Suchergebnisse

In the perspective of the history of ideas, this working paper focuses on the theoretical relationships between the social science and natural science in the context of Parisian early Socialism. This working paper deals with the influence of epistemological models ("encyclopedic" approach and analogical approach) in the first phase of French social science; then, it examines how this context articulate the scientific understanding of society with the social and political action. These pages aim to highlight how the organicistic model, developed in the 1830s and 1840s, assesses the complexity in the field of knowledge of society. ; Dans une perspective d'histoire des idées, ce papier envisage la question des rapports entre la science sociale et les sciences naturelles dans le premier socialisme parisien. Il est tout d'abord question de comprendre l'influence des modèles épistémologiques (approche encyclopédique et approche analogique), pour ensuite interroger les manières de conjuguer compréhension scientifique de la société et action sociale et politique. Le but de ces pages est de mettre en évidence comment , dans les années 1830 et 1840, l' organicisme dans le champ de l'intelligence de la société est une approche valorisant la complexité.

In the perspective of the history of ideas, this working paper focuses on the theoretical relationships between the social science and natural science in the context of Parisian early Socialism. This working paper deals with the influence of epistemological models ("encyclopedic" approach and analogical approach) in the first phase of French social science; then, it examines how this context articulate the scientific understanding of society with the social and political action. These pages aim to highlight how the organicistic model, developed in the 1830s and 1840s, assesses the complexity in the field of knowledge of society. ; Dans une perspective d'histoire des idées, ce papier envisage la question des rapports entre la science sociale et les sciences naturelles dans le premier socialisme parisien. Il est tout d'abord question de comprendre l'influence des modèles épistémologiques (approche encyclopédique et approche analogique), pour ensuite interroger les manières de conjuguer compréhension scientifique de la société et action sociale et politique. Le but de ces pages est de mettre en évidence comment , dans les années 1830 et 1840, l' organicisme dans le champ de l'intelligence de la société est une approche valorisant la complexité.

Introduction : coming out all over / Abby Peterson -- The histories of pride / Abby Peterson, Mattias Wahlström, and Magnus Wennerhag -- Context matters / Abby Peterson -- Who participates? / Magnus Wennerhag -- Pride parade mobilizing and the barrier of stigma / Abby Peterson and Mattias Wahlström -- Friends of pride challenges, conflicts and dilemmas / Abby Peterson and Mattias Wahlström -- Performances of party and politics / Abby Peterson -- The meanings of pride parades for their participants / Mattias Wahlström -- Between politics and party / Abby Peterson and Mattias Wahlström -- Appendix: Data and methods -- List of interviews -- Index.

Discusses professionalization of political campaigns, focusing on use of public relations consultants and advertising agencies, and domestic factors in Sweden that counter international trends.

Immediately after Election 2016, an online survey of 3,810 US college students in a "swing state" shows that the general use of Facebook has a small, negative effect on U.S. college students' online/offline political participation and civic engagement over and above six control variables and four demographic variables. The participants' political use of Facebook is a much more important and positive predictor than their general use of Facebook for online/offline political participation and civic engagement even after controlling for six relevant variables and four demographic variables. Their online and offline political participation, and civic engagement were closely related. Their online social capital led to political use of Facebook but did not predict online/offline political participation and civic engagement. Additional interesting findings are also presented, theoretical and practical implications discussed.

Recent studies of political behavior suggest that voting decisions can be influenced substantially by "first-impression" social attributions based on physical appearance. Separate lines of research have implicated the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) in the judgment of social traits on the one hand and economic decision-making on the other, making this region a plausible candidate for linking social attributions to voting decisions. Here, we asked whether OFC lesions in humans disrupted the ability to judge traits of political candidates or affected how these judgments influenced voting decisions. Seven patients with lateral OFC damage, 18 patients with frontal damage sparing the lateral OFC, and 53 matched healthy participants took part in a simulated election paradigm, in which they voted for real-life (but unknown) candidates based only on photographs of their faces. Consistent with previous work, attributions of "competence" and "attractiveness" based on candidate appearance predicted voting behavior in the healthy control group. Frontal damage did not affect substantially the ability to make competence or attractiveness judgments, but patients with damage to the lateral OFC differed from other groups in how they applied this information when voting. Only attractiveness ratings had any predictive power for voting choices after lateral OFC damage, whereas other frontal patients and healthy controls relied on information about both competence and attractiveness in making their choice. An intact lateral OFC may not be necessary for judgment of social traits based on physical appearance, but it seems to be crucial in applying this information in political decision-making.

Increasingly, natural resource conservation programs refer to participation and local community involvement as one of the necessary prerequisites for sustainable resource management. In frameworks of adaptive comanagement, the theory of participatory conservation plays a central role in the democratization of decisionmaking authority and equitable distribution of benefits and burdens. We observe, however, that the institutions of state, society, and economy shape the implementation and application of participation in significant ways across contexts. This paper examines the political ecology of participation by comparing and contrasting discourse and practice in four developed and developing contexts. The cases drawn from Central Asia, Africa, and North America illustrate that institutional dynamics and discourse shape outcomes. While these results are not necessarily surprising, they raise questions about the linkages between participatory conservation theory, policy and programmatic efforts of implementation to achieve tangible local livelihood and conservation outcomes. Participation must be understood in the broader political economy of conservation in which local projects unfold, and we suggest that theories of participatory governance need to be less generalized and more situated within contours of place-based institutional and environmental histories. Through this analysis we illustrate the dialectical process of conservation in that the very institutions that participation is intended to build create resistance, as state control once did. Conservation theory and theories of participatory governance must consider these dynamics if we are to move conservation forward in a way that authentically incorporates local level livelihood concerns.Keywords: participatory governance, political ecology, community-based conservation, environmental governance, discourse

