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Summary: This article explores a series of documentaries led by Marcela Said and Jean de Certeau with the aim of tracking the ways in which strategies are articulated there to think about the link between the Chilean democratic transition and the problem of visibility. The analyses of I Love Pinochet (Said, 2001), Opus Dei: a silent cross (Said and De Certeau, 2006) and El mosilcio (Said and De Certeau, 2011) favour conflict arising from access or not to visibility. In this search, the article engages in dialogue between the three documentaries with different theories that think about the dilemmas of what is visible at the same time. These exchanges between theory and documentary production lead to the conclusion that these documentaries disassemble the functioning of the visibility and discursivity at stake in the post-dictatorial period in Chile. ; Resumen: En este artículo se explora una serie de documentales dirigidos por Marcela Said y Jean de Certeau con el objetivo de rastrear los modos en los que allí se articulan estrategias para pensar el enlace de la transición democrática chilena y el problema de la visibilidad. Los análisis de I Love Pinochet (Said, 2001), Opus Dei: una cruzada silenciosa (Said y De Certeau, 2006) y El mocito (Said y De Certeau, 2011) privilegian el conflicto derivado del acceso o no a la visibilidad. En esa búsqueda, el artículo pone en diálogo los tres documentales con diversas teorías que piensan los dilemas de lo visible en la contemporaneidad. Estos intercambios entre la teoría y la producción documental permiten concluir que en estos documentales se desmonta el funcionamiento de la visibilidad y la discursividad puestas en juego en el período posdictatorial en Chile.

International audience What are the effects of citizen-based surveillance? Examining contrasted programs in France and Canada, this article shows that citizen involvement in surveillance actions can have ambivalent, multifaceted effects. Participatory surveillance can help to strengthen the community's sense of belonging, while paradoxically contributing to instil fear. However, these initiatives do not inevitably lead to a culture of generalized suspicion. Depending on the ability of residents to open up controversial subjects for debate, such programs can also leave the way open to a democratization of public action.

On 11 September, crocodiles plummeted with abundance. Because while it is a cross-cutting, if not systemic, 'deadweight effect' of the tragedy, it seems to the opponents of economic reforms and democratisation that he should benefit, at least at first glance. Let's give credit where credit is due: condemning the attacks on the air of 'I had said it well', Tunisian President Ben Ali went into the window of opportunity offered to him by Providence and prepared to respond to the 'call for duty', that of a fourth, unconstitutional term, avoiding the opprobrium of international opinion and the deaf fronts of the Chancelleries which he would enjoy normal manoeuvre (.). ; Le 11 septembre, les crocodiles ont pleuré d'abondance. Car s'il est un " effet d'aubaine " transversal, voire systémique, de la tragédie, c'est bien aux adversaires des réformes économiques et de la démocratisation qu'il semble devoir profiter, au moins en première analyse. À tout seigneur tout honneur : condamnant les attentats sur l'air de " Je vous l'avais bien dit ", le président tunisien Ben Ali s'est engouffré dans la fenêtre d'opportunité que lui offre la Providence et se prépare à répondre à " l'appel du devoir ", celui d'un quatrième mandat, anticonstitutionnel, en évitant l'opprobre de l'opinion internationale et les froncements de sourcil des chancelleries que lui vaudrait la manoeuvre en temps normal (.).

Summary: This article has studied Mexican democracy since 1996 to understand the motivations of party leaders in creating and manipulating laws that define electoral competition and collusion. He found that the leaders of the three main parties (PRI, PAN and PRD) negotiated institutional results that allowed them to trap them in the short term, while leaving the reputational consequences of a strategy that eroded the electoral referee to future leaders. However, the systematisation of this non-compliance strategy ultimately led to an electoral disaster. ; Resumen: Este artículo estudia la democracia mexicana desde 1996 para comprender las motivaciones de los líderes de partido al crear y manipular leyes que definen la competencia y la colusión electorales. Encuentra que los líderes de los tres principales partidos (PRI, PAN y PRD) negociaron resultados institucionales que les permitieron hacer trampa en el corto plazo, a la vez que dejar las consecuencias reputacionales de una estrategia que erosionaba al árbitro electoral a los futuros líderes. Sin embargo, la sistematización de esa estrategia de incumplimiento condujo en última instancia a un desastre electoral.

