Suchergebnisse

Currently, the world is experiencing great challenges in public health, but it is also experiencing these challenges in finding new formulas for an economic development. The political systems of diverse nations are challenged to find sustainable solutions that meet the expectations of the nations (Zamorano Farías, 2010.)In this issue of the magazine "Politics, Globality and Citizenship", the reader will have access to eleven articles that delve into topics that are essential to find the institutional mechanisms that allow to have a better social coexistence among individuals who are part of a plural society, and also among the nations. They correspond to studies that have been carried out rigorously and with an examination of cases that contribute to a necessary debate in the current Academy.Thereon, it is important to reflect on the concept of a "quality" democracy in which O'Donnell, Vargas and Iazzetta (2004) established that there are some essential elements that allow us to speak of a democracy with content. This concept is made up, among other things, by the conduct of free elections, by a true independence of the media, by having acceptable indices in matters of equity, by the fact that the population has access to extensive social security and because the majorities and minorities are represented.For that very reason, it is important that institutions can become an effective mechanism that can enable those ideals for a quality democracy to become an everyday reality. According to a study made by Tusell (2015), some of the factors that are inherently related to the quality of democracy are accountability and the rule of law.In general terms, this is one of the main concepts that concern us in this issue: the correct functioning of public powers is key in the consolidation of any democratic regime and, in particular, in preserving fundamental freedoms (Barreda, 2010.)Regarding mediation, there is a qualitative study by Roberto Guerrero Vega, from the Polytechnic University of Nicaragua, who proposes a model for evaluating the quality of the mediation service in Mexico. It is necessary to highlight that these investigations like the ones made by Guerrero Vega are the ones that contribute to establish the bases for an improvement in the resolution of controversies, the same ones that contribute to generate a better social coexistence. Precisely on the topic of well-being, is that Francisco Gorjón Gómez, from the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (Mexico), presents us a study that corroborates the presence of mediation as an instrument to achieve collective well-being. Regarding the legal analysis, the inquiries of Yahaira Berenice Martínez-Pérez, Brenda Judith Sauceda-Villeda and María Salomé Moreno-Rodríguez from the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (Mexico) are presented, who argue in favor of a legal reform that could protect the most vulnerable sectors. In addition, there is the participation of Jose Luis Leal Espinosa, from the Autonomous University of Coahuila (Mexico), who also argues strongly about the need to specify institutional mechanisms that guarantee the entitlement to information.In educational matters, we have the outstanding participations of Fabio Orlando Cruz Paez and Oswaldo Vanegas Florez from the University of Cundinamarca (Colombia) and the case of Fernando Cárdenas Cabello from the CIFE University Center (Mexico), who explain to us about the technological surveillance process and its impact on the organizational culture of a prestigious Colombian university in the first case, while in the second case, it is examined the adequacy of industrial policy 4.0 in the transition from one government to another, based on the analysis of the National Development Plan. Also, the researchers from the Universidad de la Costa, Grays Nuñez Ríos, Kadry García Mendoza, Judith Castillo Martelo and Nevis Niño-Jiménez carry out a study on a community intervention on how citizens can be motivated to participate in activities that contribute to the peace. In geopolitical matters, this issue has two notable products: The analysis of the relationship of the Pacific Alliance, which is made up by Mexico, Peru, Chile and Colombia, with the People's Republic of China, carried out by Flavio Rafael González-Ayala, a researcher from the Autonomous University of San Luis Potosí (Mexico.) The reader can also consult the inter-institutional research made by José María Ramos García (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Mexico), Carlos Barrachina Lisón (Anáhuac University, México) and Jimmy Emmanuel Ramos (Autonomous University of Baja California), who ponder the challenges from the southern border of Mexico, regarding its importance in its relationship with the United States.Finally, this issue has notable international contributions on current issues and also an introspection of the evolution of a political party that has been fundamental to Spanish democracy: The commitment to disseminate research projects on current issues of the magazine Politics, Globality and Citizenship is reflected in them, as well as those that contain a timely historical review.In relation to the subject, and with validity, we can find the work of Juan Sebastián Sánchez Gómez (University if Los Andes, Colombia), who has exposed the case of the state of exception decreed in Colombia from the coronavirus pandemic. In the case of Borja García-Vázquez (Autonomous University of Nuevo León), an extensive tour of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) is made, from a year before the death of Francisco Franco, up to the year of his first electoral defeat at ta national level, after holding power for 14 consecutive years. In summary, Fascicle 6 (12) has articles written by prestigious researchers, from also outstanding educational centers, which reflect on fundamental topics that reinforce the current lines of research in the field of geopolitics, mediation, the rule of law and educational policy. Therefore, our intention is to contribute to the permanent exchange in quality research, which is why we hope that the scholars who have consulted this edition can find information that is useful to them in their own investigations. ; En la actualidad, el mundo vive grandes desafíos en materia de salud pública, pero también de encontrar nuevas fórmulas de desarrollo económico. Los sistemas políticos de naciones diversas tienen el reto de encontrar soluciones sostenibles que cumplan con las expectativas de las naciones (Zamorano Farías, 2010).En el presente número de la revista "Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía", el lector tendrá acceso a once artículos que profundizan sobre temas que son indispensables para encontrar los mecanismos institucionales que permitan una mejor convivencia social entre los individuos que forman parte de una sociedad plural y también entre las naciones. Corresponden a estudios que se han realizado de manera rigurosa y con una examinación de casos que contribuyen a un necesario debate en la academia actual.Al respecto, resulta importante reflexionar sobre el concepto de una democracia de "calidad" en la que O'Donnell, Vargas y Iazzetta (2004) establecieron que existen algunos elementos esenciales que nos permiten hablar de una democracia con contenido. Este concepto, se compone entre otras cosas, por la celebración de elecciones libres, por una verdadera independencia de los medios de comunicación, por contar con índices aceptables en materia de equidad, por el hecho de que la población tenga acceso a una amplia seguridad social y porque las mayorías y minorías se encuentren representadas.Por esa misma razón, es importante que las instituciones puedan convertirse en un mecanismo eficaz que pueda hacer posible que esos ideales de una democracia de calidad se conviertan en una realidad cotidiana. De acuerdo con un estudio de Tusell (2015), algunos de los factores que se encuentran inherentemente relacionados con la calidad de la democracia son la rendición de cuentas y el estado de derecho.En términos generales, este es uno de los principales conceptos que nos concierne en la presente edición: el funcionamiento correcto de los poderes públicos resulta clave en la consolidación de cualquier régimen democrático y en particular, en el de preservar las libertades fundamentales (Barreda, 2010).En materia de mediación, se cuenta con un estudio cualitativo por parte de Roberto Guerrero Vega, de la Universidad Politécnica de Nicaragua, quien propone un modelo de evaluación de la calidad al servicio de mediación en México. Es necesario resaltar que son investigaciones como las de Guerrero Vega, las que contribuyen a fijar las bases de una mejoría en la resolución de controversias, las mismas que contribuyen a generar una mejor convivencia social. Precisamente sobre el tema del bienestar, es que Francisco Gorjón Gómez, de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León (México), nos presenta un trabajo que permite corroborar la presencia de la mediación como un instrumento para lograr el bienestar colectivo.En cuanto al análisis jurídico, se presentan las indagaciones de Yahaira Berenice Martínez-Pérez, Brenda Judith Sauceda-Villeda y María Salomé Moreno-Rodríguez de la Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León (México), quienes argumentan a favor de una reforma jurídica que protega a los sectores más vulnerables. Además se cuenta con la participación de Jose Luis Leal Espinosa, de la Universidad Autónoma de Coahuila (México), quien también argumenta de manera sólida en torno a la necesidad de concretar mecanismos institucionales que garanticen el derecho a la información.En materia educativa, contamos con las destacadas participaciones de Fabio Orlando Cruz Paez y Oswaldo Vanegas Florez de la Universidad de Cundinamarca (Colombia) y el caso de Fernando Cárdenas Cabello del Centro Universitario CIFE (México), quienes nos exponen sobre el proceso de vigilancia tecnológica y su incidencia en la cultura organizacional de una prestigiada universidad colombiana en el primer caso, mientras que en el segundo se examina la adecuación de la política industrial 4.0 en la transición de un gobierno a otro, basado en el análisis del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo. También los investigadores de la Universidad de la Costa, Greys Nuñez Ríos, Kadry García Mendoza, Judith Castillo Martelo y Nevis Niño-Jiménez quienes realizan un estudio sobre una intervención comunitaria de cómo se puede motivar a los ciudadanos a participar en actividades que contribuyan a la paz. En materia geopolítica, esta edición cuenta con dos productos notables: El análisis de la relación de la Alianza del Pacífico, que conforma México, Perú, Chile y Colombia, con la República Popular China, que realiza el investigador de la Universidad Autónoma de San Luis Potosí (México), Flavio Rafael González-Ayala. El lector también puede consultar la investigación interinstitucional de José María Ramos García (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, México), Carlos Barrachina Lisón (Universidad Anáhuac, México) y Jimmy Emmanuel Ramos (Universidad Autónoma de Baja California), quienes ponderan sobre los retos de la frontera sur de México, en cuanto a su importancia en su relación con Estados Unidos.Por último, la edición cuenta con contribuciones internacionales notables sobre temas actuales y también, de una introspección de la evolución de un partido político que ha sido fundamental para la democracia española: En ellos se encuentra reflejado el compromiso de la revista Política, Globalidad y Ciudadanía de difundir proyectos de investigación de temas vigentes, así como aquellos que contienen una oportuna revisión histórica.En lo relacionado al tema se encuentra con una vigencia oportuna, el trabajo de Juan Sebastián Sánchez Gómez (Universidad de los Andes, Colombia) quien expone el caso del estado de excepción decretado en Colombia a partir de la pandemia de coronavirus. En el caso de Borja García-Vázquez (Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León), se realiza un amplio recorrido del Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), desde un año antes de la muerte de Francisco Franco, al año de su primera derrota electoral a nivel nacional, después de detentar el poder por 14 años consecutivos.En síntesis, el fascículo 6(12) cuenta con artículos de investigadores de prestigio, de centros educativos también destacados, que reflexionan de temas fundamentales que refuezan las líneas de investigación vigentes en materia de geopolítica, mediación, estado de derecho y política educativa. Por lo tanto nuestra intención es contribuir al intercambio permanente en materia de investigación de calidad, es por esto que esperamos que los académicos que consulten esta edición puedan encontrar información que les sea de utilidad en sus propias indagaciones.

In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking "curious" feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance.
Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of 'serious' investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004).
As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli's The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and 'his' problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system– both militarily and economically– while sovereignty evokes the Hobbesian Leviathan (the Devil), with its masculine nature and might. Raewyn Connell responds to these masculine conceptualizations by pointing out that hegemony includes organized social domination in all spheres of life, from religious doctrines to mundane practice, from mass media to taxation (1998: 246). As Connell reminds us, "hegemonic masculinity" expresses the domination of men over women intellectually, culturally, socially, or even politically, thus establishing an unequivocal linkage between gender and power (Connell, 1998).
Just as the Western approach to reading and identifying the East and its fiction found an answer in Edward Said's critique of Orientalism, the theory of political realism put forth by Hans Morgenthau was criticized by Ann Tickner for conceptualizing international politics through the lens of an assumed masculine subject (Tür & Koyuncu, 2010: 9). Critical theory and postmodernism, as alternative approaches in International Relations, drew attention to the otherization of different geographies, civilizations and identities. Yet, on the issue of gender equality, the otherization of women has not been sufficiently recognized; the superiority of man and patriarchy is made possible through the othering of women. From this point of view, it would be beneficial to make a holistic reading of the International Relations literature, and to dismantle these masculine concepts by asking "curious" questions of the discipline.
In Terrell Carver's words, "Gendering IR" is...a project; "gendered" IR is an outcome" (Carver, 2003: 289). In order to achieve such outcome, it bears utmost importance for the gender-equality advocates to insist on, institutionally and practically, gender-based approaches and to not agree with the priority list of the masculine agenda. Security, order, control and retaliation increasingly dominate the discourse shaping the world politics. The gender perspective in International Relations develops to create alternative paradigms that would break this vicious circle of (in)security.
