kurds in western Turkey. Keywords: Kurdish migration; the PKK; political violence; diaspora; social movements.Beşdariya siyasî ya radîkal û diyasporaya kurdî ya navxweyî li TirkiyeyêEv nivîsar vekolînek e li ser çalakgeriya siyasî ya diyasporaya navxweyî ya Kurdên li derveyî herêma kurdnişîn a Tirkiyeyê. Ev gotar tevî wê fikr û pê$niyaza kevn dibe ya ku dibêje meyla diyasporayan bêtir li ser bizavên siyasî yên nisbeten tundrewtir e. Nivîsar berê xwe dide çalakgeriya PKKyê li rojavayê Tirkiyeyê û lê dikole ka wê çalakgeriyê bi çi rengî tesîr li vejandina nasnameyeka Kurdî ya cemawerî û berfirehtir kiriye. Di vê xebatê de, pê$iyê şikl û corên koçberiya Kurdan ji nezera tarîxî ve hatine pê$kê$kirin, pa$ê, rola fakterên wek zordestiya dewletê, nebankirina (vederkirina) qewmî û perawêzxistina civakî-aborî ya li ser koçberên heyamên dawî bi hûrgilî hatine nîqa$kirin. Wekî encam, ev xebat pêşniyar dike ku piştgiriya girseyî ku PKK ji Kurdên li rojavayê Tirkiyeyê wergirtiye, ne ew qas ji $ert û mercên gi$tî û çarçoveya berfireh, lê zêdetir bi saya wan stratejiyên taybet yên îdeolojîk û mekanî ne ku PKKyê dane ber xwe. بەشداری سیاسییانەی رادیكاڵ و تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە توركیائەم گوتارە شیكردنەوەیەكە لە سەر مۆبایلیزە كردنی سیاسییانەی تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە دەرەوەی دەڤەرە كوردییەكان لە توركیا. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە لەو پێشنیازە دەكۆڵێتەوە كە دەلێت، تاراوگە پشتیوانی لەو ئەكتەرە سیاسییانە دەكات كە زیاتر رادیكاڵن. ئەم گوتارە باس دەکا لە مۆبایلیزە كردن لە لایەن پ.ك.ك وە لە رۆژاوای توركیا و ئەو شێوانەی کە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە بە ڕەچاوکردنیان توانیویەتی ناسنامەیەکی بەرفراوانی كۆمەڵی كوردی ببووژێنێتەوە. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە بەر لەوەی تاوتوێی رۆڵی چەوساندنەوە لە لایەن دەوڵەتەوە بکات و سەرنج بداتە هەڵاواردنی ئینتنیکی و پەراوێز خستنی ئابووری-كۆمەڵایەتی لە سەر كۆچبەرە كوردەكانی ئەو ساڵانەی دوایی، شێوازە مێژووییەكانی كۆچ كردنی كورد راڤە دەكا. لە كۆتاییدا، ئەم گوتارە پێشنیار دەكات كە ھۆكاری بە دەستھێنانی ئەو پشتگیریە جەماوەرییەی پ.ك.ك لە ناو كوردی رۆژئاوای توركیا دەگەڕێتەوە بۆئەو ستراتیژییە تایبەتە فەزایی و ئایدیۆلۆژییانەی كە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە پەیڕەوی كردووە، نەك فاكتەرە بەربڵاوە ژینگەییەکان (contextual).
Green political theory generally emphasizes universal values and associated projects at the expense of particular contexts. However, these contexts affect the plausibility and attractiveness of theoretical projects. In light of the current spectrum of green political thinking from anarchist to statist poles, this paper shows that sometimes statist strategies make sense, sometimes more confrontational action is required, and sometimes a mix is appropriate. The kind of context highlighted is state structure as it faces civil society. Comparative historical analysis of four countries (the United States, Norway, Germany, and the United Kingdom) is brought to bear.
Green political theory generally emphasizes universal values & associated projects at the expense of particular contexts. However, these contexts affect the plausibility & attractiveness of theoretical projects. In light of the current spectrum of green political thinking from anarchist to statist poles, this paper shows that sometimes statist strategies make sense, sometimes more confrontational action is required, & sometimes a mix is appropriate. The kind of context highlighted is state structure as it faces civil society. Comparative historical analysis the US, Norway, Germany, & the UK is brought to bear. 1 Table, 44 References. Adapted from the source document.
THE OPTIMISM THAT FLOWED FROM THE INCREASED ENROLLMENT OF BLACKS IN PH.D. PROGRAMS IN THE LATE 1960S AND 1970S HAS BEEN REPLACED IN THE 1980S BY THE HARSH FACT THAT BLACK ENROLEMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE IS DECREASING. IN FACT, THE NUMBER OF BLACK STUDENTS ENTERING ADVANCED DEGREE PROGRAMS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE HAS DROPPED STEADILY SINCE 1980. EVEN MORE ALARMING IS THE FACT THAT IT SHOWS NO SIGN OF REBOUNDING. INDEED, ALL SIGNS NO SIGN OF REBOUNDING. INDEED, ALL SIGN POINT TO THE FACT THAT ENROLLMENTS ARE LIKELY TO GET WORSE BEFORE THEY GET BETTER.