Summary in Central America, especially since the 2000s, a wide range of social policies have been implemented. The aim of the article is therefore to compare the social policies of Costa Rica and the Northern Triangle: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. From the perspective of the political economy, the working hypothesis suggests that political institutions are the fundamental variable that conditions development, particularly social policies. Research results show that Costa Rica's early democratisation has allowed it to have a considerable tradition of social policies, which is seen as a fundamental variable in understanding its relative success in reducing poverty compared to the countries of the Northern Triangle. ; Resumen En Centroamérica, especialmente desde la década del 2000, se ha implementado un amplio conjunto de políticas sociales. Por ello, el objetivo del artículo es comparar las políticas sociales de Costa Rica y del Triángulo Norte: Guatemala, Honduras y El Salvador. La hipótesis de trabajo plantea, desde la perspectiva de la economía política, que son las instituciones políticas la variable fundamental que condiciona al desarrollo, particularmente a las políticas sociales. Los resultados de la investigación evidencian que la temprana democratización de Costa Rica le ha permitido tener una considerable tradición de políticas sociales, lo que se plantea como una variable fundamental para entender su relativo éxito en la disminución de la pobreza en comparación con los países del Triángulo Norte.

Access to services dedicated to families of children with autism remains a challenge in many countries, even though the national recommendations mention that family support should be targeted. In order to overcome difficulties in accessing services, distance learning has been an option chosen for many years. However, the democratisation of access to the Internet and video call applications is a new opportunity. This has led to the development of e-learning courses; some offer online courses, others allow intervention supervision, and others are the in-person translation of existing interventions. Our article aims to present what may govern how to adapt an online programme, the ABC programme for the behaviour of children with a TSA: parents in action! the difficulties encountered in this type of adaptation in connection with the plurality of stakeholders. Access to services for familiar of children with autism girls a challenge in many countries, in spite of national recommendations stating that support for familiar should be implemented. In order to go beyond the services, distance learning has been used for many years. However, the Democratisation of Internet access and video call applications is a new opportunity. Thus, online training courses have been developed. Some of these are online, some allow supervision of the interventions, and others consist of the adaptation of existing face-to-face interventions. Our article aims to present how an existing programme (The ABC of the Behavior of Children with ASD: parents in action!) had to be adapted in e-learning and the defendants listed in this type of adaptation due to the wide range of concerned stakeholders. ; International audience ; Access to services dedicated to families of children with autism remains a challenge in many countries, even though the national recommendations mention that family support should be targeted. In order to overcome difficulties in accessing services, distance learning has been an option chosen for many years. However, the ...

This article is a result of the research project "Democratization processes in the formation of bodies and sensibilities at aesthetic education in Argentina in the second half of the twentieth century" (UNLP), aims to understand how the subjectivities in various Argentine political processes, to understand the continuities and ruptures of such processes confronting them with those that occurred particularly within the educational sphere in the second half of the 20th century. The intention of this text is to present the conceptual axes to interpret the processes of schooling through different cultural educational devices, in order to explore how they were intended to form bodies and sensibilities in periods of Argentine history marked by the crisis of the traditional educational format, the extension of cultural transmission media and languages and the forms of education. ; El presente artículo, se propone presentar la perspectiva conceptual del proyecto de investigación "Procesos de democratización en la formación de los cuerpos y las sensibilidades en la educación estética de la Argentina de la segunda mitad del siglo XX" (UNLP), en la búsqueda por comprender cómo se formaron las subjetividades en diversos procesos políticos, buscando entender las continuidades y rupturas de tales procesos confrontándolos con los que particularmente acontecieron en el ámbito educativo en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. La intención es construir ejes conceptuales para interpretar los procesos de escolarización a través de diferentes artefactos culturales educativos, con el objeto de dar cuenta de cómo se pretendieron formar los cuerpos y las sensibilidades en periodos de la historia argentina signados por la puesta en crisis del formato educacional tradicional, la ampliación de medios y lenguajes de transmisión cultural y las formas de crianza. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales

This contribution analyses, explains and evaluates the relationship between the objectives of democratisation and cultural democracy in the rules of law governing a particular sector of cultural policies, that of cultural centres in the French Community of Belgium, which is currently undergoing change. The objective pursued is twofold. The first point is to show that a process of fragmentation and stalemate of cultural policies has developed due to the impossibility — institutionally and politically built — to think of complementarity between cultural democratisation and cultural democracy. Next, the aim is to show the permeability of cultural policies at the point of reference for cultural rights and its implications for the link between the political objectives of democratisation and cultural democracy. ; This paper illuminates, explains and assess the articulation between the political objectives of democratization and of cultural democracy in the nowadays changing legal framework of the cultural policies in the legal framework of the « Centres culturels » of the French Community of Belgium. The aim of the article is twofold. First it tends to show that the difficulty – institutionally and politically embedded - to articulate coherently cultural democratisation and cultural democracy developed a process of fragmentation and of stacking of cultural policy's objectives. It then shows that the sector of "Centres culturels" is now influenced by the rhetoric of "cultural rights" and that this new influence could help to rethink the articulation between cultural democracy and cultural democratization ; This contribution analyses, explains and evaluates the relationship between the objectives of democratisation and cultural democracy in the rules of law governing a particular sector of cultural policies, that of cultural centres in the French Community of Belgium, which is currently undergoing change. The objective pursued is twofold. The first point is to show that a process of fragmentation and stalemate of ...

In the history of Latin America of the 20th century, the education of officers and non-commissioned officers was a traditional sphere of autonomous military control. With democratic consolidation in the Argentina, since the 1990s this became more heteronomous, mainly as a result of decisions taken by the leadership of the armed forces who, attempting to rank and legitimize military education, enabled external determinations to adapt it to regulation of the whole of the national education system. Since 2007 these determinations were also defined by the action of the policies of the Ministry of Defense. Thus, logics and practices of civil education were introduced, claiming processes civilinization, as the term used by anglo-saxon studies about relations between armed forces and society. From this hypothesis, this work proposes, on the one hand, to recognize the social effectiveness of the national regulatory framework in the institutional and curricular projects of basic education of non-commissioned officers in Argentina. And, on the other, compare these projects with their developed in the Brazil and Chile, considering their similarities and differences, as well as the specific registration of military education in the systems of education and defense of each country. ; En la historia de América Latina del siglo XX, la educación de oficiales y suboficiales fue una tradicional esfera de control militar autónomo. Con la consolidación democrática en la Argentina, desde la década de 1990 ésta devino más heterónoma, principalmente como consecuencia de decisiones adoptadas por la conducción de las Fuerzas Armadas que, procurando jerarquizar y legitimar la educación militar, habilitaron determinaciones externas al adecuarla a regulaciones del conjunto del sistema educativo nacional. Desde 2007 esas determinaciones también fueron definidas por la acción de las políticas del Ministerio de Defensa. De este modo, se introdujeron lógicas y prácticas propias de la educación civil, afirmando procesos civilinización, conforme ...

Many works analyzed the way in which Tulio Halperín Donghi explored Peronism. However, studies that looked over how the author examined the first mass movement in Argentine history are scarcer. This article aims to contribute in that direction: its objective is to explore the way in which Halperín Donghi analyzed the transformations undergone by the Radical Civic Union during the first three decades of the twentieth century. We reconstruct the main hypotheses expressed by him throughout his intellectual career. We consider that these hypothesis, besides a source of inspiration for future inquiries, open a way to explore some problems that are at the center of the author's reflections from a new point of view, such as the course of the relation between the middle class and the universal suffrage democracy, and the democratization effects on politics and the Argentine society. ; Numerosos trabajos analizaron el modo en que Tulio Halperín Donghi abordó el peronismo. Son más escasos, en cambio, los estudios que reconstruyeron cómo el autor examinó el primer movimiento de masas de la historia argentina. El presente artículo pretende contribuir en esa dirección: su objetivo consiste en analizar la manera en que Halperín Donghi analizó el devenir del radicalismo en las tres primeras décadas del siglo veinte. Aquí reconstruimos las principales hipótesis por él vertidas a lo largo de su trayectoria intelectual. Consideramos que ellas, además de ser una fuente de inspiración para futuras indagaciones, nos abren una vía para explorar, desde un nuevo punto de vista, algunas problemáticas que están en el centro de las reflexiones del autor, como el derrotero de la relación entre la clase media y la democracia de sufragio universal, y los efectos de la democratización sobre la sociedad argentina. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