Feminist theory in International Relations has demonstrated significant progress since the 1990s and opened pathways in an uncharted territory. Cynthia Enloe, Ann Tickner, Spike V. Peterson and Christine Sylvester, among others, are the most prominent forerunners of this field. Through their works, feminist theory has adopted a perspective critical of the masculinity and the masculine values of international politics by taking not only 'women' but a wider category of gender into its centre. These feminist scholars have deconstructed International Relations theories by posing gender-related questions and displayed the masculine prejudice embedded in the definitions of security, power and sovereignty. The feminist theories of International Relations have thus distinguished themselves from the other theories of the discipline by paying a 'curious' attention to the power hierarchies and relation structures through inclusiveness and self-reflexivity (True, 2017: 3).
As Cynthia Enloe puts it, the gender perspective in International Relations must first be guided by a feminist consciousness (2004: 97). The feminist International Relations, however, although more than a quarter of century has passed since its emergence, are still struggling with the masculine theories to be considered as an equally legitimate way of understanding how the world works. Various epistemological, ontological and ethical debates may have enriched the field (True, 2017: 1), but at the same time, too many as they are, such debates may paradoxically be accusing the spreading-thin of the gender coalition. The capacity of the feminist International Relations' ethical principles to participate in the global politics has been limited to the United Nations Security Council's decision number 1325 and the Swedish feminist foreign policy.
The feminist attempt to facilitate substantial change and interaction by creating a normative agenda has been called 'normative feminism' by Jacqui True (2013: 242). Normative feminism is a project of institutionalising gender in foreign policy by focusing on socio-economic and political changes. The special issue here is our attempt to partake in this project of change in international relations. We have aimed to enhance the visibility of the gender norms of behavior and decision-making with the presupposition that they would pose an alternative to the masculine norms in International Relations by better supporting the human priorities of peace and co-existence.
Adopting Judith Butler's notion of performativity, the feminist existence in international politics has an undeniable connection to engaging in continuous activities. As Rihannan Bury suggests, "what gives a community its substance is the consistent repetition of these 'various acts' by a majority of members." "Being a member of community," therefore, "is not something one is but something one does" (2005: 14). In Turkey, too, in order to challenge the recognition of the 'hyper' version of the hegemonic masculinity as the only viable world view, gender-charged normative discourses, interactions and agendas must be continuously created and multiplied. We hope that the Turkish literature-review and the articles published here will serve this purpose.
As is the situation in all disciplines, the feminist International Relations has nurtured many onto-epistemologies, some in competition with one another. Such multitude, though definitely a richness, has been challenging the feminist stance's capacity to stand united against the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity. In her latest book, Enloe calls for a continuous struggle of a new and wider feminist coalition against the updated authoritarianism of the patriarchy –inspiring our title "Don't Give Up! Don't Give In!." Such expanded coalition could rise on the common purpose of fighting male dominance and ignore the differences of discourse created by the debate on identity. The gender-guided change and transformation desired in international politics could be achieved more easily in this way (Hemmings, 2012: 148, 155). On this account, in parallel with Enloe's proposal of establishing a wider consensus simply on peace and co-existence (2017), a new era, in which questions of identity will, for some time, not be asked, may be dawning. A grand coalition of consensus has better chance of resisting the authoritarian leaders of hyper hegemonic masculinity.
Our special issue of Gender and International Relations opens with a Turkish literature review with the aim of introducing the topic to Turkish readers. Çiçek Coşkun, against a historical background, presents some of the prominent feminist scholars who have left their footprints in this very masculine area with their fresh gender perspectives. In doing that she offers us a comparative framework in which works by the Turkish and international scholars could be assessed simultaneously. Nezahat Doğan's article seeks to establish the relation between global peace and gender by using the data obtained from the Global Peace Index, Gender Inequality Index and Social Institutions and Gender Index. In this way, adopting a currently trendy approach, Doğan investigates the interaction between gender and International Relations through a quantitative method. Zehra Yılmaz's article discusses the temporary position of Syrian women asylum seekers in Turkey from the perspective of the post-colonial feminist concept of subaltern. The article aims to combine feminist migration studies and post-colonial feminist literature within the context of International Relations. Sinem Bal's article questions whether the EU has designed its gender policies as an aspect of the human-right norms of the European integration or as a way to regulate market economy. Bal pursues such questioning through the reading of the official documents of the EU that prescribes what Europeanization is for Turkey. Thus, all articles constitute a well-rounded understanding of what gendered approaches can achieve in the current practice of international studies.
The co-authored article written by Bezen Balamir-Coşkun and Selin Akyüz examined how the images of women leaders in international politics were presented in the international media. The selected images the three most powerful women political leaders list of Forbes in 2017 –Angela Merkel, Theresa May and Federica Mogherini were analysed in the light of the political masculinities literature from a social visual semiotics perspective. It is believed that such an analysis will contribute to the debates about gendered aspect of international relations as well as the current debates on political masculinities. Gizem Bilgin-Aytaç points out that the global policy that emerged after the Cold War and the emergence of the new way of approaching the IR from a feminist perspective have improved the scope of conceptual analysis in peace theories as well. Bilgin-Aytaç discusses global peace conditions with a gender perspective - in particular, referring to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with a focus on exemplary contemporary issues. Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu, in her article, discusses the debate between Ukraine-based feminist group FEMEN staged several protests in support of Amina Tyler, a Tunisian FEMEN activist receiving death threats for posting nude photographs of herself online with social messages written on her body and the Muslim Women Against FEMEN who released an open letter criticizing the discourse FEMEN used in these protests, which they found to be white colonialist and Islamophobic. Thus, İbrahimhakkıoğlu aimes to examines the discursive strategies put forth by the two sides of the very debate, and unveiling the shortcomings of liberalism as drawn on by both positions, the author attempts to rethink what "freedom" might mean for international feminist alliances across differences.

This guide accompanies the following article: Annamaria Csizmadia, 'The Role of Racial Identification, Social Acceptance/Rejection, Social Cognition, and Racial Socialization in Multiracial Youth's Positive Development', Sociology Compass 5/11 (2011): 995–1004, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00418.x.Author's introductionMultiraciality has been garnering growing public and scholarly attention since 2000. For the first time in Census history, the 2000 U.S. Census allowed individuals to identify with more than one race. The latest Census revealed that over 9 million individuals identified with two or more races (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011), and that they were one of the fastest growing racial groups in the last decade. Multiraciality has also become the topic of frequent public discussion thanks to the election of Barack Obama, the first Black, that is, biracial, president of the United States in 2008. Historically, multiracial individuals have been automatically relegated to the racial group of their minority parent (also known as the rule of hypodescent). Black‐White biracial people were identified as Black due to the one‐drop rule, which considered any person with a trace of African ancestry to be Black. Sociological and developmental research that has been burgeoning since 2000 revealed that contemporary multiracial youth identify in a variety of ways. They may identify as multiracial or as monoracial. They may choose to shift their racial identity depending on their social context. Finally, some refuse to identify themselves in racial terms altogether. In addition to this body of research, scholars have begun to examine the implications of racial identity choices for contemporary multiracial youth's psychosocial adjustment. This paper reviews findings of this emerging body of research and suggests ways in which parents, school counselors, teachers, and social workers can support the positive development of the growing population of multiracial youth.Author recommendsTo develop an understanding of how contemporary Black‐White multiracial young adults understand themselves racially in private and identify themselves in public, I recommend the series of publications that summarize Rockquemore and Brunsma's research on Black‐White biracial young adults from the Midwest, South, and East. A good place to start is their book Beyond Black: Biracial Identity in America published in 2002. This book provides a thorough background to the literature, their multi‐stage research design, and includes a copy of the Survey of Biracial Experience. This survey has been used in several recent studies to assess multiracial youth's racial identification. Rockquemore and Brunsma elaborated on different facets of multiracial youth's lived experiences in several peer‐reviewed publications. They investigated the roles of physical appearance (Brunsma & Rockquemore, 2001); geographic location (Brunsma, 2006), and gender (Rockquemore, 2002) in contemporary multiracial youths' racial identification. For sociologists, social psychologists, and race scholars, who want to delve into the complexity of the multiracial experience, I recommend Daniel's More than Black? Multiracial Identity and the New Racial Order and Brunsma's 2006 edited volume, titled Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the "Color‐Blind" Era. Brunsma's edited book contains highly insightful chapters contributed by renowned scholars from the field (e.g., Davis, Bonilla‐Silva, Yancey, Spencer, Dalmage, and Rockquemore and colleagues). For family scholars, developmentalists with an interest in parenting issues, and parents of multiracial children, Rockquemore and Laszloffy's Raising Biracial Children will be very informative.Brunsma, D. L. and K. A. Rockquemore. (2001). 'The New Color Complex: Appearances and Biracial Identity.'Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 1(3): 225–46.Brunsma, D. L. (2006). Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the "Color‐Blind" Era. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.Brunsma, D. L. (2006). 'Public Categories, Private Identities: Exploring Regional Differences in the Biracial Experience.'Social Science Research 35: 555–76.Daniel, G. R. (2002). More than Black? Multiracial Identity and the New Racial Order. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Rockquemore, K. A. (2002). 'Negotiating the Color Line: The Gendered Process of Racial Identity Construction among Black/White Biracial Women.'Gender & Society 16(4): 485–503.Rockquemore, K. A. and D. L. Brunsma. (2002). Beyond Black: Biracial Identity in America. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Rockquemore, K. A. and T. A. Laszloffy. (2005). Raising Biracial Children. New York, NY: Altamira Press.Online materialsThere are several organizations that are dedicated to providing support to multiracial children, youth, and their families. Websites of these organizations provide useful and practical information for parents, youth, and practitioners. They also allow multiracial people to connect with other multiracial peers. For scholars, they often serve as a starting point for recruitment of multiracial research participants.1. The Mavin Foundationhttp://mavinfoundation.org/2. The Mixed Heritage Centerhttp://www.mixedheritagecenter.org/3. AMEA: Association of MultiEthnic Americanshttp://www.ameasite.org/4. Race: The Power of an Illusionhttp://www.pbs.org/race/000_General/000_00‐Home.htmFor students and scholars of race and multiraciality, the accompanying website to the three‐part PBS documentary on race is a good source of information. The site contains sample discussion questions, historical facts, and self‐quizzes to assess one's view on race. It also contains short clips to the film. Understanding how the racial classification system and hierarchy of the United States evolved is essential to studying contemporary multiracial youth's lives in context.Sample syllabusTopics for lecture and discussion and recommended readingsWeek I: Introduction and overviewDefinitions, Problems and Issues: Who is Multiracial?Reading:Daniel, G. R. (2002). More than Black? Multiracial Identity and the New Racial Order. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Week II. The history of race in the United StatesReadings:Bonilla‐Silva, E. (1996). 'Rethinking Racism: Toward a Structural Interpretation.'American Sociological Review 62: 465–80.Omi, M. and H. Winans. (1994). Racial Formations in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s. New York, NY: Routledge.Week III. The multiracial population of the United StatesReadings:Humes, K. R., N. A. Jones, and R. R. Ramirez. (2011). Overview of race and Hispanic origin: 2010. 