Seit dem Machtwechsel in Japan 1993 ist eine neue Dialog- und Verhandlungsphase mit Rußland, beginnend mit der Visite Jelzins in Tokio, in Gang gekommen, wobei es zwar nach wie vor in erster Linie um Territorialfragen, aber auch um die Sicherheitspolitik in der gesamten Pazifik-Region geht. Die territorialen Probleme bilden wohl momentan noch die Priorität bei den Verhandlungen, werden jedoch zum Teil auch schon durch Gespräche über wirtschaftliche Unterstützung bzw. Zusammenarbeit überlagert. Der Verfasser thematisiert außerdem zu Beginn seines Beitrages chronologisch die Entwicklung der russisch-japanischen Spannungen seit Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. (BIOst-Rgl)
Hauptanliegen des Beitrages ist die Frage, inwieweit als Ergebnis der Absonderung von Rußland aus den fünf zentralasiatischen GUS-Republiken eine monolithische Macht entstehen kann. Der Autor zeigt zunächst die Entwicklung des russischen Interesses an der Region im 19. Jahrhundert. Eine Untersuchung der Beziehungen Rußlands zu Zentralasien im Vergleich etwa mit den anderen Gouvernements Großrußlands zeigt, daß die Rückständigkeit der Region Zentralasien zu einer typischen kolonialisierten Enklave macht, wobei jedoch traditionelle sozial-wirtschaftliche Beziehungen weniger angegriffen werden als es später zu Zeiten des Bolschewismus der Fall ist. Im letzten Teil des Aufsatzes werden für die heutigen zentralasiatischen GUS-Republiken Daten zur Wirtschaft gegeben, die deren deutlich verschlechterte Lage anzeigen. (BIOst-Rgl)
Sieben Jahre nach dem Zusammenbruch der UdSSR erfolgt eine grundlegende Neubewertung der russisch-amerikanischen Beziehungen. Angesichts des nach wie vor rudimentären Zustands von Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft in Rußland tritt die politische und wirtschaftliche Differenz zwischen beiden Ländern deutlich zu Tage. In dem Maße, wie die anfangs erhofften Gemeinsamkeiten in der Orientierung beider Länder einer ernüchternden Analyse weichen, wird die Opposition gegen den "neoimperialen" Kurs der USA zum Konsens der patriotischen außenpolitischen Kräfte in Rußland. Die in diesem Zusammenhang häufig gezogenen Parallelen zum Gaullismus treffen nach Ansicht des Autors angesichts der mangelnden Integration Rußlands in die Weltgesellschaft jedoch nicht zu. Während der Blick der US-amerikanischen Eliten nach vorne in das 21. Jahrhundert, die Ära der Globalisierung, gerichtet ist, ist der Blick der Russen rückwärts gerichtet auf das 19. Jahrhundert und das für diese Epoche charakteristische Konzept der Geopolitik. Die propagierte Partnerschaft zwischen beiden Staaten ist durch einer zunehmende Entfremdung voneinander gekennzeichnet. Der Verfasser plädiert dafür, die asymmetrische Beziehung zwischen beiden Staaten zum Ausgangspunkt einer selektiven Zusammenarbeit zu nehmen. (BIOst-Mrk)
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 36, Heft 6, S. 135-145
The following article is written on the basis of published and archival sources. O. Igelstrom's reforms, and also the projects for government of the Kazakh Steppe prepared by some Russian officials, officers and ecclesiastics are considered by the author. Their singularities and differences are shown; the conclusion on their influence on the Russian policy in the region is drawn. The main attention is paid to reforms of O. Igelstrom who created the administrative institutions founded on local political tradition in the Small Horde. He intended to use them as instruments for the Russian influence in the Kazakh steppe. Local patrimonial leaders turned into government officials. But this experience was unsuccessful. Traditional Kazakh institutions didn't conform to requirements of the Russian administration. The failure of those reforms provoked search of new models for the organization of Kazakh steppe's administration. The Orenburg official D. Grankin suggested to refuse patrimonial division of the Small horde and to divide it according to the territorial principle. He suggested to include Russian officials and mullahs in all administrative bodies and to strengthen them by military detachments. The chief of the Siberian Lines Ya. Bouver suggested introducing the territorial division in the Middle Horde close to the imperial one. Expansion of the Russian sociocultural codes to the region was the main idea of his project. In the article considerable attention is paid to proposals of the Orenburg mufti M. Khusainov. He suggested to divide the Small Horde into two parts taking into account the patrimonial principle. The khan with sultans and advisers had to be at the head of each part. The deputies elected by notable Kazakhs had to become a sort of representative body in the part. The group of the armed Russian Muslims had to support safety in the Steppe. The Russian participation in internal administration of the Steppe was offered to minimize. Such approach couldn't satisfy the Russian administration. Search of the most optimum model for Kazakh's administration was continued in the 19th century. (author's abstract)