The late Hannah Arendt once observed that "violence itself is incapable of speech, and not merely that speech is helpless when confronted with violence. Because of this speech-lessness political theory has little to say about the phenomenon of violence and must leave its discussion to the technicians;" (Arendt, 1963, p.9). This may have been true at the time of Arendt's writing. The situation, however, dramatically changed when the violence of the sixties began in earnest. The academic market was soon lost in a maze of articles, books, and analyses of political violence from the perspective of not only political theory but practically every discipline in the social sciences and humanities. These new works supplemented the traditional and earlier studies of violence by the Marxist school and others. Thus by the turn of the decade, the student of political violence was faced with the difficult task of trying to evaluate and sift his way through an ever-expanding plethora of concepts, theories, definitions, explanations, and models of political violence which abounded in the field.

The meanings of consent /Jeremy Webber --The challenges of consent in indigenous contexts.Living together : Gitksan legal reasoning as a foundation for consent /Val Napoleon ; "Thou wilt not die of hunger- for I bring thee merchandise : consent, intersocietal normativity, and the exchange of food at York Factory, 1682-1763/77 /Janna Promislow --The complexity of the object of consent :some Australian stories /Tim Rowse --Reconceiving consent in political and legal philosophy.Indigenous peoples and political legitimacy /Margaret Moore --Consent, legitimacy, and the foundation of political and legal authority /David Dyzenhaus --Consent or contestation? /Duncan Ivison --Beyond consent and disagreement :why law's authority is not just about will /Andrée Boisselle --Concluding reflections.Consent, hegemony, and dissent in treaty negotiations /James Tully.

Argues for the international community to support development of political parties in fledgling democracies, to complement their support of citizen groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and similar bodies.

How is political violence gendered? We connect the traditional political violence literature's emphasis on categorizing attacks to the gender and politics literature's analysis of the barriers to women's political participation. Our framework separates gendered political violence into three elements. Gendered motives appear when perpetrators use violence to preserve hegemonic men's control of politics. Gendered forms emphasize how gender roles and tropes differentially shape men's and women's experiences of violence. Gendered impacts capture the subjective meaning-making processes that occur as different audiences react to political violence. This approach offers researchers and policymakers greater analytic precision regarding how political violence is gendered.

In a representative democracy political parties promote vital competition on different policy issues and play essential roles by offering ideological alternatives. They also give channels for citizens- participation in government decision-making processes and they are significant conduits and interpreters of information about government. This paper attempts to examine how opposition political parties and rebel fronts emerged in Ethiopia, and examines their present conditions. In this paper, selected case studies of political parties and rebel fronts are included to highlight the status and the role of opposition groups in the country in the three successive administrations: Haile Selassie (1930-1974), Derg (1974- 1991), and EPRDF (1991-Present).

The ideas of John Rawls have revolutionized the shape and content of much of contemporary political and social philosophy. His A Theory of Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism, (1993) among other works, have been a rich source of ideas which continue to influence contemporary discussions about justice and politics. Although much has been written on the political philosophy of Rawls, there has not been any in-depth study focused on the implications of the ideas of Rawls for contemporary existing democracies. Drawing on some of his earlier work, the author offers a detailed exploration of ho.

Papua New Guinea is one of the few post-colonial states that has managed to maintain an unbroken record of democratic government. Parliamentary elections have been held regularly on schedule (the latest in June 2002), and although no government has lasted a full parliamentary term, every change of government has followed constitutional procedures. All changes of government (most of them by parliamentary votes of no confidence against the prime minister) have been accepted by both defeated members of parliament (MPs) and the general public. The judiciary has maintained its independence. Notwithstanding occasional tensions in relations between successive governments and elements within the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF), Papua New Guinea has not experienced a military coup. The Freedom House index ranks Papua New Guinea as 'free'. Yet despite this, both within Papua New Guinea and outside, commentators tend to portray Papua New Guinea as a country marked by political instability, if not chaos, with a state on the verge of collapse. In 1999, for example, Papua New Guinea's first prime minister, in the context of debate about electoral reform, referred to the country's National Parliament (of which he is still a member – and in 2002 again prime minister) as a house full of 'rejects', lacking a mandate to govern, and on the eve of the 2002 national elections, the then prime minister, Sir Mekere Morauta, suggested that Papua New Guinea was 'on the verge of collapse'. Not only does Papua New Guinea exhibit many of the signs of a weak state - notably limited capacity to deliver services and a poorly developed sense of national identity – its political institutions seem to be becoming increasingly vulnerable to non-democratic pressures, from long adjournments of parliament and increasingly disorderly national elections to persistent unrest within the defence force. In a region which has given rise to such terms as 'guided democracy' (Sukarno's Indonesia), 'elite democracy' (Post-Marcos Philippines), and 'disciplined democracy' (Burma after Ne Win), Papua New Guinea might perhaps be described as a 'disorderly democracy'. The question posed by recent trends is whether the disorderly nature of Papua New Guinea's politics is simply a reflection of the 'Melanesian Way' of doing things, and consistent with the maintenance of a democratic political system, or whether there is a growing disorder which threatens the continued viability of the country's democratic system. This paper examines the apparent disparity between the broad indications of successful democratic government and the widespread perceptions of governmental failure; reviews ongoing attempts to consolidate Papua New Guinea's democratic institutions; and, in the light of the recently conducted national election, speculates on the prospects for democracy in the country which is commonly referred to by its own citizens as the 'Land of the Unexpected'. ; AusAID