2010 Census Briefs. http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br‐02.pdf.Jones, N. A. (2005). We the people of more than one race in the United States: Census 2000 special reports, U.S. Census Bureau. http://www.census.gov/prod/2005pubs/censr‐22.pdf.Week IV. What are you? – How do multiracial youth identify?Readings:Harris, D. R. and J. J. Sim. (2002). 'Who is Multiracial? Assessing the Complexity of Lived Race.'American Sociological Review 67(4): 614–27.Rockquemore, K. A. and D. L. Brunsma (2002). Beyond Black: Biracial Identity in America. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Week V. Changes in racial identification over timeReadings:Brown, J. S., S. Hitlin, and G. H. Elder, Jr. (2007). 'The Importance of Being "Other": A Natural Experiment about Lived Race over Time.'Social Science Research 36: 159–74.Doyle, J. M. and G. Kao. (2007). 'Are Racial Identities of Multiracials Stable? Changing Self‐identification among Single and Multiple Race Individuals.'Social Psychology Quarterly 70(4): 405–23.Terry, R. L. and C. E. Winston (2010). 'Personality characteristic adaptations: Multiracial adolescents' patterns of racial self‐identification change.'Journal of Research on Adolescence 20: 432–55.Week VI. Influences on multiracial youth's racial identification: physical appearanceReading:Brunsma, D. L. and K. A. Rockquemore (2001). 'The New Color Complex: Appearances and Biracial Identity.'Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 1(3): 225–46.Week VII. Influences on multiracial youth's racial identification: geographic region and neighborhoodReading:Brunsma, D. L. (2006). 'Public Categories, Private Identities: Exploring Regional Differences in the Biracial Experience.'Social Science Research 35: 555–76.Week VIII. Influences on multiracial youth's racial identification: historical timeReadings:Davis, J. F. (1991). Who is Black? One Nation's Definition. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press.Khanna, N. (2010). ' "If You're Half Black, You're Just Black": Reflected Appraisals and the Persistence of the One‐Drop Rule.'The Sociological Quarterly 51: 96–121.Week IX. Multiracial youth's peers/friendsReadings:Doyle, J. M. and G. Kao (2007). 'Friendship Choices of Multiracial Adolescents: Racial Homophily, Blending, or Amalgamation?'Social Science Research 36: 633–53.Quillian, L. and R. Redd (2009). 'The Friendship Networks of Multiracial Adolescents.'Social Science Research 38: 279–95.Week X. How do parents identify their multiracial offspring?Readings:Brunsma, D. L. (2005). 'Interracial Families and the Racial Identification of Mixed‐Race Children: Evidence from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study.'Social Forces 84(2): 1131–57.Qian, Z. (2004). 'Options: Racial/Ethnic Identification of Children of Intermarried Couples.'Social Science Quarterly 85(3): 746–66.Roth, W. D. (2005). 'The End of the One‐Drop Rule? Labeling of Multiracial Children in Black Intermarriages.'Sociological Forum 20(1): 35–67.Week XI. Parenting multiracial childrenReadings:Rockquemore, K. A. and T. A. Laszloffy (2005). Raising Biracial Children. New York, NY: Altamira Press.Rockquemore, K. A., T. A. Laszloffy, and J. Noveske. (2006). 'It all Starts at Home: Racial Socialization in Multiracial Families.' Pp. 203–17 in Mixed Messages: Multiracial Identities in the "Color‐Blind" Era, edited by D. L. Brunsma. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.Weeks XII–XIII. Multiracial youth's social‐emotional adjustmentReadings:Campbell, M. E. and J. Eggerling‐Boeck. (2006). 'What about the Children? The Psychological and Social Well‐being of Multiracial Adolescents.'The Sociological Quarterly 47: 147–73.Lusk, E. M., M. J. Taylor, J. T. Nanney, and C. C. Austin. (2010). 'Biracial Identity and its Relation to Self‐esteem and Depression in Mixed Black‐White Biracial Individuals.'Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work 19: 109–26.Phillips, L. (2004). 'Fitting in and Feeling Good: Patterns of Self‐evaluation and Psychological Stress among Biracial Adolescent Girls.'Women & Therapy 27(1/2): 217–36.Sanchez, D. T., M. Shih, and J. A. Garcia. (2009). 'Juggling Multiple Racial Identities: Malleable Racial Identification and Psychological Well‐being.'Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 15(3): 243–54.Suzuki‐Crumly, J. and L. L. Hyers. (2004). 'The Relationship among Ethnic Identity, Psychological Well‐being, and Intergroup Competence: An Investigation of Two Biracial Groups.'Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 10(2): 137–50.Week XIV. Supporting multiracial youth's positive developmentReadings:Csizmadia, A. (2011). 'The Role of Racial Identification, Social Acceptance/Rejection, Social Cognition, and Racial Socialization in Multiracial Youth's Positive Development.'Sociology Compass.Khanna, N. (2004). 'The Role of Reflected Appraisals in Racial Identity: The Case of Multiracial Asians.'Social Psychology Quarterly 67(2): 115–31.Week XV. Methodological issues in multiracial researchReadings:Root, M. P. P. (2002). 'Methodological Issues in Multiracial Research.' Pp. 171–93 in Asian American Psychology: The Science of Lives in Context, edited by G. C. N. Hall and S. Okazaki. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association.Shih, M. and D. T. Sanchez. (2005). 'Perspectives and Research on the Positive and Negative Implications of Having Multiple Racial Identities.'Psychological Bulletin 131(4): 569–91.Focus questions
 How do you determine a person's race? How do you determine if a person is multiracial?
 How do multiracial people fit into the racial classification system of the United States?
 What are the advantages and disadvantages of being multiracial?
 How does multiracial youth's physical appearance influence the way others relate to them?
 How do you explain regional variations in how multiracial young adults identify themselves racially?
 Is there a racial identity type that is psychologically ideal for multiracial youth: why or why not?
 What topics should scholars of multiracial youth investigate in the future? Why do you think these topics are important to study? How will they inform our understanding of multiracial youth's development?
 What role do others play in how multiracial youth choose to identify racially? Based on the assigned readings for this week (Csizmadia, 2011 and Khanna, 2004), make a list of suggestions of how parents can support their multiracial children's healthy racial identity development and psychosocial adjustment.
Seminar/Project ideas1. Class activityTo introduce the complexity of multiracial youth's lived experience, ask students to answer the race questions on the U.S. Census form. After students complete the relevant questions, ask students to discuss how they identified on the Census form, whether it was easy for them to select a category, and in what ways the answer choices influenced their responses.2. Class activityStudents view the PBS documentary: Race: The Power of an Illusion Part I and II in class. Use the contents of these two episodes to discuss how racial categories evolved in the U.S. and how multiracial youth have been treated historically.

Inhaltsangabe: Einleitung: Vor der Verwüstung durch Hurrikan Katrina am 29. August 2005 galt New Orleans als einer der problematischsten Metropolräume der USA. Nicht nur die Stadt, sondern die gesamte Metropolregion hat unter enormen sozialen Problemen gelitten. Ein großes Problem war die Armut und da diese vorwiegend unter der schwarzen Bevölkerung anzutreffen war, welche überwiegend im zentralen und östlichen Stadtgebiet lebte, waren deutliche Segregationsmuster in New Orleans erkennbar. Zudem litt die Stadt zu dieser Zeit unter einer schlechten wirtschaftlichen Lage, hervorgerufen u.a. durch Suburbanisierungsprozesse und einer damit einhergegangenen wirtschaftlichen Dezentralisierung. Obwohl New Orleans nach dem 2. Weltkrieg im Vergleich zu anderen U.S. amerikanischen Metropolen als eine aufstrebende Region mit einem hohen Bevölkerungsanstieg, einer florierenden Wirtschaft und gesunden Nachbarschaften galt, haben sich die sozialen Probleme seit den 70er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts so verstärkt, dass New Orleans als 'hypersegregiert' bezeichnet wurde. Ein Phänomen, das man zur damaligen Zeit eigentlich nur mit Städten wie New York oder Detroit in Zusammenhang brachte. Wie in der Regel üblich, wurden diese Probleme von den Politikern der Stadt unter den Tisch gekehrt. Weltweit wurde mit New Orleans eine einzigartige Kulturlandschaft der USA, Jazz und pure Lebensfreude verbunden. Wie es hinter den Vorhängen dieser als lebensfroh geltenden Stadt aussah, blieb der Öffentlichkeit verborgen. Erst als die Stadt aufgrund von Hurrikan Katrina Ende August 2005 verstärkt in das Interesse der Medien gerückt ist, hat sich der Vorhang gehoben und die soziale Tragödie der Stadt wurde sichtbar. Die Medien zeigten Menschen, die sich nicht rechtzeitig vor Hurrikan Katrina in Sicherheit bringen konnten und so tagelang ohne Hilfe von außen, inmitten von Chaos, Überschwemmung und Verwüstung ausharren mussten. Auffällig war, dass es sich bei diesen Menschen überwiegend um Schwarze handelte. Darunter viele Frauen mit Kindern und alte Personen. Da Hurrikan Katrina die Stadt am Ende des Monats traf, waren die finanziellen Ressourcen aufgebraucht. Zudem hatten viele Menschen aufgrund ihrer Armut kein eigenes Auto und konnten, als zur Evakuierung aufgerufen wurde, die Stadt nicht von alleine verlassen. Transportmöglichkeiten, wie Busse oder Züge, wurden vonseiten der Stadt nicht zur Verfügung gestellt. Als die Evakuierungswelle in New Orleans nach ein paar Tagen angelaufen war, wurden zunächst, wie ebenfalls in den Medien zu sehen war, Touristen und Einwohner weißer Hautfarbe in Sicherheit gebracht. Dieses Handeln kann auf eine Diskriminierung der schwarzen Bevölkerungsgruppe hindeuten. Die vorliegende Arbeit wird die sozialen Probleme, die in New Orleans zur Zeit vor dem Sturm geherrscht haben, aufgreifen und genauer darlegen. Darüber hinaus wird sie sich auch damit auseinandersetzen, wie die Lage knapp neun Monate nach Hurrikan Katrina aussieht und wie der Wiederaufbau und somit die Zukunft der Stadt aussehen soll. Das erste Kapitel nähert sich diesen Problemen und Fragestellungen an. Zu Beginn wird der Untersuchungsgegenstand dargestellt, bevor anschließend die Ziele und der Aufbau dieser Arbeit formuliert werden. Problemstellung: Aufgrund der enormen Zerstörung durch Hurrikan Katrina sieht sich New Orleans mit einem langwierigen Wiederaufbauprozess konfrontiert. Ende September 2005, also rund einen Monat nach Katrina, hat der Bürgermeister von New Orleans, RAY NAGIN, eine Wiederaufbaukommission für die Stadt, die BRING NEW ORLEANS BACK COMMISSION (BNOBC), gegründet. Diese Kommission hat bis Januar 2006, neben einem Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau, sechs ergänzende Pläne entworfen, die New Orleans wieder auf die Beine bringen sollen. Der Masterplan mit dem Titel "Action Plan for New Orleans: The New American City" zeigt eine Vision für New Orleans auf. Zudem beinhaltet dieser Plan eine Rahmenplanung sowie einen Handlungsplan, mit Hilfe derer die Umsetzung der Vision ermöglicht werden könnte. Während Theorien über den Wiederaufbau nach Naturkatastrophen zunächst empfehlen, den 'Status quo ante' wiederherzustellen und erst dann über darüber hinausgehende Verbesserungen nachzudenken, stellt der Masterplan eine Vision dar, die alles bisher in der Stadt dagewesene übertreffen soll. Obwohl die sozialen Probleme der Stadt der BNOBC bekannt gewesen sein müssten, werden diese im Masterplan nicht thematisiert. Das BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAM hingegen hat eine Wiederaufbauagenda mit Handlungsempfehlungen für New Orleans entwickelt, die eine Linderung der sozialen Probleme in den Vordergrund stellt. Diese Studie spricht in erster Linie die Bundesregierung der USA in Washington, D.C. an, da laut der Meinung des Institutes nur mit ihrer Hilfe ein Wiederaufbau von New Orleans erfolgreich verlaufen kann. Die Handlungsempfehlungen, die gegeben werden, sollen dabei helfen, aus New Orleans einen Raum ohne soziale Probleme und besonders ohne Segregation zu schaffen. Natürlich ist auch dies eine Vision. Allerdings ist diese im Gegensatz zu den Plänen der BNOBC, aufgrund zahlreicher Finanzierungskonzepte durchaus nachvollziehbar und begründet. Gang der Untersuchung: Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es aufzuzeigen, wie sich einerseits die sozialen Probleme vor Hurrikan Katrina in New Orleans geäußert haben und andererseits wie die Zukunft der Stadt aussehen wird. Der Titel der Arbeit "Das neue New Orleans – Stadt ohne soziale Probleme?", der gleichzeitig die Hauptfragestellung der Untersuchung ist, formuliert die Frage nach der Zukunft von New Orleans sehr provokant. Folgende vier Ziele sollen dabei helfen herauszufinden, wie die Zukunft von New Orleans aussehen wird: 1. Darstellung des Untersuchungsraumes New Orleans anhand ausgewählter geographischer und sozialer Indikatoren. 2. Erklärung für die Zerstörung durch Hurrikan Katrina. 3. Darlegung geplanter und möglicher Wiederaufbaumaßnahmen. 