9 22 IV 2 ; Senia ; [EN] At the time we live in, teachers must consider how the development and the democratization of information technologies can help improve students' learning. One option is the flipped classroom or reverse class, in which part of the work done in class is done by the student in advance using digital materials among others. After explaining briefly in what this methodology consists of and its background, we discuss our experience in one of our groups and the results and the opinions of the students about the applied methodology. This experience tells us that it has advantages in terms of a deeper learning, to the acquisition of generic skills and student motivation in the classroom but it also has aspects that may hinder its implementation as it requires a lot of preparatory work and planning by teacher and it is not always well accepted by students. ; [ES] En el momento que vivimos, los docentes debemos plantearnos cómo el auge y la democratización de las tecnologías de la información pueden contribuir a mejorar el aprendizaje de los alumnos. Una posibilidad es la denominada flipped classroom o clase invertida, en la que parte del trabajo que se hacía en clase lo realiza el alumno con antelación utilizando entre otros materiales digitales. Tras exponer brevemente en que consiste esta metodología y sus antecedentes, comentamos una experiencia llevada a cabo en uno de nuestros grupos, así como los resultados obtenidos y las opiniones de los alumnos al respecto de la metodología aplicada. La experiencia realizada nos indica que la flipped classroom presenta ventajas como un aprendizaje más profundo, la adquisición de competencias transversales y la motivación del alumno en el aula, aunque también presenta aspectos que pueden dificultar su implementación, como el trabajo previo y planificación necesaria por parte del profesor y no ser siempre bien aceptada por los estudiantes. Jordan Lluch, C.; Pérez Peñalver, MJ.; Sanabria Codesal, E. (2014). Investigación del impacto en un aula de matemáticas ...

International audience The H2020 framework programme has been a key driver and catalyst of Responsible Research and Innovation, in Europe and beyond. We argue that the new framework programme, Horizon Europe, shifts the focus away from the research and knowledge production emphasis of H2020 to innovation, placing new requirements on RRI and the RRI community. The "new policy experiment" of Missions and Open Innovation 2.0 can and should be seen an opportunity to leverage the insights gained from the past decade of activities in RRI and to extend and improve, particularly with regards to fair and equitable co-creation activities. With the increase focus on innovation, novel and responsible ways of innovating and co-creating must be embedded in these activities to reinforce the link between science, innovation and society. In this perspective, we argue that co-creation can act as a linking-pin between the open science emphasis of H2020 and the open innovation accent of Horizon Europe. Paper Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI) is a democratization process leading to connecting science to the values and interests of European citizens by mean of participatory processes (Mazzonetto and Simone 2018). In Europe, RRI is exemplified by what has been described as "the Responsible Research and Innovation policy experiment" 1 in the European Commission, embodied by, but not exclusive to, the Science With and For Society programme (SwafS) in the Horizon2020 framework programme (European Commission, 2020). With activities spanning almost 8 years, this RRI policy experiment has led to RRI being embedded and integrated in a wide variety of projects, programmes and other activities based on six keys and a number of process requirements, 2 becoming an invoked and needed approach for properly governing potential controversial innovative technologies (i.e. genome editing, AI, 1 Van Oudheusden and Shelley-Egan (2020) Call for proposals: Special Issue: RRI Futures-Learning from a decade of Responsible Research and Innovation. ...