To the middle of XIX-th century the increased interest of a society to national education problems stimulated transition from the state pedagogics to public. Main currents in motherland humanistic pedagogics (abstract, practical and universal humanism) were designated. Priority value is received by ideas of a humanisation of national education, the primary goals of Russian national school are proved. In sphere of national education find wide application and ideas of national pedagogics, national education.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 208-217
Introduction: The paper deals with the conception of state social management in Russia after the reform of the system of local self-government in the second half of the 19th century and the practical activities of charitable organizations at the provincial and district levels. Methods: The research is based on the social legislation of the period under study, the works of Russian social policy researchers of the 19th - early 20th centuries, materials of statistical collections, periodicals. Analysis: The concept of charity and philanthropy, being developed during the period under study, involved the transformation of public-private philanthropy into public charity. Its main actors are the provincial and city authorities, which solve social problems in conjunction with private charitable institutions and are responsible for the state of social problems. The state reserved coordination and control functions. Within the framework of this concept, specific guidelines for charitable work were developed, including: its distribution to all demographic and social groups in need, a wide range of types of social assistance, and even distribution of charitable institutions throughout the country. However, in practice, innovation touched mainly metropolitan and provincial cities. Territorial and city medical, educational, social and rehabilitation institutions that had emerged in provinces, expanded the possibilities of providing assistance to the most vulnerable segments of the population. However, their distribution was still not even, rural settlements lost significantly. In uyezds, charities were few and could not help all socially disadvantaged groups of society. Results: The article shows that in the period under study, the concept of public philanthropy was not fully implemented.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 22, Heft 6, S. 8-21
The article discusses the evolution of theories of social revolution from the mid-nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. The author analyzes the basic concepts of theorists and practitioners of the armed revolutionary struggle - from the founder of the classical Communist theory of Karl Marx to the Mexican guerrilla leader Subcomandante Marcos. The author focuses on the analysis of changes in the understanding of the subject ("driving forces") of the left political revolution, as well as the strategy of armed revolutionary struggle. The author comes to the conclusion about the historical evolution of the subject of the revolutionary struggle from major sustainable macro-groups ("classes"), targeted at the armed struggle, to self-born (by the network principle) unstructured protest groups, situational leaders, mild forms of the revolutionary struggle, which minimize the armed violence, though do not eliminate it completely. The author substantiates the conclusion about the absence in the modern protest movement of social forces, able to become the subject of revolution socialist orientation. This increases the danger of dominance of the social protest of extremist nationalist and religious political spectra. The author offers two models of response to this threat: the growing influence of the reigning centre-right conservative parties of Russia; return to center-left positions of the social democratic movement of the countries of the European Union.
Die serbische Frage ist nach Ansicht des Autors, Professor am Historischen Institut der Serbischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Belgrad, vor allem eine Folge des Zusammenstoßes geopolitischer und strategischer Interessen der Großmächte in Südosteuropa im Verlauf des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Er glaubt, eine Kontinuität zwischen der US-amerikanischen und der österreichisch-ungarischen Politik und Ideologie erkennen zu können, die seiner Ansicht nach darauf hinausläuft, daß der serbische Staat zerschlagen werden und auf seinem Territorium eine Vielzahl kleiner Staaten gebildet werden soll, die unter dem Protektorat der westlichen Allianz stehen. Die von vielen westlichen Politikern und Historikern getroffene Differenzierung zwischen dem "lateinischen" und dem "rechtgläubig-orthodoxen" Europa hat zu tief verwurzelten Vorurteilen geführt, die die ideologische Basis für die antiserbische Haltung des Westens darstellen. (BIOst-Mrk)
In article features of religious formation of the Ural cossacks (XIX – the beginning of XX centuries) are considered. The characteristic of conditions of functioning of religious educational establishments is given. Some aspects of teaching and educational process, position of teachers and pupils are revealed.The author has made an attempt to define the importance of influence of religious formation on cultural progress of the Ural cossacks (XIX – the beginning of XX centuries).