4. Darstellung der zukünftigen Entwicklung von New Orleans. Diese Ziele spiegeln sich im Aufbau der Arbeit wieder, die sich in einen theoretischen und einen empirischen Teil gliedert. Der Theorieteil geht zum einen auf die sozialen Probleme in New Orleans zur Zeit vor Hurrikan Katrina ein. Zum anderen gibt er, nach einem kurzen theoretischen Blick auf Hurrikan Katrina und auf allgemeine Wiederaufbaustrategien nach Naturkatastrophen, einen Einblick in den Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau der Stadt New Orleans. Zudem werden in diesem Teil der Arbeit auch die Handlungsempfehlungen für einen 'sozialverträglicheren' Aufbau vonseiten des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS vorgestellt. Zu Beginn des zweiten Kapitels wird New Orleans geographisch eingeordnet und das Untersuchungsgebiet vorgestellt. Im Anschluss werden die sozialen Probleme der Stadt thematisiert. Um in diese Thematik einzuführen, werden zunächst allgemeine soziale Probleme U.S. amerikanischer Städte angesprochen. Da diese in den USA oftmals in Segregation münden und dieses Phänomen in New Orleans zur Zeit vor Hurrikan Katrina stark ausgeprägt war, wird diese Problematik gesondert behandelt. Das Kapitel schließt mit einem Einblick in die sozialen Probleme von New Orleans, mit denen die Stadt vor dem Sturm zu kämpfen hatte. Das dritte Kapitel beschäftigt sich mit Hurrikan Katrina und seinen zerstörerischen Auswirkungen auf New Orleans. Dazu werden zunächst allgemeine Informationen zu dem Hurrikan gegeben, bevor abschließend die, in den Medien oft als sozial-ungerecht bezeichnete, Auswirkung Katrinas auf ausgewählte Stadtviertel dargestellt wird. Das Kapitel vier setzt sich zum einen mit der Theorie von Wiederaufbaustrategien nach Naturkatastrophen auseinander und bezieht diese auf New Orleans, und gibt zum anderen einen Einblick in den Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau von New Orleans, der von der BNOBC erarbeitet wurde. Des Weiteren werden in diesem Kapitel auch Handlungsempfehlungen des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS vorgestellt, mit denen New Orleans sozialgerechter wiederaufgebaut werden könnte. Der empirische Teil dieser Arbeit untergliedert sich in die Kapitel fünf bis acht und beschäftigt sich mit der Situation in New Orleans knapp neun Monate nach Hurrikan Katrina. In Kapitel fünf wird die Vorgehensweise der empirischen Untersuchung aufgezeigt. Zu Beginn werden Hypothesen formuliert, bevor im Anschluss die Methodenauswahl begründet wird. Danach wird die Methode des 'problemzentrierten Interviews' vorgestellt und die Auswahl der Interviewpartner begründet dargelegt. Im Anschluss wird die Durchführung der Interviews thematisiert und die Auswertungsmethodik vorgestellt. Abschließend werden der Einsatz der Methodik rückwirkend reflektiert und die empirischen Schritte zusammengefasst. Das Kapitel sechs wird die Ergebnisse der geführten Interviews in Bezug auf die Teilfragestellung "Das neue New Orleans – The New American City?" darstellen. Um Antworten auf diese Frage zu bekommen, ist das Kapitel in drei Unterkapitel unterteilt. Das Kapitel 6.1 befasst sich zunächst mit der Situation knapp neun Monate nach Katrina. Neben einem Einblick in das Chaos und die Zerstörung werden in diesem Kapitel auch Erklärungen dafür geliefert, wie es zu einer solchen (sozialen) Katastrophe kommen konnte. Dabei spielt die Politik der Stadt eine große Rolle. In Kapitel 6.2 werden der Masterplan, die BNOBC und die Studie des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS im Hinblick auf offen gebliebene Fragen und neue Erkenntnisse durch die Interviews thematisiert, bevor in Kapitel 6.3 das Schicksal der Bewohner, der New Orleanians, im Hinblick auf die Zukunft dargestellt wird. Das siebte Kapitel versucht Antworten auf die Teilfragestellung "Stadt ohne soziale Probleme?" zu finden. Dazu werden zunächst aktuelle und mögliche zukünftige soziale Probleme der Stadt dargelegt, bevor im Anschluss die in Kapitel 5.1 aufgestellten Hypothesen auf ihre Gültigkeit hin überprüft werden. Das achte Kapitel wird die Situation in New Orleans bewertend zusammenfassen und abschließend einen Ausblick auf die Zukunft der Stadt geben. Inhaltsverzeichnis: ErklärungII InhaltsverzeichnisIII Verzeichnis der Abbildungen, Bilder, Karten und TabellenVI AbkürzungenVII 1.Problemstellung und Untersuchungsgegenstand1 1.1Einführung in den Untersuchungsgegenstand2 1.2Zielsetzung und Aufbau der Arbeit3 2.Die Stadt New Orleans und ihre sozialen Probleme vor Hurrikan Katrina5 2.1New Orleans5 2.1.1Physisch-geographische Einordnung von New Orleans6 2.1.2Ökologische Probleme von New Orleans und Louisiana8 2.1.3Das Klima in New Orleans9 2.1.4Der Wirtschaftsstandort New Orleans9 2.1.5Die Verwaltungsstruktur der New Orleans Metropolitan Area10 2.1.6Bevölkerungsindikatoren der New Orleans Metropolitan Area13 2.1.7Ableitung des Untersuchungsgebietes14 2.2Soziale Probleme in U.S. amerikanischen Metropolräumen15 2.2.1Suburbanisierungsprozesse U.S. amerikanischer Städte15 2.2.2Der Verfall innerstädtischer Stadtviertel als Erklärung für die Armut in U.S. amerikanischen Kernstädten16 2.3Die sozialen Probleme in New Orleans zur Zeit vor Hurrikan Katrina unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Segregation19 2.3.1Segregation in U.S. amerikanischen Städten19 2.3.2Die sozialen Probleme in New Orleans21 3.Hurrikan Katrina und seine Auswirkungen auf New Orleans26 3.1Allgemeine Informationen über Hurrikan Katrina26 3.2Katrinas zerstörerische Kraft in New Orleans26 4.Wiederaufbaustrategien nach Naturkatastrophen und Ideen für New Orleans29 4.1Bewältigung von Problemen nach Naturkatastrophen29 4.1.1Wiederaufbaustrategien nach Naturkatastrophen30 4.1.2Modell des Wiederaufbaus31 4.1.3Anwendung auf New Orleans32 4.2Die BRING NEW ORLEANS BACK COMMISSION und der Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau von New Orleans33 4.2.1Der Masterplan: "Action Plan for New Orleans: The New American City"34 4.2.2Zwischenfazit45 4.3Eine Wiederaufbau-Agenda für New Orleans - Handlungsempfehlungen des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS zum Wiederaufbau von New Orleans46 4.3.1Gründe für den Wiederaufbau und Ziele der Agenden46 4.3.2Grundsatz 1: Macht die Region zu einem Vorbild hochqualitativer, nachhaltiger Entwicklung47 4.3.3Grundsatz 2: Verwandelt die Neighborhoods der Armut in Neighborhoods der Wahl und des Anschlusses48 4.3.4Grundsatz 3: Kurbelt die Wirtschaft an51 4.3.5Zwischenfazit54 5.Das methodische Vorgehen55 5.1Hypothesen55 5.2Methodenauswahl57 5.3Das problemzentrierte Interview57 5.4Auswahl der Interviewpartner58 5.5Durchführung der Interviews59 5.6Auswertung der Interviews mit Hilfe der Qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse nach MAYRING60 5.7Methodenreflexion61 5.8Zusammenfassung61 6.Das neue New Orleans - 'The New American City?'62 6.1New Orleans neun Monate nach Hurrikan Katrina62 6.1.1Zerstörung und Chaos62 6.1.2Politik und Missgunst65 6.1.3Zwischenfazit68 6.2Der Masterplan vs. BROOKINGS INSTITUTION - Chance für einen Wiederaufbau?69 6.2.1Der Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau - nur eine Vision?70 6.2.2Offen gebliebene Fragen bzgl. des Masterplans71 6.2.3Die BRING NEW ORLEANS BACK COMMISSION und die Kommunikation der Pläne72 6.2.4Die Rolle der Bundesregierung und der Einsatz von Bundesfördermitteln für den Aufbau von New Orleans73 6.2.5Die Arbeit des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS - eine Hilfe für New Orleans?74 6.2.6Zwischenfazit75 6.3Das Schicksal der New Orleanians77 6.3.1FEMA und die Rückkehr der Bewohner77 6.3.2Migration77 6.3.3Hindernisse an der Rückkehr der armen Bevölkerung nach New Orleans79 6.3.4Die Sozialstruktur von New Orleans vor dem Sturm - eine Stadt ohne Segregation?!82 6.3.5Zwischenfazit84 6.4Zusammenfassung84 7.Die Zukunft von New Orleans - Stadt ohne soziale Probleme?86 7.1Die räumliche Verlagerung der sozialen Probleme86 7.2Diskriminierung und Klassengesellschaft - die sozialen Probleme der Zukunft?87 7.3Bewertung der Ergebnisse87 7.4Zusammenfassung90 8.Fazit und Ausblick92 Literatur94 Anhang109Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: ErklärungII InhaltsverzeichnisIII Verzeichnis der Abbildungen, Bilder, Karten und TabellenVI AbkürzungenVII 1.Problemstellung und Untersuchungsgegenstand1 1.1Einführung in den Untersuchungsgegenstand2 1.2Zielsetzung und Aufbau der Arbeit3 2.Die Stadt New Orleans und ihre sozialen Probleme vor Hurrikan Katrina5 2.1New Orleans5 2.1.1Physisch-geographische Einordnung von New Orleans6 2.1.2Ökologische Probleme von New Orleans und Louisiana8 2.1.3Das Klima in New Orleans9 2.1.4Der Wirtschaftsstandort New Orleans9 2.1.5Die Verwaltungsstruktur der New Orleans Metropolitan Area10 2.1.6Bevölkerungsindikatoren der New Orleans Metropolitan Area13 2.1.7Ableitung des Untersuchungsgebietes14 2.2Soziale Probleme in U.S. amerikanischen Metropolräumen15 2.2.1Suburbanisierungsprozesse U.S. amerikanischer Städte15 2.2.2Der Verfall innerstädtischer Stadtviertel als Erklärung für die Armut in U.S. amerikanischen Kernstädten16 2.3Die sozialen Probleme in New Orleans zur Zeit vor Hurrikan Katrina unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Segregation19 2.3.1Segregation in U.S. amerikanischen Städten19 2.3.2Die sozialen Probleme in New Orleans21 3.Hurrikan Katrina und seine Auswirkungen auf New Orleans26 3.1Allgemeine Informationen über Hurrikan Katrina26 3.2Katrinas zerstörerische Kraft in New Orleans26 4.Wiederaufbaustrategien nach Naturkatastrophen und Ideen für New Orleans29 4.1Bewältigung von Problemen nach Naturkatastrophen29 4.1.1Wiederaufbaustrategien nach Naturkatastrophen30 4.1.2Modell des Wiederaufbaus31 4.1.3Anwendung auf New Orleans32 4.2Die BRING NEW ORLEANS BACK COMMISSION und der Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau von New Orleans33 4.2.1Der Masterplan: "Action Plan for New Orleans: The New American City"34 4.2.2Zwischenfazit45 4.3Eine Wiederaufbau-Agenda für New Orleans - Handlungsempfehlungen des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS zum Wiederaufbau von New Orleans46 4.3.1Gründe für den Wiederaufbau und Ziele der Agenden46 4.3.2Grundsatz 1: Macht die Region zu einem Vorbild hochqualitativer, nachhaltiger Entwicklung47 4.3.3Grundsatz 2: Verwandelt die Neighborhoods der Armut in Neighborhoods der Wahl und des Anschlusses48 4.3.4Grundsatz 3: Kurbelt die Wirtschaft an51 4.3.5Zwischenfazit54 5.Das methodische Vorgehen55 5.1Hypothesen55 5.2Methodenauswahl57 5.3Das problemzentrierte Interview57 5.4Auswahl der Interviewpartner58 5.5Durchführung der Interviews59 5.6Auswertung der Interviews mit Hilfe der Qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse nach MAYRING60 5.7Methodenreflexion61 5.8Zusammenfassung61 6.Das neue New Orleans - 'The New American City?'62 6.1New Orleans neun Monate nach Hurrikan Katrina62 6.1.1Zerstörung und Chaos62 6.1.2Politik und Missgunst65 6.1.3Zwischenfazit68 6.2Der Masterplan vs. BROOKINGS INSTITUTION - Chance für einen Wiederaufbau?69 6.2.1Der Masterplan zum Wiederaufbau - nur eine Vision?70 6.2.2Offen gebliebene Fragen bzgl. des Masterplans71 6.2.3Die BRING NEW ORLEANS BACK COMMISSION und die Kommunikation der Pläne72 6.2.4Die Rolle der Bundesregierung und der Einsatz von Bundesfördermitteln für den Aufbau von New Orleans73 6.2.5Die Arbeit des BROOKINGS INSTITUTION METROPOLITAN POLICY PROGRAMS - eine Hilfe für New Orleans?74 6.2.6Zwischenfazit75 6.3Das Schicksal der New Orleanians77 6.3.1FEMA und die Rückkehr der Bewohner77 6.3.2Migration77 6.3.3Hindernisse an der Rückkehr der armen Bevölkerung nach New Orleans79 6.3.4Die Sozialstruktur von New Orleans vor dem Sturm - eine Stadt ohne Segregation?!82 6.3.5Zwischenfazit84 6.4Zusammenfassung84 7.Die Zukunft von New Orleans - Stadt ohne soziale Probleme?86 7.1Die räumliche Verlagerung der sozialen Probleme86 7.2Diskriminierung und Klassengesellschaft - die sozialen Probleme der Zukunft?87 7.3Bewertung der Ergebnisse87 7.4Zusammenfassung90 8.Fazit und Ausblick92 Literatur94 Anhang109Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 6.1.2, Politik und Missgunst: Mit knapper Mehrheit (52,3 % gegenüber 47,7 % der Stimmen) hat RAY NAGIN am 20. Mai 2006 die Bürgermeisterwahl in New Orleans erneut für sich entschieden und ist somit für weitere vier Jahre im Amt. Obwohl sich nur wenige schwarze Bewohner der Stadt zum Zeitpunkt der Wahl in New Orleans aufgehalten haben und NAGIN nicht als Favorit in die Wahl gegangen ist, bekam er die meisten Stimmen. Dies lag vermutlich nicht zuletzt daran, dass er seine Wähler mit Bussen aus dem fünf Stunden entfernten Houston, TX einfahren ließ. Zudem wurden so genannte 'Satellitenwahlen' an Orten durchgeführt, dort wo sich die Menschen, die nicht mehr in New Orleans leben, aufhalten. Auf die Frage, wer ihrer Ansicht nach die Bürgermeisterwahl für sich entscheiden würde, waren sich die Interviewpartner ziemlich einig, dass NAGIN die Wahl nicht für sich entscheiden, sondern dass Herausforderer MITCH LANDRIEU nach 28 Jahren wieder der erste weiße Bürgermeister in New Orleans sein würde. RICHARD CAMPANELLA sagte zu diesem Thema: "Oh I am not sure, he's [Nagin; d.V.] gonna win this election. No, the number is, I mean, you just look at the numbers from the primary and what it's like, 62 % of the people voted against him. He might get a tiny portion of the votes that FOREMAN got, he'll get non of the votes that KULICK and PEGGY WILSON got, look at all of WATSON'S votes, but those were only what 1,200, so he might, but I don't see it happening." Neben der Begründung, dass ein Großteil der Wählergruppe NAGINS nicht mehr in New Orleans lebt und auch die Kritik, die an seiner Person während Hurrikan Katrina und insbesondere bzgl. seines Benehmens in den Medien laut geworden ist, hatten seine Chancen für eine Wiederwahl in den Augen vieler schrumpfen lassen. Die Person NAGIN hat schon während seiner ersten Amtsperiode von 2002 bis 2006 viel Kritik einstecken müssen, und insbesondere während der Evakuierung aufgrund von Hurrikan Katrina. Interviewpartner MATT FELLOWES gibt zu diesem Punkt folgendes Statement: "He's famous for sticking his foot into his mouth. So I'm not surprised. But he's also you know a little insane. […]" Auch CAMPANELLA lässt Kritik an NAGIN im Interview erahnen: "[…] Then, you know, DOUGLAS BRINKLEY, the historian […]. He's tearing NAGIN to pieces." Ein großes Problem, mit dem NAGIN und generell die Politik in New Orleans oft in Kritik gerät, ist die Diskriminierung zwischen Schwarzen und Weißen sowie Armen und Reichen. Während des Wahlkampfes ist diese Form von Diskriminierung in die Öffentlichkeit gerückt und wurde besonders in Washington, D.C. scharf kritisiert, wie FELLOWES anmerkt: "I mean it's been from the perspective of as here in D.C. just looking down at New Orleans, I figure it literally it's just disgusting looking at how racialized this mayor race is becoming. It's just, it's pathetic." Dass diese Form von Rassismus und Diskriminierung nicht erst kürzlich mit diesem Wahlkampf aufgetreten ist, sondern in der Historie von New Orleans bzw. Louisianas begründet liegt, soll nun erläutert werden. Gerne wird, wenn über die Politik von New Orleans oder generell von Louisiana gesprochen wird, der Begriff der Korruption aufgegriffen. Auch während des einen oder anderen Interviews ist diese Bezeichnung für das politische Handeln in der Region gefallen. MATT FELLOWES beschrieb das Problem von New Orleans folgendermaßen: "And that has not an incident of amount to do with the fact, that New Orleans traditionally has been a hot (belf?) of corruption. And they were and so is Louisiana." Da sich aber hinter dem Begriff Korruption eine stark negative Wertung verbirgt, soll der Begriff in dieser Arbeit nicht für die Charakterisierung der Politik von New Orleans benutzt werden. Stattdessen lässt sich das politische Geschehen, besonders auch das der Vergangenheit, mit dem Begriff 'Missgunst' treffender beschreiben. Was in den Interviews deutlich wurde, ist die Tatsache, dass diese Form von politischem Handeln einerseits den Wiederaufbau von New Orleans stark verzögern kann und vermutlicht auch schon hat, und zudem eng mit der wirtschaftlichen Situation von New Orleans zusammenhängt.