published in Raimond C., Zakinet D., Abdouramane M., Sylvestre F. (dir), Cross-searches on Chadian lacustres ecosystems. Before the Boko Haram insurgency, the economic dynamism of multi-use of space was based, in Cameroon's part of Lake Chad, on an effective and fair form of joint governance of natural resources, characterised by the great fluidity of coordination between users and the absence of groups of rights holders able to exclude other users from access to resources. However, the sustainability of this form of governance was challenged by local power games open with democratisation, which undermined the ability to act collectively. In lake territories which have largely been emptied of their populations since the insurgency, the 'return to development' directly affects the political dimension of the governance of natural resources. ; Before the Boko Haram uprising, the economic vitalityof the multi-use of space in the Cameroonian part of Lake Chad was based on an efficient and equitable mode of governance of the common property resources. This mode of governance was characterized by the fluidity of coordinations between users and by the absence of rights holders in capacity to exclude other groups from resources access. Nevertheless the sustainability of this mode of governance was called into questions by the local power games supplied by the democratization which undermined the collective action capacities. While the lacustrian territories have been emptied of populations, the "development recovery" gives rise to the political dimension of the natural resources governance. ; published in Raimond C., Zakinet D., Abdouramane M., Sylvestre F. (dir), Cross-searches on Chadian lacustres ecosystems. Before the Boko Haram insurgency, the economic dynamism of multi-use of space was based, in Cameroon's part of Lake Chad, on an effective and fair form of joint governance of natural resources, characterised by the great fluidity of coordination between users and the absence of groups of rights holders able to ...

Assert the failure of the school systems in their attempt to achieve genuine democratisation of the school is not a mere opinion. Under the pretext of promoting greater equality, neoliberal policies simply seek the economic performance of the system, with a barely disguised conception of the learner as a human resource to exploit. What is meant by education today? ; International audience ; Assert the failure of the school systems in their attempt to achieve genuine democratisation of the school is not a mere opinion. Under the pretext of promoting greater equality, neoliberal policies simply seek the economic performance of the system, with a barely disguised conception of the learner as a human resource to exploit. What is meant by education today? ; L'échec des systèmes scolaires à permettre une véritable démocratisation de l'école n'est pas qu'une opinion. Sous couvert de promouvoir plus d'égalité, des politiques néolibérales recherchent simplement la performance économique du système, avec une conception à peine masquée de l'élève comme de la ressource humaine à exploiter : où en est l'idée d'éduquer aujourd'hui ? ; Assert the failure of the school systems in their attempt to achieve genuine democratisation of the school is not a mere opinion. Under the pretext of promoting greater equality, neoliberal policies simply seek the economic performance of the system, with a barely disguised conception of the learner as a human resource to exploit. What is meant by education today? ; Afirmar el fracaso de los sistemas escolares en su intento por lograr una verdadera democratización de la escuela no es una mera opinión. Bajo el pretexto de promover una mayor igualdad, las políticas neoliberales simplemente buscan el rendimiento económico del sistema, con una concepción-apenas disfrazada-del alumno como un recurso humano para explotar. ¿Qué se entiende hoy por educar?

La teoría de la comunicación se ha enriquecido con el planteamiento de las políticas públicas en comunicación, que condensan un acumulado de conquistas por la democratización de la comunicación y de la sociedad. También la legislación ha abierto caminos de formas de democracia participativa con el ejercicio del derecho a la información y la comunicación. Sin embargo, las prácticas de comunicación en los niveles de decisión sobre estas políticas, no están marchando a la par de la teoría altruista ni de la legislación humanista. Por el contrario, se ha hecho instrumentalista, funcional a los poderes, desarraigándose de las ciudadanías. En este ambiente, inmersos en un tiempo de incertidumbre (Pawipacha), proponemos poner al día la teoría y las prácticas de las políticas públicas en comunicación, considerando críticamente los siguientes factores: i) interpelar la (in)comunicación en su contexto y relaciones de poder; ii) interpelar las políticas públicas en comunicación centradas en la dinámica mediática, abriéndola a la naturaleza de las redes sociales digitales; iii) interpelar la naturaleza occidental de las políticas públicas, para complementarla con la emergencia vivificante de los paradigmas interculturales; y iv) interpelar la noción de lo público desde las formas de constitución híbridas de lo público y lo privado en la descentralización de las sociedades. Poner al día la teoría, legislación y prácticas de las políticas públicas en comunicación, constituye una oportunidad para retomar las banderas de la democratización de la comunicación y de la sociedad.