1 CD-ROM ; La investigación se presenta como un trabajo coherente y estructurado, el cual está compuesto por tres capítulos detallados, en los que se muestran todos los antecedentes, las estrategias y los hallazgos que de ella se derivan. En el primer capítulo, se realizan unas consideraciones metodológicas acerca del problema de investigación, donde se hace explícito el planteamiento del problema y el estado del arte como elementos definitivos en la formulación de la temática objeto de la investigación; allí también se realiza una delimitación del objeto de estudio, lo que permite la identificación de las categorías teóricas que se derivan del análisis de las diferentes entrevistas; dichas categorías se pueden clasificar en tres tipos: categorías de relaciones laborales, categorías de control y categorías de dominación. Las características que tipifican a cada una de éstas se explicitan en la interpretación de los hallazgos. Adicionalmente, se realiza una exposición del proceso metodológico utilizado a lo largo del trabajo investigativo. En esta sección, se lleva a cabo un estudio pormenorizado sobre la investigación cualitativa, ya que esta es la modalidad que se ha adoptado para el desarrollo del presente trabajo; identificando las razones por las cuales se ha decidido por este tipo de investigación y la pertinencia para el trabajo en cuestión. A continuación, se efectúa una delimitación de la investigación, desde tres perspectivas, que apuntan hacia la delimitación temática, la delimitación temporal y la delimitación espacial. En este capítulo, también se presta especial interés al proceso llevado a cabo para la aplicación de la entrevista semiestructurada, especialmente, en lo concerniente al acceso a las personas entrevistadas y a los distintos escenarios en los que las entrevistas fueron hechas. Finalmente, se realiza un análisis e interpretación de las entrevistas realizadas, teniendo como punto de referencia las tres temáticas de la investigación: la toma de decisiones, los modelos de investigación de operaciones y las relaciones laborales. En el segundo capítulo, se realiza una investigación conceptual sobre los temas que se establecen como eje central de la investigación. Se parte del proceso de toma de decisiones, donde el análisis se inicia desde los aportes de Frederick Taylor, como principal exponente de la Administración Científica, pasando por Herbert Simon, quien se muestra como un severo crítico del pensamiento Administrativo vigente en torno suyo, y quien aborda principios como los de la organización funcional del producto, e intenta una integración sintética de personas y estructuras, que son desligables en cualquier organización. Además, relanza el pensamiento administrativo hacia nuevas concepciones, donde la organización deviene específicamente de la interacción de variables que se entrecruzan en procesos constantes de reconocimiento del problema, búsqueda de soluciones, análisis de opciones y toma de decisiones. Adicionalmente, se analiza el concepto central esbozado por Simon en la teoría de toma de decisiones: La racionalidad limitada. Se realiza también, una referencia conceptual de Hammond, Keeney y Raifa, quienes presentan un método para tomar decisiones, denominado PROACT, el cual ayuda al decisor a identificar tanto los aspectos tangibles como intangibles de su situación decisoria, y a introducir todos los hechos pertinentes, sentimientos, opiniones, creencias y consejos en la mejor elección posible. Como último punto de este capítulo, se presentan algunas apreciaciones de Peter F. Drucker acerca de la toma de decisiones. Él afirma que los ejecutivos eficaces no toman un gran número de decisiones. Estos normalmente, se concentran en lo que es importante. Intentan realizar unas pocas decisiones importantes al nivel más elevado de entendimiento conceptual, tratan de hallar las constantes de la situación, de detectar lo que es estratégico y genérico, en lugar de intentar resolver problemas. Además se ha citado a Omar Aktouf, quien considera que en la toma de decisiones se manifiesta con máxima claridad la naturaleza de las relaciones dentro de la organización, y sostiene que según los niveles y los cargos asumidos por los individuos, mayor o menor será su capacidad para decidir. ; SUMMARY. The investigation is presented as a coherent and structured report, composed by three detailed chapters containing a compilation of background, strategies, and findings of the research. In the first chapter, different methodological appreciations about the investigation problem are developed, in order to make its exposition and art explicit, showing them as fundamental elements in the formulation of the main subject of the research. There is also a delimitation of the object of study that allows the identification of the theory categories which derive from the analysis of the different interviews; categories which play an important roll in the subsequent study of the findings. From the rigorous reading of the interviews, three theory categories have been established and classified as follows: work relationships, control and power categories; where the characteristics defining the before mentioned categories become explicit with the interpretation of the findings. Subsequently, an exposition of the methodological process used during the investigative development is made. In this section, a detailed study about qualitative investigation is elaborated according to the model adopted for the development of the research, thus helping to identify the reasons why this type of investigation has been selected and the convenience for the work in question. The investigation is delimited by three different perspectives that point towards the subject delimitation, temporal delimitation and space delimitation. In this chapter, we paid special attention to the to the ways in which we made contact with the people interviewed, and the different scenes that conducted us to the definition of the semi-structured interview form used, thus achieving the narration of the completed process in the application of the tool developed for such purpose. Furthermore, we proceeded with the analysis and interpretation of the interviews, by focusing on the main subjects of investigation, which are: the decision making process, the investigative models of operations and work relationships. In the second chapter, we made special emphasis on the conceptual investigation about the various topics established as main points of the research. Firstly, we analyzed the decision making process, starting from Frederick Taylor's contribution as major exponent of the Scientific Administration; passing then by Herbert Simon's proposal, who shows himself as a severe critic of the administrative thinking, boarding principles like those of the functional organization of the product, approaching the synthetic integration of people and structures that are unlinked in any organization, and re-launching the administrative thinking towards new horizons where the organization comes about from the interaction of variables that intercross in constant processes of recognition of problems, search of solutions, analysis of alternatives and decision making. Additionally, we analyzed the main concept proposed by Simon in his decision making theory: The Limited Rationality. The conceptual reference of Hammond, Keeney y Raifa, is presented also as a technique for decision making called PROACT, that helps individuals to identify tangible and intangible aspects of different situations and introduce pertinent facts, feelings, opinions, believes, and advices, in order to choose the best possible alternative. Finally, we consulted Peter F. Drucker, who states that efficient executives don't take numerous decisions. They normally concentrate on the most important issues and only take few important decisions at the highest level of conceptual understanding, they try to find the constant elements of the situation and detect what is strategic and generic from it, instead of trying to solve problems. In adition, one has mentioned Omar Aktouf, who considere that in the decision making is more clear the nature of the relations inside of the organization, and says that according to the levels and positions assuming by the individuals, greater or smaller will de their capability for to make decisions. As regards the investigation models of operations, which are the main elements for the decision making process of the given research, various concepts are analyzed: from that one of Roger G. Schroeder, who considers that investigation definitions of operations vary from specific math techniques to the scientific method itself, and allow individuals to optimize the use of the available resources in the production process. We also considered Harold Koontz y Heinz Weihrich proposal, who declare that the investigation of operations is the application of the scientific method to the study of alternatives in a difficult situation, with the aim of obtaining a quantitative basis in order to reach the best possible solution. In relation to work relationships, which are the consequence of the decisions taken under different parameters of the investigation of operations, we consulted Taylor's point of view. He assures that administration's main objective, is to guarantee the maximum prosperity for the owner together with the maximum prosperity for employees, in a harmonic atmosphere at work. We also consulted Idalberto Chiavenato, who defends the origins of the work relationships' theory: the need to humanize and democratize the administration, by liberating it from the rigid and mechanical concepts of the Classic Theory; and adapting it to the new standards of life of employees. In addition, we mentioned R. Wayne Mondy y Robert M. Noe's postulates, in which they state that internal relationships with employees include management activities directly associated with the movement of employees within the organization. Finally, we quoted Mary Hatch D's proposal, which presents a wide analysis of the conflicts and contradictions in organizations, and affirms that conflict and cooperation are two assumptions around which organization theories have been built. Also reference to Anne Trebilcock is made, who circumscribes the laboral relation to four actor; the gov, which police and supervise; the company, which represent the place of the action; the unions, which glimpse like union beings and protection for the employees; and the employees, are the subjets that perceive the administrative action. With regard to conceptual investigation, we have made a detailed bibliographic review about ethics in the organizations, which conducted us to consult authors such as Adela Cortina, who exposes that ethics pretend the orientation of the human action in a rational sense; which means in principle, to make the most suitable elections after considering a series of possibilities in every situation and behave accordingly to the decision taken. We also consulted Nicanor Restrepo Santamaría, who states that ethics are present in all the negotiations where rules, norms and individual values are involved. In the third chapter, we proceeded with the interpretation of the empiric findings, starting from the analysis of every interview by identifying the most relevant aspects of each informant and the company's perspective, and ending with the study about ideas and concepts that interviewed people had about the main topics of the investigation: decision making,investigative models of operations and work relationships. ; Capítulo 1: consideraciones metodológicas -- 1. Planteamiento del problema -- 2. Estado del arte -- 3. Delimitación del objeto de estudio -- 3.1. Alcances de la investigación -- 3.2. Categorías teóricas -- 3.2.1. Categoría 1: De relaciones laborales -- 3.2.2. Categoría 2: De control -- 3.2.3. Categoría 3: De dominación -- 4. Proceso metodológico -- 4.1. Seleccionando un tipo de investigación que se adapte a la naturaleza del objeto de estudio: la investigación cualitativa -- 4.2. Delimitación temática, temporal y espacial -- 4.3. Técnica de recolección de la información -- 4.4. Acceso a los escenarios e informantes -- 4.5. Temas de estudio de la entrevista semiestructurada -- 4.6. Aplicación de la entrevista semiestructurada -- 4.7. Análisis e interpretación de las entrevistas -- Capítulo 2: investigación conceptual -- 1. Proceso de toma de decisiones -- 2. Los modelos de investigación de operaciones -- 3. Relaciones laborales -- 4. La ética empresarial -- Capítulo 3: análisis de hallazgos empíricos -- 1. Análisis de cada una de las entrevistas -- 2. Interpretación de los hallazgos -- 2.1. Carlos Eduardo Mesa. Premex S. A. -- 2.2. Juan Manuel Cerón. Colanta S. A. -- 2.3. Juan David Sorza Zapata. Biomix S. A. -- 2.4. Hernán Toro. Solla S. A. -- 3. Conclusiones – Bibliografía -- Anexo

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Abstract: Transcription of Utah International shareholder's meeting to finalize the merger with General Electric. The meeting took place December 15, 1976. Speakers are Edmund Littlefield (EL), Bruce Mitchell (BM), Charles Travers (CT), and seven unknown speakers labeled by number as they appear. Also, when the audience speaks as a group, it is labeled All. This document is transcribed verbatim, with a few changes included to provide clarity. December 15, 1976 Transcript: EL: I see we are playing to a packed house and I would like to suggest that there is a whole row of seats down here in the front that we would be glad to have you come use. Well good morning ladies and gentlemen, would the meeting please come to order. Welcome to this special meeting of the shareholders of Utah International, called for the purpose of considering the proposed merger with the General Electric Company. I am Edmund W. Littlefield, Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer. On my left are Alexander M. Wilson, President and Chief Operating Officer and Director, and Bruce T. Mitchell, Secretary of the company. It is my privilege to introduce to you the other members of our board of directors who are here today, Alf E. Brandon, Senior Vice President of the company; Val A. Browning, Chairman of the Board, Browning; Thomas D. Dee, Vice President of First Security Bank, Ogden, Utah; William R. Hewlett, President of Hewlett-Packard Company; J. B. Ladd, President of Ladd Petroleum Corporation, a subsidiary of the company; Arjay Miller, Dean, Graduate School of 2 Business, Stanford University; Paul L. Wattis Jr., President of Wattis Construction Company; and last and certainly by no means least, a gentleman who's served on this board for fifty-six years, Marriner S. Eccles, former President and Chairman of the Board of the company and now Honorary Chairman of the Board. [Applause] Thank you. These gentlemen, together with the two of us on the platform, who you met earlier, constitute the Board of Directors. Unfortunately, Ernest C. Arbuckle, Chairman of the Board of Wells Fargo Bank and our host for this meeting is unable to be with us today. Fred J. Borch, George Eccles and Bill Kimball are also unable to be with us. Ernie, unfortunately, is undergoing some surgery at this time. We also have with us today representatives of Arthur Anderson, our auditors, Pillsbury Madison and Suite our counsel, and Lehman Brothers and Dean Company, and our investment brokers are also present here today. I now ask the secretary to report on the notice of the meeting, the presence of a quorum, and other matters relating to this meeting. BM: Mr. Chairman, there are available the following documents: 1) A list of the stockholders of Utah International Inc. as of the close of business on October 29, 1976 being the stockholders, entitled to notice of and to vote at this special meeting. 2) An affidavit of the company's transfer agent to the effect of written notice of the special meeting was mailed to each stockholder entitled to vote more than twenty days before the date of the meeting as required by Delaware general corporation law. 3) A signed registration of all stockholders and proxy holders 3 present at the meeting. Management proxies received and other proxies who are personally present represent more than the majority of 31,540,032 shares of stock entitled to vote at the meeting, and constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. This meeting is accordingly properly called and constituted, and is empowered to proceed as a special meeting of the stockholders of Utah International Inc. EL: Thank you, the Board appoints Mr. J. B. Nelson and Mr. Swineheart of Utah International Inc. and Mr. Dennis Conco of the Crocker National Bank, inspectors of election to inspect assigned proxies and credentials presented to the meeting and to conduct a voting to receive and count the votes and to determine the results of the meeting. In the notice of the Special Meeting in the attaché proxy statement, the only item of business to be considered by the stockholders is a proposal for the adoption and approval of the agreement in plan, the reorganization and agreement of merger as amended by which Utah International Incorporated will become a wholly owned subsidiary of General Electric Company. The secretary is requested to submit the resolution which has been prepared for this purpose. BM: Mr. Chairman, the resolution is as follows: resolved that the merger of G. sub of Delaware Inc. with an end to this corporation as set forth in the agreement and plan of reorganization dated as of April 1, 1976; as amended by an amendment dated as of August 13, 1976, attached are annex one and annex two respectively, and the agreement mergers set forth as exhibit A to said annex one to the proxy statement dated October 29, 1976, and mailed to stockholders of record at the 4 close of business on October 29, 1976. Also included are the terms and conditions of the purposed agreement and plan of reorganization as amended, along with the agreement of the merger, providing among other things, for this corporation to become a wholly owned subsidiary of General Electric Company, and the mode of carrying such terms and conditions into effect; as well, the manner and basis of converting the shares of common stock of this corporation into shares of common stock of General Electric Company, as therein provided be and hereby are, approved. 1: Mr. Chairman, I'm a stockholder and I would like to move the adoption to resolution. EL: Thank you. Is there a second? 2: Second. I hereby second the motion. EL: Thank you. It has been moved and seconded that the resolution which the secretary has read be adopted. The affirmative vote of a majority of the outstanding shares of the corporation will be required to carry the motion and adopt the resolution. Before opening the matter for general discussion, I would like to make some comments. This is a special meeting of the shareholders of Utah International Incorporated. It is special in two ways, first in the statutory sense in that it is not a regular annual meeting, but calls specifically to consider and act upon the merger of Utah and General Electric. It is also special in the sentimental sense in that it is destined to be the last public held meeting of this fine company whose antecedents go back to January 1900, when its 5 predecessor was incorporated with six shareholders. When the business of the day is done, Utah International will be merged with a single shareholder. General Electric has of record some 529,000 shareholders, Utah 23,000. These are located in fifty states and in many foreign countries. The actual number of shareholders is far greater. For often the shareholder of record is a broker or trust department of a bank acting as a nominee for many, many shareholders. You received a rather weight proxy statement. If the proxy material required and printed for the Utah and General Electric shareholders meetings today were stacked one on top of the other the pile would be over three and a half miles high. If the individual pages were laid end to end these would cross the continental United States three and three-quarter times. The proxy statement contains, and it's a hundred and seventy-six pages, considerable detail of the terms of the merger, historical financial and operating information of both companies, formal statements of the merge company and other information which the Board of Directors of the respective companies and or the Securities and Exchange Commission deem pertinent and appropriate to put before the shareholders so they may arrive at an informed decision. The merger has been recommended by each Board of Directors. It has been examined on Utah's behalf by the investment banking firms of Lehman Brothers Incorporated and Dean Whitter and Company Incorporated. Each of whom has expressed the opinion that the exchange ratio is fair and equitable to the shareholders of Utah. The same information has been put before the shareholders of General Electric, who met today, this morning, in Stratford, 6 Connecticut at 9:30 AM eastern standard time and they have approved the merger. The Utah shareholders have also considered the merger, and the company is in receipt of proxies representing over 86% of the shares issued and outstanding. The proxies have been instructed how the shares are to be voted and as a consequence, the outcome of the voting on the proposals before us has already been determined and from a practical standpoint, nothing we can say or do here will in fact change that. Even though the outcome is ordained I have no intention of conducting these proceedings in a perfunctory manner. Many of us in this room have devoted most of our working lives to the furtherance of the fortunes of Utah International and we come to today's proceedings with mixed emotions. We recognize and stipulate that it is in the best interest of the Utah shareholders and its employees, that over the years we have given much of our substance into making this company what it is today. We are proud of our handy work and I believe properly so. We do not intend to let this moment pass into history, without noting these accomplishments and recording the concerns that caused us to believe that a merger between these two great companies would serve the best interests of the shareholders of each. Let's pick up the story twenty years ago when the company had 257 shareholders, some 2,400 employees and gross revenues less than 43 million dollars of which 76% was derived from performing contract construction. The stock was traded over the counter at a book value of $1.12 a share and trade from a low of $1.18 to a high of $1.51. That year the company earned 4.2 million dollars or 16 ¢ a share, and paid a dividend of 4.9 ¢ a share. With that as a 7 starting point let us examine the progress that has been recorded. Gross revenues grew, not always steadily, but over the years have climbed to over 944 million in the last fiscal year. The composition of these gross revenues has changed as the nature of the company has changed. Until we sold our heavy construction assets in 1969, construction was the major source of gross revenues. With the sale of construction assets to 1969, and the dredges in 1971, mining became and remains overwhelmingly the dominant business of the company. Gross revenues from land development have been on the decline. More recently through the acquisition of Ladd Petroleum and other companies, gross revenues from oil and gas have become a significant item. As our business grew, so have our earnings, from the 4.2 million earned in 1956, earnings have risen to 178.8 million dollars the past year and have set record highs in each of the last 12 years. In only three out of the last twenty years have earnings been lower than the preceding year. Earnings have increased from 16 ¢ in '56 to $5.67 this year and the dividend has gone from 4.9¢ to $1.15 this year. As the company grew and prospered the stock was listed on the New York Stock Exchange. As you can see the number of shareholders has increased very substantially. Inevitably, death and taxes forced the estates of some of the long time shareholders to bring shares to the market. The company sold convertible debentures to obtain funds for expansion and conversion of these debentures, and our merger with Lucky Mc, Ladd Petroleum and LVO have also contributed to the increase in the number of shareholders. There has been some modest decline in the number of shareholders since the acquisition of LVO in 1974, but 8 today we still have almost 100 times as many shareholders as we did twenty years ago. The increase in the number of employees required the conduct growing business of the company has not tracked the change in either gross revenues or net income. Construction is a labor intensive activity, while mining is capital intense. Our employment peaked in 1958 at 12,000, dropped sharply when we sold our heavy division assets, but has gradually expanded as the company's mining activities have grown rapidly. Our mineral sales backlog was insignificant twenty years ago, and even ten years ago was only about a sixth of its' size today. Nevertheless, the creation of the mineral sales backlog was and is an important aspect of Utah International's character and one that distinguishes it from most other mining companies. Very frankly, when we were embarking upon the rapid expansion of our mining business, we had neither the capital, nor the credit to finance the growth at the pace we wished to pursue without resorting to forward sales of new production to strengthen our credit. We made a virtue out of a necessity and today Utah's mineral sales backlog has grown from a modest 1.1 billion dollars in '66 to 6.1 billion dollars today. 96% of this backlog is represented by long term contracts with escalation clauses protecting against future cost changes. It was the existence of this backlog which in considerable measure excited investor interest in the shares of Utah International and caused the price of the stock to increase dramatically over the years. From a low of a $1.18 in 1956, the stock has closed at a higher price than the preceding year in sixteen out of the last twenty years, including the $65 price of the stock on October 31 the close of this 9 last fiscal year. In the early years, the stock sold close to its' book value. Again, in the early years, price earnings ratios on the stock were also modest, generally below twelve times the earnings. As the investing public came to realize the growth, earnings and the qualities of those price earnings ratios rose and remained for several years in excess of twenty times earnings, until the last few years, when investors have not been willing to accord so high a multiple for Utah shares, nor in fact for virtually shares of all other growth companies. Those who have invested in Utah shares and maintained faith in its management and its future have fared well. Earnings have grown at the compound rate of 19% for the last twenty years, 23% for the last fifteen years, 28% for the last ten years, and a startling 37% for the last five years. If you had invested a thousand dollars in the stock in 1956, you would have received in the interim dividends of $4,291, and the stock would have appreciated to $42,900. If you had made the same investments, but reinvested your dividends in Utah shares at the last price for each of the ensuing years, your $1,000 investment would have been worth $69,800 at the close of fiscal 1976. While I have not attempted to research the matter thoroughly, certainly there are few, if any, companies who have served their shareholders so well and so consistently in a period measured in five year, ten year, fifteen year or twenty year spans. Why then would a company who has so outstanding a record consider a merger even with the best of companies? The reason lies in the changing nature of the company's business and the source of its profits, present and prospective. Twenty years ago the company derived 87% of its' gross revenues from North 10 America, Later, even though we were heavily involved in contract construction outside North America, our gross revenues were well balanced for most of the time during the last twenty years. Ten years ago, only 8% of our mining revenues came from outside of North America, but this has been changing drastically in the last six years. As the next slide shows, 1976 witnessed 74.3% of the gross revenues earned outside North America and only 25.7% within North America. All of our land development and oil and gas gross revenues are earned within North America, but today only 22% our mining gross revenues are earned within North America and only 13.6% in the United States itself, far more significance, in my view, than the source of gross revenues or the sources of gross profit and other income. In the remarks that follow, I shall refer to this income account category simply as gross profits, but please consider it includes income from affiliates, joint ventures and partnerships as well as the gross profit earned by the parent company and its subsidiaries. This figure has grown from 8.7 million dollars in '56 to over 353 million dollars this past year. In the earlier years, the share provided by affiliate companies like Marcona and Cypress Pima, joint ventures and partnerships was a significant factor in the total. Reaching a high of 51% in 1967, but earnings from these sources have not been significant the last two years, dropping to a half of 1% in 1975 and actually producing the loss of 9 million dollars in 1976, the decline being primarily the result of the ill fortunes that have befallen Marcona. Mining has become increasingly the source of the company's gross profit. As you can see, ten years ago in 1966, mining contributed 31% of 11 the total of 22.7 million dollars gross profit, while in 1976 it contributed 344.7 million dollars or 97% of the gross profit and other income of 353.7 million dollars. However, it is not the concentration of gross profit and mining that so concerns us as it is the concentration of mining gross profit in a single commodity in a single country. Let's compare gross profits in '66 with those of '71 and those of '76. The well diversified business we enjoyed in '66 and indeed even in '71 has given way to a growing concentration of earnings from coal. Not only was our business increasingly concentrated in coal, but the earnings potential was increasingly concentrated outside North America. Earnings from North American sources provided 56.4% of gross profits in 1966. This has followed the 7.7% in 1975 and 14.2% in 1976 when the sharp increase in uranium increases did boost North American income. However, this trend toward increasing concentration of earnings from metallurgical coal produced in Australia is likely to continue for two probable reasons. The first indication is found in the mineral sales backlog which total 6.1 billion at the close of '76 with 71.3% of this related to future production outside of North America and 69.3% represented by metallurgical coal. The second reason this trend is likely to continue comes because of the undeveloped reserves that we have in hand. Certainly, one of the companies most promising investment prospects is the new metallurgical coal mine called Norwich Park in Australia, and we have abundant other coal reserves in the Queensland area that can and should be developed in the future using both surface and underground mining methods. Pursuit of our most promising prospect will make Utah less 12 diversified rather than more diversified and more dependent on Australia for the major share of its' gross profits and its' futures growth. I repeat that this concentration of mining was not in our view in and of itself alarming, but the composition of the mining gross profit and the concentration coking coal produced in a single country, and so primarily is a raw material for the steel industry in Japan and Europe, was too much concentration of risk for our company standing alone to bare. We cannot, and we should not, be so dependent on either a single commodity or single country no matter how solid either or both now appear. The attitude of the Australian government when the Labor Party was in power was a matter of extreme concern to us and this concern was no doubt deepened by having Marcona's assets in Peru expropriated by the government. We have great confidence in the people and political institutions of Australia and in the present government, and we are proceeding to increase our investment there because we have the coal reserves to do so and an attractive investment opportunity. However, with this abiding faith in Australia, in our view, this concentration of earning power in a single country and in a single mineral is too great a risk to be born alone, either by the shareholders of Utah or the employees of Utah whose livelihood while employed or in retirement are necessarily deeply affected by the fortunes of Utah International. This concern about the concentration of Utah's earning power was evidently shared by the investment community, which no longer was willing to assign a price earnings ratio of twenty-six to twenty-seven times earnings that prevailed in 1971, 1972 and 1973, but dropped the ration to 13.9% in 1974 and 13 to 13.3% in 1975. Thus we found ourselves faced with a paradox of having both our earnings and our dividends sharply increasing and the price of our shares flat and failing to respond. Certainly in these circumstances it seems only prudent to seek diversification of this risk. There were two broad courses that could be pursued. The first was to go on an aggressive acquisition program and seek to acquire other companies. This course of action posed considerable peril. First, the magnitude of the assignment was mind boggling, even if we were to attempt to reduce the risk to say roughly 50% and on the assumption that we could acquire other companies at ten times the earnings, we were faced with the necessity of attempting to acquire in short order, assets of around 1.5 billion dollars. Obviously, any effort to do this in the mining field would very quickly bring us under attack from the Federal Trade Commission or the Department of Justice. This in turn meant that we had to seek these investments outside the field of our expertise and in areas of business we knew little or nothing about. We were almost certain to make mistakes along the way. All in all the prospects of trying to diversify by a series of acquisitions seemed an unpromising and even perilous course to follow. The other broad path to diversification was to seek merger with a company already diversified, but the company had to be large enough to digest a 2 billion dollar bite. This narrowed the field. There are indeed companies larger than General Electric, but none so well diversified nor in my view so ably managed. 14 The risks that were of concern to Utah International standing alone were not the least unreasonable to take when the assets of General Electric and Utah were combined. General Electric is one of the largest and most diversified industrial corporations in the world. It is engaged in well over a hundred different businesses and in most of these it occupies a leading position in the market it serves. These businesses range from consumer items to capital goods, from fairly simple and well known technologies to the most advanced technologies required for aerospace and the jet age. While General Electric operates in more foreign countries than does Utah, its' business is far more oriented to the domestic market, and the merged company will be nicely balanced between domestic and foreign operations. There will be no undue concentration of merged company. Out of the merger, the Utah shareholders will in my view be exchanging the prospect of a faster rate of growth with its attendant risks in exchange for greater diversification, higher yield, and a premium on their shares as the other parties to the bargain. The General Electric shareholders will acquire assets with earning power and potential for growth that would indicate an increase in General Electric's earnings per share, entering into the natural resource business giving GE still further diversification and what I believe to be, although my views are obviously biased, the best mining organization and the best mining company in the world, each of the parties to the bargain is benefited. It is the biggest merger ever undertaken and I am confident that history will prove it to have been the best. 15 Before entertaining discussion of the motion that is before us, I would like now to introduce to you the principle officers of the company who are with us today and whose labors are responsible for the record of accomplishments that I have presented to you. First, Edwin C. Demoss, Senior Vice President Manager of Mining Division and newly named President of Lucky Mc Uranium Corporation, Ed Demoss; Keith G. Wallace, Senior Vice President Manager of Australia Division; John S. Anderson, Vice President Manager of Domestic Coal Operations: James T. Curry, Financial Vice President and Treasurer; W. Drew Leonard, Vice President of Corporate Purports and Internal Audit; Ralph J. Long Vice President Manager of Australian Operations; Charles K. McArthur, Vice President Manager of Metal Mining and newly named Manager of Mining Division; Boyd C. Paulson, Vice President Manager of Construction Services; M. Ian Ritchie, Vice President of Technical Services and newly Manager Operations Lucky Mc Uranium Corporation; Robert O. Wheaton, Vice President Manager of Exploration. Thank you. Nor would the list be complete without acknowledging that there are others in the audience that have made great contributions, but who are now retired. Let me ask those that I have spotted here to stand and be recognized: Albert L. Reeves, formerly Senior Vice President Secretary of the Director of the company, Albert; Orville Dykstra, Financial Vice President; Joseph K. Allen, Vice President; Weston Bourret, Vice President; and Charles Travers, Vice President. Thank you very much, and now the chair will entertain the discussion of the motion and will be pleased to answer such questions as we can regarding the purposed merger. Are there questions or discussions? If there is no 16 discussion of the resolution, if not the matter will… the meeting will proceed to vote upon the motion to approve the purposed merger with General Electric. 3: Mr. Chairman? EL: Yes? 3: Would you describe the status of the attitude of the federal government towards this motion? EL: What we did was to put the matter before the Department of Justice and asked in advance for their approval under the business advisory clearance procedure. While it was sometime in coming, it was forthcoming. To meet the concerns they expressed about it, Utah has agreed and has put its uranium assets in a separate subsidiary company that is now called Lucky Mc Uranium Corporation. When the merger becomes effective, the voting stock of that the company will be put in the hands of five independent voting trustees who will see to it that the company will elect the board of that company, and see to it that that company's affairs are conducted in a way that does not help GE in such things as the sale of its nuclear aspects. That company is not allowed to sell uranium to GE, but from the standpoint of the government we think we are completely in the clear. Any other questions? If not, any stockholder who is present who has not executed a proxy should raise his hand in order that the inspectors of election may give him a ballot, which he may now cast. If you have sent in your proxy you need not cast a ballot unless you wish to do so. Are there those that would like to vote in person? One here, one there, Boyd, one up here too. Boyd, 17 there's two in the back of the room, three. Will the inspectors of election proceed to collect the ballots? Those who have ballots would you raise them when they are completed so they can be picked up? Thank you. Over here Boyd. If the ballots are all collected would you please advise us of the inspectors report? Are you ready to speak to that? John, there's another one up here. You will bring them to me and I'll read the numbers, right. BM: Mr. Chairman? EL: Mr. Secretary? BM: The inspectors report that more than 27,147,464 shares of common stock of the company were voted in favor of the resolution and that not more than 200,456 shares of common stock were voted against such resolution. Accordingly, the purpose merger has been approved. When the exact number voted for and against the resolution has been ascertained, the inspectors will execute a certificate setting forth such number. EL: Thank you Mr. Secretary. We have acted on the business that was to come before the meeting. Is there any other business to come before the meeting? CT: Mr. Chairman, I would like to present a resolution at this meeting of these shareholders. My name is Charles Travers, I am a stockholder and I retired from the company. You've heard the view from the top. I think now maybe you ought to get the view from the ranks. The view from the top had to necessarily be 18 austere, maybe Mr. Chairman I can be a little more lighthearted. I started at Utah about twenty-four years ago. Mr. Littlefield hired me. I remembered the office in San Francisco as a very small office, very small and compact and you had to go in the front door, which was the only entryway, and there was a row of offices on your left as you walked in. Those were the executive offices. Mr. Littlefield's office was the first office as you came in the door and he assigned me an office down at a sharp right angle off the main corridor. I also remember as a young fellow reading Horatio Alger's book, Ragged Dick, and in that book the way it said to get ahead in business, one of the ways at least, was to get to the office early and beat the boss in if you could. Well I found that was a very difficult task at Utah. You had to go through the front door and Mr. Littlefield always kept his door open, his light on. The first morning was a Monday morning and I got in about ten minutes ahead of time. I think our starting time was 8:15, but Mr. Littlefield said hello to me as I came in the door. We went on through that week. I got my time narrowed down a little more each day. By Wednesday, I was down to five minutes to 8:00 and on Friday I got there at twenty minutes to 8:00 and Mr. Littlefield said good morning to me every time I came in the door. So that weekend I figured out that there was a better way to do this and I'd get in real early and I'd beat him to the punch. So on Monday morning, I got there twenty-five minutes past 7:00, I walked in the door and the office was dark there was no light on, the door was open and Mr. Littlefield was not there. So I went to my office and at 8:15 I came sauntering down figuring now this is where I get my punch line. He's going to see me going out the door, he's 19 there and I say hello to him this time first. I looked in, the light was on, but Mr. Littlefield wasn't there. So I walked over to his secretary and said, "Where is Mr. Littlefield?" and he said, "Oh, he went to Chicago." [laughter] He left on the seven o'clock train. With all that due diligence I figured we ought to get ahead pretty fast some way or the other. And so I waited for my first year. You had to be in the Utah profit sharing plan one year in order to get your first statement. I waited my first year and I got my first statement. I have it here with me and I'd like to tell you that the date of it is December the 15th 1954. That's exactly twenty-two years ago to this day and here is what it says, extract: "Seasons greetings. Utah Construction Company retirement plan based on profit sharing, December 15, 1954. Dear fellow employee, your account in the retirement plan based on profit sharing on October 31, 1954 stood as follows: balance on October 31, 1953, zero. Added during the year by income, zero. So October 31, 1954, zero. And then it says during 1954, the net profit earned did not reach the levels your profit sharing permits. Your company would be required to make a contribution to the plan." And then it says, "Despite the fact that it is not required to do so, your company through its management is desirous of sharing with you a portion of the profits earned during 1954. To accomplish this, the board has approved a contribution of $50,000." Then it says, "we're going to try to get the IRS approval for that, and if so we will contribute the $50,000 to your fund, but if not we'll have to pay your share in cash. If the amount is received by you in cash, you will have to pay income taxes on it. Your share of the $50,000 contribution would be $201.75." I was beginning 20 to think that Horatio Alger wasn't right after all, $201.75 for getting in all those first eighteen months at 7:30 in the morning didn't seem fair to me, but nobody quit. I didn't, management didn't. About three weeks ago, I received this news release from the company in the mail, it's dated as of December 3, 1976 and here's what it says in the first few lines: "Utah International Inc. reports record earnings for fiscal 1976, San Francisco. E. W. Littlefield, Chairman of the Board, reported today that Utah International earned $178,821,000 or $5.67 per share. This fiscal year ended October 31, 1976." We have come a long way since those days in 1954. But Utah had more than profits. It had the forward look. My view from the ranks runs something like this: Utah's profit sharing and incentive plans were way ahead of their time back in those days. Mr. Littlefield, to my knowledge, had a rare understanding of the corporations standing in the social structure, what the corporation's obligations were to society. Utah's mine lands were restored to better than what nature had them long before that became a primary concern of many people in the United States. Utah's mining operations were conducted on a basis of we'll go sell the merchandise and then we'll get the production and that reduced the risk very greatly. Even today, Utah's section on environment stands out as a very aggressive and important function that helps to finish the project properly in the eyes of the people of this country. Well, I could go on and spend many more minutes saying that, but I think it's time now for me to present my resolution and I would like to do that. Mr. 21 Chairman, I will give you a copy of the resolution so you will have it for the record and I would like to read the resolution. EL: Thank you, Charlie. CT: The resolution says resolve about the stockholders of Utah International Inc., meeting for the last time as public shareholders in San Francisco, California on this 15th day of December 1976, do hereby express their gratitude and sincere appreciation to Edmund W. Littlefield, Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer; Alexander M. Wilson, President and Chief Operating Officer and the Director; Marriner S. Eccles, Honorary Chairman; and to all the officers, directors and employees of Utah International Inc. for their devoted services in behalf of the shareholders. 4: Mr. Chairman, I move the resolution. EL: Thank you, Mr. Travers. I must say Charlie, you always speak well, but you don't speak briefly. [laughter] I think that comes from attending too many meetings of Town Council in Alameda. The motion has been presented to the shareholders, is there a second? Thank you, I must say that those of us at this end of the room, I'm sure have an abiding faith and agreed with its sentiments, but since we do not control the vote. I will put it to vote. All those in favor please say aye. All: Aye 22 EL: Opposed? Thank you. Thank you very, very much. And thank you Charlie. [applause]. There's no other business, the proposed merger has been approved. I thank you. Excuse me. 5: On behalf of all of the stockholders, I wish to thank all of the officers and directors of Utah International for having worked so well for us. I also think at this time, it would be appropriate to bow our heads in silence for one minute in memory of E. O. Wattis who was founder of Utah International and also for all of those who worked and lost their lives to make the company what it is today. Amen. EL: If you would amend that to include all of the founders the chair will entertain it. On the assumption that it is so included, we will so do. Thank you. With the merger approved and not further business, I'll entertain that motion to have the meeting adjourned. 6: I'll back the motion. EL: Thank you, is there a second? 7: Second. EL: All those in favor, please say aye. All: Aye. EL: Opposed? Thank you, the meeting is adjourned. ; This is a myriad of items throughout the UC/UI collection. It includes the minutes of the stockholder's meetings with both Utah International and General Electric, correspondence, a reel-to-reel tape of the merger meeting and the official merger documents. ; 4.25 x 6.5 - 8.5 x 11 in. handwritten or typed on paper ; Reynolds Securities Inc. Transamerica Pyramid 600 Montgomery Street San Francisco, Calif. 94111 Telephone 983-8000 Members New York Stock Exchange, Inc. and other leading exchanges Main Office 120 Broadway New York, N. Y. 10005 December 13, 1976 Mr. Edmund W. Littlefield Utah International 550 California Street San Francisco, Ca. 94104 Dear Ed: I regret that I will be unable to attend the meeting Wednesday because I will be in the East for a Directors meeting. This is an occasion that I hate to miss, but I am sure that many of your other happy stockholders will be there. Sincerely, Gerry Gerald F. Brush GFB: 1c

This publication describes how state-owned enterprises (SOEs) can access finance on commercial terms, without sovereign guarantees. Doing so can create fiscal space for governments and new sources of finance for needed investment. Under Strategy 2030, the Asian Development Bank is committed to SOE reform that supports access to commercial finance in its developing member countries. The publication confirms the rise of commercial finance for SOEs and details steps to enhance the bankability of SOEs. This includes practical guidance on how to improve governance and increase financial viability. The publication also explains how the risks of such borrowing, including defaults and moral hazards created by implicit guarantees, can be managed.

Philippine local governments were given increased autonomy, revenue-raising and expenditure responsibilities under the Local Government Code of 1991 (LGC). At the same time, the LGC instituted the intergovernmental fiscal transfer called the internal revenue allotment (IRA) to help to help local governments fulfill their mandates recognizing fiscal imbalance in devolved functions. Apart from this, national government provides additional assistance to local governments through programs lodged in different agencies that are meant for devolved infrastructure services. This study examines these national government programs, evolution and expenditure trends and surveys the literature of assessments of these programs. Understanding the evolution in the design and implementation of these programs would be a powerful tool moving forward with strengthened decentralization, especially in designing policy for national government oversight agencies and for any envisioned support programs of national government. In the past decade, the three programs that received the largest budgetary allocations, are the Department of Public Works and Highways' Local Infrastructure Program, Department of Agriculture's Farm to Market Road programs and the Department of the Interior and Local Government's Financial Subsidy to Local Government Units (LGUs). Though expenditures on these programs have been increasing as a whole, there have been no clear trends for the individual programs except for one performance-based program. Furthermore, several programs were initially targeted toward poorer LGUs but eventually expanded in coverage because of the low uptake of these targeted LGUs. These national government programs have almost 100% budget utilization rates compared to lower utilization rates of local development funds (which are the primary source of infrastructure investments of LGUs). This, combined with the evidence of low uptake of assistance programs by poorer LGUs, offer two clear considerations for policymakers in strengthening local government oversight especially if the assistance programs will be discontinued. First, ensure that local governments will spend on infrastructure, i.e. at the very least spend the mandated local development fund. Infrastructure spending has the largest impact on incomes and in jumpstarting the economy and the path to growth would be arduous if this slows down as a result of insufficient local government investments absent national government programs. Second, if policymakers decide to maintain a more targeted assistance program, its objective, criteria and monitoring and evaluating plan should be clear. It should be complementary and aligned with the assistance programs of the Seal of Good Local Governance and Community-Based Monitoring System Laws to be efficient in the use of public funds. The goal moving in recovering from COVID coupled with the implementation of the Mandanas ruling is how to protect the vulnerable with social safety nets but also ensure that local governments contribute to economic recovery, of which infrastructure spending brings the largest multiplier effect.

The overall aim of this book is to set forth debate on alternative practices for land use management in urban development and public infrastructure projects in Asia. Land use laws are the most powerful tools that governments have to implement public projects with large social and economic gains. While there are numerous books that have examined specific methods of land assembly for development and financing of public infrastructure, there is a gap in the literature on a comprehensive treatise that looks at the whole range of methods from their institutional context, suitability for purpose, and equity considerations. It is hoped that this volume will go some way toward filling that gap by presenting the basis and approaches for land use management that have been used in Asia, and suggesting key principles and components of equitable land use management practices for development and financing of infrastructure. It may be emphasized here that this volume does not examine the expropriation or confiscation of inherited and private property for land reform or other social transformative purposes, which while important, are out of scope of this book.

The Supreme Court (SC) ruled with finality in April 10, 2019 on the motions for reconsideration of its initial decision promulgated in July 3, 2018 on the petitions filed by separately by Mandanas et al. and Garcia regarding what petitioners perceived to be errors in the computation of the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) or the LGUs' share in national internal revenue taxes (NIRTs) as mandated under Section 284 of the 1991 Local Government Code (LGC). As a result, the IRA in 2022 will increase by P225.3 billion relative to what it would have been prior to promulgation of the said ruling to reach PhP 1,102.7 billion. This study proposes that said increase in the IRA be sourced by unfunding PAPs in the budgets of some national government agencies that are actually intended to deliver functions that are assigned to LGUs under the LGC with the end in view of ensuring sustainability of the national government's fiscal position. It then proceeds to these PAPs on the basis of the 2020 General Appropriations Act. It also evaluates the impact that this manner of financing the increase in the IRA has on the vertical fiscal balance across different levels of local government and horizontal fiscal balance across individual LGUs within each level of local government.

The results of the most recent official health survey in Turkey, announced in June 2020, indicate an increase in tobacco prevalence rate. i With 28 percent of adults smoking daily, Turkey currently has the second-highest smoking rate among OECD countries. ii Given that a health indicator in one of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is related to tobacco use, the recent statistics show that Turkey has already diverged from the respective goal. The adverse health effects of tobacco use and its subsequent economic burden compels countries to implement tobacco control policies. Although Turkey was the first country to adopt all MPOWER measures (declared by the World Health Organization (WHO) to guide policy making) at the highest level, contrary to expectations its smoking prevalence is not decreasing. This note is related to the effect of taxes (the only price-related measure) on tobacco consumption in Turkey. Currently, the total tax burden on a cigarette is higher than that in the European Union (EU) countries, on average. Despite the high tax burden on tobacco products, people in Turkey continue to smoke. Although contradictory at first sight, the outcome is consistent with economic theory. Consumption decisions are based on final prices, not on taxes paid. They are also based on disposable income. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze the effect of tobacco taxes on consumption by taking the affordability of tobacco products into account.

Development Research News is a quarterly publication of the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS). It highlights the findings and recommendations of PIDS research projects and important policy issues discussed during PIDS seminars. PIDS is a nonstock, nonprofit government research institution engaged in long-term, policy oriented research.

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.